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Heraus^egeben von Maria Macuch 
Band 17 



ssowitz Verlag • Wiesbad 


Exegisti monumenta 

Festschrift in Honour of 
Nicholas Sims-Williams 

Edited by 

Werner Sundermann, Almut Hintze 

and Francois de Blois 


Harrassowitz Verlag • Wiesbaden 

PaUimioa al riui hook was supported hv i gum 
of the Corpus Inscriptionum Iraimarum. 

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Acknowledgements XI 

Werner Sundermann, Almut Hintze, Francois de Blois 

Nicholas Sims-Williams XIII 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams XXV 

Abbreviations of Periodicals, Series and Books XXXIX 

A.D.H. Bivar 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of the Southern Seas ] 

Francois de Blois 

A Sasanian Silver Bowl 13 

Alberto Cantera 

On the History of the Middle Persian Nominal Inflection 17 

Carlo G. Cereti 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) 31 

Johnny Cheung 

Two Notes on Bactrian 5] 

Iris Colditz 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifris) 59 

Josef Elfenbein 

Eastern Hill Balochi 95 

Harry Falk 

The Name of Vema Takhtu 105 

Philippe Gignoux 

Les relations interlinguistiques de quelques termes 117 

Jost Gippert 

An l't\ mological I'riflc L27 

Gherardo Gnoli 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance of the Rabatak Inscription . . 141 


The Pahlavi Text Mah J Frawardin roz i Hordad. A Source 

of Some Passages ot BirunT's Chronology 161 




Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion. 

An Edition of the Avestan Herbedestan Chapter 5 


A Jewish I ascription from Jam, Afghanistan 

tarns Koxji _ 7 

1'iening of; and u in Persian 

Judith A. Lerm I 

Animal Headdresses on the Sealings of the Bactrim Documents 215 

Samuel N.C.Lisu 

\estoriana Serica 227 

\ i adimir A. Livshits 

-ban Gems and Seals from the Collection of the Oriental Department 
of the State Hermitage. 247 

Maria Macuch 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion. 

An Edition of the Pahlavi Herbedestin Chapter 5 251 

M m ro Magci 

Hindrancesm the Khouncse Book of Vtmalakirti 279 

Dietik M 

Einige uigurische Worter indischen und iranischen Ursprungs 293 

Barbara Meisterernst, Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst 

The Buddhist Sogdian P 7 and its Chinese Source 313 

f \ rico Mors 

"It (he] had lived ..." A Sogdian-Parthian Fragment 
■' Mam's Book of Giants i 2 c 

Antonio Panaino 

The Bactrian Royal Title ^y[ n H VO yo/^yo^r voyo 

and the Kusan Dynastic Cult ,,. 

Elio Provasi 

Versification in Sogdian 


The Ascens,on of the Light Elements and the Imprisonment 
' Mman. The Cosmogonical and Eschatological Part 

of a Sogdian 'Sammelhandschrift' . 

Ronc Xinjiang 

further Remark iians m the Westem ^.^ ^ 




Bcmerkungen zu susischen Dareios-Inschriften, vornchmlich auf 
Glasurziegeln 417 

Martin Schwartz 

Pouruchista's Gathic Wedding and the Teleological Composition 

ofthcGathas 429 

Shaul Shared 

Classification of Linguistic Features in Early Judco-Persian Texts 449 

Patrick Sims-Williams 

Celto-Iranica 463 

Ursula Sims-Williams 

Behind the Scenes: Some Notes on the Decipherment of the Sogdian 

Manuscripts in the Stein Collection 469 

Prods Oktor Skjjervo 

OU News: ODs and Ends 479 

Werner Sundermann 

Ein manichaischer Traktat Liber und wider die Christen 497 

Elizabeth Tucker 

Old Iranian Superlatives in -ista- 509 

£tienne de la Vaissiere 

The Triple System of Orography in Ptolemy's Xinjiang 527 

Dieter Weber 

A Pahlavi Letter from Egypt Re-visited (P. 44) 537 

Eh san Yarshater 

Four Tati Sub-Dialects 551 

Yutaka Yoshida 

Turco-Sogdian features 571 

Peter Zieme 

Die Preisung des Lichtreichs nach einem alttiirkischen Fragment 

in London 587 


On 1 1 April 2009 Nicholas Sims-Williams is celebrating his sixtieth birthday. 
This festschrift, presented to him by some of his friends and colleagues, is a to- 
ken of their deep admiration and high esteem for him and his work. 

It is the editors' pleasant task to thank all those who have helped to bring this 
volume to completion: Maria Macuch for accepting it into her series Iranica, 
Claudius Naumann for the competent typesetting, Tatsiana Harting for 
proof-reading, Desmond Durkin-Meisterernst for checking the English 
of some of the contributions, Lynton Tucker for providing the photograph, 
Patrick Sims-Williams and Ursula Sims-Williams for various helpful hints, 
and both the Institut fur Iranistik (Freie Universitat Berlin) and the Council of 
the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum for publication subsidies. 

Berlin and Cambridge, December 2008 

The Editors 

Nicholas Sims-Williams 

Nicholas John Sims-Williams was born on 11 April 1949 in Chatham, the 
son of Rev. Michael V. S. Sims-Williams and Kathleen nee Wenborn, one of a 
pair of twins and the youngest of five children. After developing an interest in 
ancient languages and cultures while at Borden Grammar School in Sitting- 
bourne, he was admitted to Trinity Hall, Cambridge to read Oriental Studies. 
His first interest was in Sanskrit, which was taught by Professor John Brough, 
but students were expected to take a second option and he chose Iranian, which 
was taught by Dr Ilya Gershevitch. So inspiring was the latter's teaching 
that he soon found that Iranian had become his main concern. The only other 
student in Gershevitch's class was Ursula Seton-Watson, and Nicholas and 
Ursula got married in 1972, at the end of their course together. After graduating 
with first class honours, he was awarded a research studentship at Trinity Hall 
from 1972 to 1975, followed by a Research Fellowship at Gonville and Caius 
College in 1975. However, he resigned the latter in 1976 to take up a position 
as lecturer in Iranian Languages at the School of Oriental and African Stud- 
ies, University of London. He became Reader in 1989, Professor of Iranian and 
Central Asian Languages in 1994 and, after taking early retirement, Research 

Professor in 2004. 

As astudent of Walter B.Henning, Ilya Gershevitch had been profoundly 

moulded by the study of the Iranian Turfan texts. It was he who enthused Ni- 
cholas for this wide, diverse and largely unexplored field. While reading Olaf 
Hansen's 1954 edition of the Christian Sogdian manuscript C2 with his teacher, 
Nicholas noticed many inaccuracies, misreadings and unsolved problems. So 
much so, that the need for a new and, in contrast to Hansen's, complete edition 
became evident, together with a fresh collation of all its extant fragments. Be- 
tween 1972 and 1976 Nicholas carried out most of the work on this new edition, 
for which he was awarded not only a Ph.D. bv the Universin of Cambridge in 
1978 but also the Prix Ghirshman of the Institut de France in 1988. 

At the time, the surviving fragments of the MS C2 were in the custody of 
archives located in what were East and West Berlin: the then Akadcmie der 
Wissenschaften der DDR and the Museum fur Indische Kunst of the Stiftung 
Preufiischer Kulturbesitz in West Berlin (Dahlem). Thus Dr Gershevitch's 
young, boyish-looking PhD-student became involved in the problems of a city 
that was divided between the "free" and the "socialist" worlds. He lived in West 
Berlin, but in order to carry out his work in East Berlin, had to cross the border 
daily and endure the security checks and interrogations of the DDR border 


Nicholas Sims-Williams 

control office at Berlin Fricdriehswfc to iddition, bis archival work also 
mrt with obstacles. The West Berlin fragments were secreted m the Museum 
fur Indische Runst, bur were discovered by chance In W, kmr Sundehmann. 
« hen he told Nicholas, the Museum was upset that the,r secret was out. Alter 
the reunificMior, of Germany, however, these fragments were returned to the 

lemy. The List Berlin texts had been res,- 1 ed. after the death of W.B. HEN- 
Kmc, to be published by the Academy's own specialist, Werner Sun derm ann. 
The latter, however, qvuckl) recognized that the young iranist was a truly re- 
markable scholar. Even it he did not alwaj s speak them fluently, his understand- 
ing of foreign languages was striking. Moreover, in linguistic discussions he 
Li.mbined sound common sense with deep insight into the essence of a problem, 
and unpretentious modesty with ingenuity. Consequently the Academy made 
in exception to its rule that unpublished texts are reserved for publication by!-.!>. In giving permission for unpublished fragments associated 
with published ones (and for already published texts) to be put at the disposal of 
its visiting scholar. They were even more ready to do this since Sims-Williams 
agreed to publish his text edition in the Acadenn s own scries of Berliner 
Turfantexte. It became vol, Xll and appeared in 1985 as The Christian Sogdian 
Manuscript C2, His text edition is unsurpassed and has completely replaced 
that of HANSEN. Not only that, but SiMs-Wii i i wis included a "Morphological 
analysis of C2", and this represents a significant step towards the Grammar of 
Christian Sogdian that still remains to be written. 

B) the time Ins edition of C2 appeared, Sims-Williams had already pub- 
lished more than torn articles and reviews. They include editions of smaller 
in teats, in particular those in the British Library (see below, fn. 20), and, 
moreover, numerous important articles on Sogdian palaeography, grammar, and 

OIL One would not detract from Sims-Williams' other excellent achieve- 
ment during this early phase of his scholarship by stating that his contribu- 
tions to Sogdian palaeography and grammar were perhaps the most important 
ones. They significantly correct and enrich our understanding of the Sogdian 
language. b 

Sogdian palaeography and grammar 

In his verv first publication in 1972, , [AMS argued lnflt thc Budd , 
Sogdjar, nreposiuon which previously had been read JshouS ,n Ld be 

-ten ,n SogdUn scrip, Once put forward. ITSS ^S 
1 'A Sogdian ideogram." | n: BSOAS 35.3 (1972), pp. 614-*15 

Nicholas Sims-Williams 


that one can only be astonished that no one else had suggested them before. 
For instance, he demonstrated that in word-final position the letter gimel (y) 
is almost always distinct from cheth (x) in the Mug documents and Buddhist 
manuscripts, 2 and that in addition initial and medial y and x are also system- 
atically distinguished in a Manichaean Sogdian manuscript. 3 This seemingly- 
trifling observation entirely changed the transliteration system of Sogdian by 
putting an end to the indiscriminate use of either y or x lor both y and x. Spell- 
ings like yw for xw or m/'yy tor ni/'yx are no longer acceptable. 

In a sophisticated sketch of the representation of the Sogdian sound-system 
by means of the Sogdian script, he showed that the voiced plosives [b, d, gl are 
represented by the same letters pe, tan and caph as their voiceless counterparts 
[p, t, k], but that they normally only occur either in foreign words or as allo- 
phones of [p, t, kj after the vocalic nasal [rh]. By contrast, the letters beth, tamed 
and gimel are reserved for the voiced fricatives [p\ 6, y], which had developed 
from the Olr. voiced stops, while use of the letter daleth is confined to the ide- 
ogram "D 'to'. Furthermore, he deduced the phonemic status of vowel quantity 
from the effects of the Rhythmic Law.* 

In one of his most important contributions to Sogdian grammar, Sims- 
Williams established the phonological basis of the Sogdian Rhythmic Law, 5 
that determining and all-pervading principle of Sogdian phonology and mor- 
phology discovered by P. Tedesco and further elaborated by W.B. Henning 
and I. Gershevitch. Tedesco had noted the morphological effects of the 
Rhythmic Law, whereby light stems retain a vocalic ending which is lost in 
heavy stems, while Gershevitch had observed that the position of the stress 
determines whether word-final syllables are kept or drop off. However, it was 
not clear as to what made a stem light or heavy. Sims-Wii i iams argued against 
Gershevitch's claim that all light stems were monosyllabic and that there were 
heavy stems consisting of two short syllables. Moreover, he showed in detail 
and conclusively (p. 213): 

that those heavy syllables previously regarded as containing a short vowel "in 
positione" before a consonant cluster (xw, rC, mb, nC) in fact contain a long 
vowel or diphthong. A heavy syllable may therefore be defined very simply as a 
syllable which contains a long vowel or diphthong. 

2 "Notes on Sogdian palaeographj ' In: BSOAS 3S.I (1975), pp. 132-139. 

3 ■ Remarks on the Sogdian letters y and s (with special reference to the orthography ot the 
SogdianversionoftheManicheanchurcli-hi s torv).Hn:\V.SuNDhKMANN:A/r f fe/ ( r.n,;M/, ( 

manichaische Texte knchengvM.luben Inhalt, Berlin 1981 (BTT XI), pp. 194-198 

4 "The Sogdian Sound-System and the Origins of the Uighur Script In: JA 219 (1981), 

pp. 347-360. _ , , . .,..« 

5 "The Soadian 'Rhythmic Law'." In: W. Skalmovski/A. van Toncerloo (eds.): Middle 
human Studies. Proceedings afthe fnternstional 1Sytnpos>*m <ja„„vd by the hatho- 
lieke Umversueu Uuvenfrom thc 17* to the 20* ofM*y 1982. Uuven 1984 (OLA 16). 
pp. 203-215. 


Nicholas Sinu \\ illiams 

He thus sigmricaniK simplified Gershevitch's complicated and inconsistent 
description d .1 het¥) syllable by including sequences of short vowel plus a' or 
m into his own definition ol bag vowels and diphthongs. Having established 
the phonotogieaJ basis far the origins of the morphological categories of 'light' 
(stems which have no long vowel) and 'hem J ' Items (those which do have a long 
vowel or diphthong), he introduced the consequent use of a final hyphen to dis- 
.uish light stems (e.g. wn- 'to do') from heavy ones (e.g W j to see').'' 
In Other articles he examined the tar reaching effects of the Rhvthmic Law in 
thcfmhTs oi Sogdiau S) nta\ and inflectional and derivational morphology. For 
instance, in an investigation of the processes which led to the double system of 
light and heavy stems in nominal morphology, he argued against the likelihood 
! I oi sco and Gershevitch's explanation, according to which the oblique 
suffix i was borrowed trom the of light stems, because in some Chris 
tian Sogdian manuscripts the pointing indicates the vowel-quality -/'for the ob- 
lique surfu, hut ~e for the He proposed instead that the oblique marker 
results from the regular phonetic development of unstressed -ya in the 
(< *-aya), (< *-aya) and gen./ (< -ayah), and supported his 
explanation with an analysis of the syntactic function of the relevant forms in 
folios 30-120 of the MS C2, 

tree winch is not to be regarded as t\ pica] bill rather as outstanding for the 
exceptional clarity and internal consistency of its grammatical system. 

His study demonstrates that the oblique suffix -»(< *-y A ) j s -well entrenched" 
w all those syntactic functions where the equivalent light stem ending is -ya 

L* ' " ,'" u ° C ; S8 ', ° f m " C - n ° UnS " th ° of fern, nouns 
and he gcn.-loc.abl. pi. of masc. and fern, nouns/ Moreover, he surveyed the 
development of Olr. -,-, -aka- and -*-, -„-^ tC ms in both Khotanese and Sog- 
dian. Accepting Tbdkco's theory nl the loss of intervocalic -*-, he proposed 
a convmang explanation of the origins of the inflection of Sogdi coZc ed 

* CLl.p. 18|[ 




Nicholas Sims-Williams 


with Ved. vrkih, he retrieved an equivalent for the sigmatic of the Ved. 
vrki- declension not certainly attested elsewhere in Iranian. 9 In an investigation 
of some suffixes in the light of the Rhythmic Law, he established the phonologi- 
cal basis for the distribution both of the abstract nominal suffixes "yak and "yd 
(< *°yakd after light and **ydka after heavy stems respectively) and oi "ya and 
"f(both<*>*). 10 

In the Sogdian pronominal system, Sims-Williams identified a supplecive 
system of the 'second person' demonstrative pronoun s-lt- 'iste\ which he de- 
rives from Olr. \tisa-/ta-. This system is in addition to that of the 'first person' 
y-/m- 'hie', s-lt- 'iste', and 'third person' x-lw- * i lie*. He thus demonstrated that 
Sogdian expresses .1 three-way deictic contrast involving pronominal stems in- 
herited from Old Iranian and continued in modern East Iranian languages." 

Sims-Williams surveyed new formations in the Sogdian verbal system 
(forms in -dz, the middle of the imperfect, the precative, and the irreal) in the 
abstract of a congress paper. 12 In one of his more recent studies he presented a 
new theory of the origin of the Sogdian potentialis in three separate construc- 
tions and of its use to express anteriority. Moreover, he proposed a new and 
convincing etymology for the ending -ta in the intransitive and passive poten- 
tial (both formed with suffix -ta and the auxiliary fiw- 'to become") by deriv- 
ing it from the of the agent noun in -tar-, an explanation he strongK 
supports with evidence for the same construction in Vedic and Avestan, where 
agent nouns with suffix -tar- are likewise combined with the copula bhii and of- 
ten express or imply potentiality.'^ His contributions to Sogdian syntax include 
the discovery that the imperfect tense is not negated, except in late texts. He 
established the rule, previously observed only in Choresmian, that in negative 
clauses the present indicative or injunctive is used, with or without the enclitic 
particle -£J(y), instead of the imperfect. 14 

His chapter "Sogdian" in CLI offers the most up-to-date and comprehensive 
account of Sogdian grammar. 15 Moreover, he has significantly contributed to 
the corpus of Sogdian electronic texts on Jost Gippert's TITUS homepage 
(Thesaurus Indogermanischcr Text- und Sprachmatenahen). In all his articles . 
only some of which are summarized above, S. ms-Wi lli ams has made imports n, 

9 -On the Plural and Dual in Sogdian." In: BSOAS 42 1(1979), pp. 337-346. 

tO "Some Sogdian dcnominal abstract suffixes." In-. AcOr 42 (1981 [1982] . pp. 1 1-19. 

11 "The triple system of deixis in Sogdian.' In: TPS 92/1 0WJ.pp.41-g. 

t2 -The develop™ * ol th. S..gdi..« verbal system." In: A. WBZUHt/E. Haum. k* h«i<>. 
feds.): Proceedings XXXil International Congress for Asian and North African 
Studies, Hamburg, 2S*-30"> August 1986. Stuttgart 1992 p ,205. 

13 "The Sogdian potentialis." In: M. M*c«cn/M. Maggi/W. S« nermann (, ds In - 
nian Languages and Texts from Iran and Turan. Ronald E. Emmerich Memorial \ otume. 
Wiesbaden 2007 (Iranica 13). pp. 377-386. . M ««rtq*tt 

14 -OntheHistoricPresentandlniuncdvemSogdjanandCnoresmian. In: MSS 56(1996). 

pp. 173-189. 

15 "Sogdian." In: CLI, pp. 173-192. 


Nicholas Sims-Williams 

contribution! to i general Sogdian grammar which is yet to be written. For this 
and other reasons it would be valuable to republish his opera minora in a the- 
matic order. 

Works on other Iranian languages 

ese readies oi Sogdian, Nicholas Sims-Williams has contrib- 
uted to the investigation ot other Middle Iranian idioms (especially Khotanese), 
Old Persian, nWestan and non-Iranian Near-Eastern languages. For instance, 
he clarified a well-known but corrupt passage in the Avestan Yima-story in 
Yidevdid, chapter 2, bj restoring the \crb 'aifiiSHHa- as a thematic aorist, and 
linking h to the nasal-infixed present '-sumb(a)- which is continued in Sogd. 
M pierce, bore'. 1 * Other examples are his explanations both of 
the fossilized Manichaean Middle Persian endings of relationship 
nouns and of the linking vowels that occur when enclitic pronouns and adverbs 
ire attached to their hosts. 17 Shortly afterwards, Skj.i-rvo's article "Case in in- Middle Persian, inscnptional Parthian and in the Pahlavi Psalter" 18 
showed that the two scholars' independent researches complemented and con- 
firmed one another m numerous w.n s. 

Man] ol Nk hoi as Sims-Wii i tAMS' linguistic discoveries are relevant not 
only to Iranian but also to Indo-Iranian, indeed Indo-European philology. Ex- 
amples include the Iranian evidence he retrieved for the sigmatic of the 
1 1 v../,-dedcMMon. see above, and his suggestion that the 2sg. imperative form 
ilongside the 3pl. tri'nt) in the Rnstam fragment points to a heavj stem 
tarfo-) rather than the light one of the inchoative present (IE *trs~ske/6-) 
which is unattested in Sogdian. 1 * The meaning 'to flee', which he posits on the' 
hasisd the context ot P 13.1-2, agrees not only with the evidence of other Ira- 
nian anguages but also with Greek ^ «to .lee from fear, flee away', e.g. Iliad 
11.74? E toeom, ;, bfit? IXXoc, they fled one hither, another thither- 

Other Text editions 
wS^Sftf K " '"""" L S " sdlln « M °"> - 'he «**o prin- 
» mif0976).p.S8 
:: Ilj 18(1976) pp. 43-83. 

Nicholas Sims-Williams 


collection includes both the famous epic Rustam fragment (no. 13) and the Zar- 
athustra fragment (no. 4) containing two lines of the Avestan Aiam vobu prayer 
in early Sogditn language. His long-standing work on the Sogdian Ancient Let- 
ters led to the translation or complete edition of letters 1, 2, 3, and 5. :i Of par- 
ticular historical importance is letter 2, which became the subject of a detailed 
study by Sims-Williams and Frantz Grenet, confirming Henning's dating 
of the letters to shortly after ad 31 1 . :j 

Sims-Wii.i.iams produced the complete and definitive decipherment of the 
Middle Iranian (mainly Sogdian) inscriptions of the upper Indus valley," con- 
tributed decisively to the understanding of the Sogdian fragments from Lenin- 
grad (St. Petersburg),--* edited the Middle Iranian fragments in I lelsinkr 5 and, 
jointly with James Hamilton, eight Sogdian documents from Dunhuang. 2h He 
also provided reliable and illuminating help to Sundermann and many other 
colleagues in their editions of various Turfan texts and other works. More 
could be said, but special prominence should be given to his collaboration \\ itli 
Frantz Grenet on the very old Sogdian inscriptions from Kultobe. 27 

21 "The Sogdian Ancient Letters", interne! publication under: http://dcpts. Washington. 
edu//silkroad/tcsts/sogdlet.himl, Cf. N. Sims-Williams: "Towards a new edition of 
the Sogdian Ancient Letters: Ancient Letter I." In: E. de la Vaissiere/£. Trombert 
(eds.): Les Sogdtens en Chine. Paris 2005, pp. 181-193; "The Sogdian Ancient I eirer II." 
In: M.G. Schmidt/W. Bisang (cds.): Philologtca et l.ingutstica. Historic, I'lnrahtas, 
Universilas. Festschrift fur Helmut Humbach zum SO. Geburtstag am 4. Dczember 2001. 
Trier 2001, pp. 267-280; "Sogdian Ancient Letter 11." In: A. L. Juliano/J. A. LBRNER: 
Monks and Merchants: Silk Road Treasures from Northwest China: Gansu and Ningxia, 
4 !, '-7 lh century. New York 2001, pp. 47-49; (with F. Grenet and £.. in- I \ \ ussli i i • 
"The Sogdian Ancient Letter V." In: Alexander's Legacy in the East: Studies in honor of 
Paul Bernard. Moomtield Hills, Michigan, 1998 [2001]"(BAI n.s. 12), pp. 91-104. 

21 I . (iKi \i i 'N. Sims-Wii i iams: "The Historical Context ol the Sogdian Ancient Let- 
ters." In: Transition Periods in Iranian Ancient History. Actes du symposium de Fri- 
hourg-en-Brtsgau (22-24 mat t9SS), Leuven 1987, pp. 101-122. 

23 Sogdtan and other Iranian Inscriptions of the Upper Indus. I and II. London 1989 
and 1992 (Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, Part II Inscriptions of the Seleueui and 
Parthian Periods and of Eastern Iran and Central Asia. Vol. Ill Sogdian). 

24 "The Sogdian fragments ol 1 cningr.uJ."ln:BSOAS44(l981),pp. 231-240; "The Sogdian 
fragments of Leningrad II: Main .it the court of the Shahanshah." In: BA1 n.s. 4 (1990), 
pp. 281-288; "The Sogdian fragments of Leningrad III: fragments ot the \\v.Kiw ,'niTlt." 
In: A. vanTongerloo/S. Gi\ brsen (eds.): Manichaica Selecta. Studies presented to Pro 
fessor Julian Ries on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. Louvain 1991, pp. 323-328. 

25 N.Sims-Wii.liams/H. Halen: The Middle Iranian fragments in Sogdian script from the 
Mannerheim collection. Helsinki 1980 (StOr 51.13). 

2ft N. Sims-Williams/). Hanii.ton: Documents turco-sogdiens du IX-X' siicle de Touen- 
houang. London 1990. 

27 N. Sims-Wii i iams/F. Grenei: " I a( Sogdian inscriptions of Kuliok " In: Shygys 1 
(2006), pp. 95-111; and (with F. Grenet and A. Podushkin): "Les plus anciens monu- 
ments de la languc sogdienne: les inscriptions de Kultohe an Kazakhstan." In: CRA1 
2007 (2009J. 


\kholas Sims-Williams 


The most exciting development in Iranian studies during the last two decades 
mi doubtless the rediscover) d the language and literature of ancient Bactria, 

■lunate bye-product of the tragic events in Afghanistan. During the 1990s 
a number ot leather documents with Bactrian writing began to appear in smug- 

l markets in Pakistan and soon the trickle became a stream. The largest 

lOfl d these were acquired b\ the London art collector David KhaLILI 
and it was at the suggestion of Professor David Bivar that the owner showed 
them to Nicholas Sims-Williams and eventually entrusted him with their 

Prior to the new discoveries, the only really substantial Bactrian texts known 

holars were the inscription from Surkh Khotal, discovered in the 1960s, and 
the unique Bactrian text in Manichaean script from Turfan. The latter has to 
this day still not been published (an edition and translation by Sims-Williams 
"theoming in the festschrift for Wi km r Sundermann), but it had been 
studied In hXA Gershevitch, with whom Sims-Williams read it while a stu- 
dent. Already in 1989 Sims-Williams published a brief sketch of Bactrian in the 
Compendium Ltnguarum Iranicarum, largek on the basis of the Manichaean 
text, but also taking into account all the other then available texts, meagre 
though they were. The new documents from Afghanistan brought with them an 
enormous increase in the materials for the study of the language and history of 
Bactria. but at the same time they threw up a huge number of new problems' To 
begin « ith, the) are written in a Greek-based cursive script that was, to be sure, 
ahead) parriall) known from a handful of documents, but which had still not' 
been ent.rely deciphered. Having first unlocked the secret of the script, 
Williams set out CO unravel the language. A preliminary report on the new 
documents was published in 1997 ln bis inaugural lecture at SOAS. JS At about 



« £" „ h j wSST L s: F r" her , notes ™ thc b "^» » . 

.nCh I „ l .s,-|„:N. Sly% .ff 1 l t j ^''"'^"'^"'^^Ph^andVmuTAiu 
«U 17), pp 79-91 ^ hdman *""*'" Wiesbaden 1998 (Be.trige 

r.asurn Iran and Central Asia. Vol. III). 

Nicholas Sims-Williams 


in 2007. 51 Both volumes contain a detailed grammatical sketch of Bactrian and a 
complete glossary of all the then published documents (in the narrower sense of 
the word, that is: without the inscriptions and com legends), with etymologies 
and comparative material. The grammar and vocabulary in the second (2007) 
volume incorporate and expand upon those in the first (2001) volume and give 
thus an up-to-date overview of the language. In February 2009 the govern- 
ment of the Islamic Republic of Iran awarded Nicholas Sims-Williams the 
International Book of the Year Prize for his Bactrian Documents. As a result of 
his work Bactrian has now become not only one of the most important Middle 
Iranian languages, but also one of the best studied and most expertly described 
of all the pre-modern Iranian languages. Students of Iranian linguistics will 
henceforth ignore it at their peril. 

The significance of the new documents for the history and geography of an- 
cient and early mediaeval Afghanistan has only just begun to be studied, but 
Sims-Williams has already made ground-breaking observations on these mat- 
ters as well. A study of the month-names and the day-names in the Bactrian 
documents by Sims-Williams, in conjunction with that of the month-names of 
'the people of "Tukharistan' in one ot the tables added to al-Biruni's Chronology 
by de Blois, has made possible the reconstruction of the Bactrian calendar 1 -, 
while an examination of the Bactrian documents edited by Sims-Williams gave 
the impetus to a solution of the problem of the Bactrian era by de Blois 13 and 
thus to a reliable chronological framework for the Bactrian documents and in- 
scriptions. But this is just the beginning of a new epoch in the study of the his- 
tory of ancient Afghanistan. 

Nicholas Sims-Williams as a teacher 

Although Nicholas Sims Williams' teaching activities at SOAS officially 
ended in 2004, there are numerous students and colleagues who have been and, 
metaphorically speaking, still are sitting at his feet in London, Cambridge and 
many other places throughout the world in order to learn from his immense 
knowledge of and deep insight into things Iranian and Central Asian, and to 
benefit from his clear and precise presentation of their subject matter. We could 

31 Bactrian Documents from Northern Afghanistan II: Letteri and Buddhist Texts. Lon- 
don 2007 (Corpus tnscriptionum Iranicarum. Part II: Inscriptions ot the Seleucid and 
Parthian Periods and of Lasiei n Iran and Central Asia. Vol. III). 

N. Sims-Williams/F. Db Blois: "The Bactrian calendar." In: BAI X (1996 [1998]), 
pp. 149-165; tidem: "The Bactrian calendar: new material and new supRestions." In: D. 
Weber (ed.): Languages of Iran: Past and Present. Iranian studies in memoriam David 
Neil MacKenzie. Wiesbaden 2005 (Iranica 8), pp. 185-196. 

¥. de Blois: "Du nouveau sur la chronologie bactriennc post-hellenistique: I'ere de 
223/224 ap. J.-C." In: CRAI 2006 [2008], fasc. II, PP . 991-997. 




Nicholas Sims-Williams 

Nicholas Sims-Williams 


do no better than quote the words of hit distingaished pupil. Professor Yutaka 
YOSHUM of Kyoto, who expresses the indebtedness and gratitude he owes to his 
teacher in the following words: 

Ik ..Dot letter I have from Nicholas is dated 26' 1 ' July 1979, when he sent me his 
comments on mj master's thesis, which I had posted on 22 ! July, just one week 
before. The tj pt -written letter (these were the good old days!) comprises five full 
pages containing his comments on every detail of my not very long paper on i he 
liu infinitives. At that time he was 30 and 1 was 25. In my letter accompany- 
ing the thesis 1 asked him about the possibility of studying Sogdian at SOASand 
his letter ended with "It would give me great pleasure it you were able to come 
to stud* in London". It took me two \c.irs to finally find a scholarship to study 
with him. 

I learned Sogdian, Khotanese, Old Persian, and Western Middle Iranian from 
him within no more than two arms during 1981-82. I still remember very well 
how in the SOAS libran he- hr>t gave me the photographs of Sogdian manuscripts, 
subsequently published by Werner Sunderm.inn in his "Kirchengeschichte", and 
told me to prepare the test and translation. The Sogdian lesson, which lasted a 
•a link afternoon, was given in the librarj of his house on 38 Parolles Road. As 
a foreigner I found then and still find it difficult to follow English spoken by 
mother-tongue speakers, but I could understand his English without difficulty 
When I indicated that to him, he was vers pleased and told me that he tried very 
hard to speak English in such a way that I could follow him. 

Y • igdjan texts I read with him were old photographs of two rela- 

ES ' ? ms - Whllh ?"' "V* *• l " h ^'"S to the same manuscript. I 

had Uncovered them in one Ol the store hou,. ,„ Kyoto University and brought 

find out whether th. (l r,„,n I f u i Hamburg. I was also hoping to 

preserved n he e r l ' i 'M^tOgraphs From Kyoto University were 

Hon to discovering whether th 
joined to them. 

4?Tft£? «3fit5" out *■ *« — « * of *■ . 

puousaed b, Hennmg precedes the Kyoto fragments 

m but should also pav careful atten- 
ewereany additional fragments which could be 

ithoui a gap, I had always 
iphs, h 

... W. I,,.„ 
what was lost in th 

- Kyoto fragments 

'-P'n, had pr litto'i^ f'^y '-1-1 ako examined the 

«■ ^en reading SJSmE ^ " *". ' "** be the 

' « ■**, pan; o,C ^ h ^"^ r ^ Ulrcd ™ t0 j " fer 

'her to make larger stmJe^S 7 " ' "** "* bc ^ t0 P iecc them 
"*■« "' C2 ■ Ml °* inch EESffi C0W man >' intercsti "g ^cts. His 

« < he fragments. 

It is not possible to fully explain how much 1 owe him. Even today I send 
him e-mails from time to time always asking him for help in matters of Sogdian 
philology. EI is answers are something like a learned article which I can onls cite 
in my paper. One recent instance is my question about the contents of an unpub- 
lished Sogdian fragment belonging to the Otani collection and currently housed 
in the Lusbun Museum. It is a wonderful piece containing the names of Rus- 
tam, Senmurgh, Godar/, etc. who are mentioned in sentences like "May you be a 
brave rider just like brave!". On the very same day I received his answer 
in which he drew my attention to the Vishtasp Yasht. I am very lucky to be of 
similar age, because I can learn from my teacher even when I become very old! 

It is perhaps not out of place to mention here the generous help that Nicholas 
has often given to so many of his students and colleagues, whether by devising 
Creative schemes to get them employment, or by reading and advising on drafts 
of their articles and books. His work, for example, in editing the volumes of the 
Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, far exceeded what is normally required. 

General appraisal 

Scholarly activity of this intensity is uncommon, and more so since it has gone 
along with other academic obligations in universities, academies and other 
scholarly bodies as well as with various private and social engagements. To con- 
tribute to the progress of the humanities with such a wealth of publications 
is due to more than exceptional intellectual capacity. It is also the result of a 
critical restriction of effort to the essentials and of the patient acquisition of the 
latter by studying, learning and reflecting, 

Nicholas Sims-Williams was elected a Fellow of the British Academy in 
1988, Corresponding Member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in 1990 and 
rVssocie Etranger of the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres in 2002. He 
was Visiting Professor at the College de France in 1998-1999, at the Univer- 
sity of Rome 'La Sapienza' in 2001 and, in 1998-2000, at Macquarie University, 
Sydney, where he was also Adjunct Professor in 2004-2006. He gave the Ehsan 
Yarshaier Distinguished Lectures on Iranian Studies, in which he surveyed the 
newly discovered BactrUn documents, at Harvard University in 2000. He raised 
ca. £ 900,000 in total of Government funding for two major research pojects 
(Manichaean Dictionary and Bactrian Chronology) both ol which he directed 
between 2000 and 2007. He is Member of the Kommission "Turfanforschung" 
of the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, vice-president 
of the Philological Society of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (president 
2003-2007), for many years Secretary and from 2002 Chairman of the Cor- 
pus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, Chairman of the Linguistics and Philology sec- 
tion of the British Academy (from 2004), British Academy representative to the 



Union Academique Internationale (from 2004), Treasurer of the Ancient India 
and Iran Trim, Cambridge, editor of Batrage ?.ur baniitik (Reichert Vcrlag, 
Wkflbadeo] ind associate editor of the Encyclopaedia Irantut, to which he has 
contributed numerous articles. He has also been or is serving on the editorial 
board of moral Journals, including the Bulletin of (he School of Oriental and 
African Studio, Stadia Ironic* and the Bulletin of the Asia Institute. 

On December 14, 2001 a group of iranists from several countries benefited 
from another of Sims -Will JAMS* main talents. It was the day of a commem- 
oration cercmonj in honour of the late Ronald E. Emmerick in Hamburg. 
The musical part of the ceremony was written by Nicholas Sims-Williams 
as a composition for violin, viola and cello, the three instruments representing 
the three eminent iranists that we had lost in that particular year: Ronald E. 
I wmi kk k. D \i ti Mackenzie and Ilya Gershevitch. The work was later 
published in East and Wat* Those who know Nick well will be aware that 
music is his favourite leisure lime occupation. He enjoys listening to it and his 
knowledge is immense. He plays the piano and performs in concerts on the 
French born, often with Ursula, herself an accomplished oboist, and has writ- 
ten many compositions himself. In addition to "In Mcmoriam", his published 
works mdude a Partita for oboe, cor anglais and bassoon (1993) and a Serenade 
t->r ten wind instruments (1997). 

hu nor the rule that scholars meriting a festschrift receive one at the still 

you. ul ag, d mx.,. \\ e trust, however, tha, many more colleagues than those 

who hau Kmtnbated to this volume agree that i, ,s more than justified to offer 

■uncles to Nicholas Sims-Wil, tAM S> the sexagenarian We reeird the 

fa *■ » man) of Nicholas' colleagues and students consider , Xor h 

Werner Sundermann, Alm.t Hintze and Francois de Blois 

I i, M 

cm ""Jm.' In: tVi-'Si r?nnn 

31 U00I), pp. 4>.\-^S. 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams 1 

(A) "A Sogdian ideogram." In: BSOAS 35.3 (1972), pp. 614-615. 


(A) "A note on Bactrian syntax." In: IF 78 (1973 [1975]), pp. 95-99. 
(A) "A Sogdian fragment of a work of Dadiso' Qatrava." In: AM N.S. 18/1 (1973), 
pp. 88-105. 

(A) "Notes on Sogdian palaeography." In: BSOAS 38.1 (1975), pp. 132-139. 

(A) "The Sogdian fragments of the British Library." In: 1 1 J 18.1-2 (1976 [1977]), 




pp. 43-82. 


(R) G. D, Davary/H. Humbach: Die baktrische fnschrift IDN I von Dasht-e 
Nawur (Afghanistan). Mainz 1976. In: ZDMG 127.2 (1977), p. 460. 
I.M. Diakonofe/V.A. Livshits: Corpus inscriptioniim frannarnm. Pt. II: In- 
scriptions of the Seleucid and Parthian periods and of Eastern Iran and Cen- 
tral Asia. Vol. II: Parthian. Portfolio I: Parthian economic documents from Nisa. 
Plates I. Ed. by D.N. MacKenz !E . London 1976. In: BSOAS 40.1 (1977), p. 217. 
A.L. Gryunberg/I. M. Steblin-Kamenskiy: Yazyki vostochnogo Ginditkusba. 
Vakhanskiy yazyk: teksty, slovar\ grammatichskiy ocherk. Moscow 1976, In: 
BSOAS 40.3 (1977), p. 635. 

S. Zimmer: Die Satzstellung des finiten Verbs im Tochanschen. The Hague/ 
Paris 1976; S. Zimmer: Tocharische Bibliographic I9S9-1975, mit Nachtragen 
fur den vorhergehenden Zatraum. Heidelberg 1976. In: BSOAS 40.2 (1977), 
pp. 446-447, 


(R) I.M. Diakonoff/V.A. Livshits: Corpus inscriptioniim Iramcarum. Pt. II: In- 
scriptions of the Seleucid and Parthian periods and of Eastern Iran and Cen- 
tral Asia. Vol. II: Parthian. Portfolio I: Parthian economic documents from 
Nisa. Texts I [Ease, tjand Plates If. Ed. by D.N. MacKenzie. London 1976. In: 
BSOAS 41.1 (1978), pp. 164-165. 

1 (A) = Article, (B) = Book, (E) = Edited book, (R) = Review, (O) Other. For abbreviations 
of periodicals see pp. XXXVI1-XL. 


Publications ol Nicholas Sims-Williams 

(R) D.N. Mac Ki v/it : The Buddhist Sogdian texts of the British Library. Teheran/ 

Liege 'I .eider. (Acll 10). In: IIJ 20.3-4 (1978). pp. 256-260. 
(R) M MLathhofib: Onomasiua persepolittna. D.i> *lttnniscbe Namengni der 

Persepoiis-Ti) \ 01973 MlW 2X6). In: IIJ 20.1-2 (1978), pp. 95-99. 

6 Homing Selected papers. Tflienu) liege Leiden 1977 (Aclr 14-15). In: 

BSOAS 41.1 (1978), pp. 165-166. 


On the plural and dual in Sogdian." In: BSOAS 42.2 (1979), pp. 337-346. 
'A Parthian sound-change." In: BSOAS 42. 1 (1979), pp. 133-136. 
:.J. Bm KNU: 1 syntax of Western Middle lr.mi.tyi. Delmar, N.Y, 1977. In: 
JSOAS 42.3 (1979), pp. 570-571. 



BSOAS 42.3 (1979), pp. 570-571. 

ftudo mithrjuj,u-i. Teheran I r-c 1 eiden 1978 (Aclr 17). In: BSOAS 4 1 I 

(1979), p. 190. 

\1 \! vi rhofek: hmniscbesPersonemtamenbucb. Bd. 1: Dtealtaamscben Namen. 
Fis/ ; 't" Namen. Wien 1977. In: BSOAS 42.1 (1979), pp. 189-190. 

(R) Rs.rn.ii! On fnmier-Namen bet Aischyhs. Iranica Gmeca Vetustiora I 
OTcn 197* .SOAW J37); M. Mmmwu: Supplement zur Sammlung derail- 
persischen Inschrtften. Wien 1978 (SOAW 338). In: BSOAS 42.3 (1979), p. 574. 


(B) M. H. Haleni The Hiddk Invrianfiagments m Sogdian script from the Man- 
nerheim collection. Helsinki 1980 (StOr 51.13), It pp.,4p|. 


I \ "The f ""Uwa^.,phofihet O mb.nncr iptlll n,,tl.)ariu S I(DNK50-60)-theOld 
^unu.unchehghcoIanArama, ^on" In; BSOAS 44. (198.) , 

(A) "Remarks on the Sogdian letters •• an,4 v (n,;,U ■ i r 

W«. Berlin |9g| | BIT Xa pp .94 S '' kmh ^^ktlichen In- 

!a! -7 he j SOgdunfraj;mom ^ >fU ' nin ^^"ln:BSOAS44 2(198!) „„ Ml ,an 
(A) Sogdian manuscrint eollrrtin^. U ■ r I'VSI), pp. 231-240. 

fAi -Tl ^ alluSLr 'P Uolkctionvabriel report. "In: |A >69(198h n „ n *i 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams 


(R) N. Saia-Isi tHANi: Rivayat-i Hemit-i Asawahistan [sic]. A study in Zoroastrian 
law. Edition, transcription and translation. Cambridge, Mass. 1980 (Harvard 
Iranian series 2). In:JRAS 1981, p. 214. 

(A) "Abba Isaiah." In: Elf [, 1982, p. 70. 

(A) "The double system of nominal inflexion in Sogdian." In: IPS 1982, pp. 67-76. 
(A) "Syro-sogdiea II: a metrical homily by Babay bar Nsibnaye 'On the final evil 
hour'." In: Ortentalia Christiana Periodica 48.1 (1982), pp. 171-176. 


(A) "Chotano-Sogdica [I]." In: BSOAS 46.1 (1983), pp. 40-51. 

(A) "Indian elements in Parthian and Sogdian." In: K. R6hrborn/W. Veenker 
(eds.): Sprachen da Buddhismus in Zentralasien. Vortrage des Hamburger Sym- 
posiums vom l.jult bis S.Juli 1981. Wiesbaden 1983, pp. 132-141 . 

(A) (with U. Sims-Williams and others) "Languages [of Iran)." In: L.P. El* mi 
Sutton (ed.): Bibliographical guide to Iran. The Middle East Library Commit- 
tee guide. Sussex 1983, pp. 230-267. 

(R) H.W. Bailey: Khotanese Buddhist texts. Revised edition. Cambridge 1981. In: 
BSOAS 46.2 (1983), pp. 359-360. 

(R) R.E. Emmerick/P.O. Skj*rvo: Studies in the vocabulary of Khotanese I. Wien 
1982 (SOAW 401). In: BSOAS 46.2 (1983), pp. 358-359. 


(A) "The Sogdian 'Rhythmic Law'." In: W. Skalmowski/A. van Tongerloo (eds.): 
Middle Iranian Studies. Proceedings of the International Symposium organized 
by the Kathoheke Universiteit Leuvcn from the 17 th to the 20' h of May 1982. 
Leuven 1984 (OLA 16), pp. 203-215. 


(B) The Christian Sogdian manuscript C2. Berlin 1985 (BTT XII), 251 pp., 95 pi. 
(A) "Ancient Letters." In: EIr II/l, 1985, pp. 7-9. 

(A) "The Manichean commandments: a survey of the sources." In: Papers in honour 
of Professor Mary Boycc II. Leiden 1985 (Aclr 25), pp. 573-582, PI. XXXV [Per- 
sian translation in: Farhang 9.1 (1996), pp. 335-347]. 

(A) "A note on Bactrian phonology." In: BSOAS 48.1 (1985), pp. 1 1 1-116. 

(R) G. Hazai/P. Zieme (eds.): Faksimiles zh den Text-Editionen von Albert August 
von Le Coq [and five others). Berlin (Opuscula III: Sprachuissenschaftlichc Er- 
gehnisse der deutschen Turfan-Forschung. Bd. 4). In: BSOAS 48.3 (1985), p. 619. 

(E) I, Gershevitch: Philologia Iraniat. Selected and edited by N. Sims-Wili i IMS, 
Wiesbaden 1985 (Beitrage zur Iranistik 12), xv, 303 pp., I pi 


(A) "Apophthegmata Patrum." In: EIrIJ/2, 1986, p. 161. 
(A) "Apostolic Canons." In: EIr 11/2, 1986, p. 162. 


Publications o\ Nicholas Sims-U ilii.nm 

(A) "Sogdian "iprm and lis cognates." In: R. Schmitt/P.O. Skj.€RV0 (eds,): Stadia 
grammatics tramca. Festschrift fur Helmut Humbach. Munchcn 1986 (MSS. Bei- 
hU t NA i. pp. «07-424, 

,nd Slavonic kit.' In: Peredneaztatskij Sborntk 4 (1986 [1987]), 
pp. 116-121. (Russian summary) pp. 245~24(>. 
(RJ \1 BovCE ,4 Persian stronghold of Zoroastriamsm, based on the Ratanbai 

Ksxtmh lectures, 197) i Moid 1977. In: I1J 19.2 (1986), pp. 128-129. 
(R) J. Harmatta (ea\.):From Hetataeus to al-Huvirizmi. Bactrian, Pahlavi, Sogdian, 
Persian. Sanskrit, Syruc. I ' I tk ftld la itin sources for the history 

ofPre-lslamtc Central Asia. Budapest 1984, In; BSi >AS49. i (1986), p. 588. 
(R) Monumentum Georg Morgensiterne. Liege, Leiden 1981, 1982 (Aclr 21-22). In: 

(R) Z. Tarak Dcr Auesia-Text Niyiyii mil Pahlavi- und Sanskritubersetzung. 
Munchcn 1981 (MSS. Beihefl I0.N.F.). In: Kruty lot Si (1986), pp. 190-191. 


I ki \tT) "The historical context of the So-dun Ancient Letters." In: 

Tarnation periods in Iranian history. Actes du symposium de Fribourg-en-Bris- 

22-24 Mai 1985), Paris/Leuven 1987 (Stir, Cahicr 5), pp. 101-12' [Chi- 

fTJSSf^T "*#**««**»*" Suttyil gux.n de lishi Beijing. In: 
i Jl*I*t*;> DtmbMtngyanjik, No ! .1499), pp. 110-119.] 

Khotanese] na. nu, ne. m them, thrir>, enclitic." In: R.E. Emmerick/P.O 
^M.kvo: in the vocabulary of Kholanese II, Wien 1987 (SOAW 458) 


(A - ll.i .ii m Iranian sour, (j I lr 111/3, 1988, p. 277 

BSbt) t>l N'lMhis." In: l| r 111/3, 1988 p 309 

Bactrian language " In: EIr II] 4, 1988, pp. 344-349. 
A Baga in Old and Middle lr,n,„," | n: EIr ^ , 988 

ass asBKsafeffi— - 

Bi C«yw InKriptumum hanicarum Ptrr II /„■ -..■ 

Ante. PmoJ, and of eJ£TiJ?1 1 C. ?? T ™ ? f '*' SeUucid and 

' | 7' W ' i -'":EIHH/ 8 .,9 g ,. , p PP 82 f 3 " J 

';^;wtX"^ E ' bk -'" Ei ''^™'.p.m 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Will 



(A) "Eastern Middle Iranian." I n: CO, pp. 165-172. [Persian translation in: 

Rahnamaye zabanhaye Irdni, vol. I, Tehran 1382 (2003), pp. 261-271.] 
(A) "A new fragment from the Parthian hymn-cycle Huyadagmdn." In: Etudes irano- 

aryatttes offertes it Gilbert Lazard. Reunies par C-H. Fouchecour et Ph Gi 

gnoux. Paris 1989 (Stir, Cahicr 7), pp. 321-331. 
(A) "New studies on the verbal system of Old and Middle Iranian." In' BSOAS 52 2 

(1989), pp. 255-264. 
I A) "Sogdian." In:CLI,pp. 173-192. [Persian translation in: Rahnamdye zabanhaye 

Irani, vol. I, Tehran 1382 (2003), pp. 272-302.J 

(A) "The Sogdian inscriptions of the Upper Indus: a preliminary report." In: K. 
Jettmar et al. (eds.): Antiquities of Northern Pakistan, Reports and Studies. 
Vol. 1: Rock inscriptions in the Indus Valley. Mainz 1989, pp. 131-137, pi. 216. 
[Unauthorized prepublication in: Pakistan Archaeology 10-22 (1974-1986 
[1986]), pp. 196-202.] 

(R) R. E. Emmerick/P. O. Skjjervo: Studies in the vocabulary of Khotanese II. Wien 
1987 (SOAW 458). In: 1 1 J 32.1 (1989), pp. 47-49. 


(B) (with J. Hamilton) Corpus Inscriptionum hanicarum. Part II: Inscriptions of 
the Seleucid and Parthian Periods and of Eastern Iran and Central Asia. Vol. Ill: 
Sogdian. Ill: Documents turco-sogdiens du IX'-X' siecle de Touen-houang. Lon 
don 1990, 94 pp., 47 pi. 

(A) "Chotano-Sogdica II: aspects of the development of nominal morphology in 
Khotanese and Sogdian." In: Gh. Gnoli/A. Panaino (eds.): Proceedings of the 
First European Conference of Iranian Studies held in Turin, September 7' h -ll' h , 
1987 by the Societas Iranologica Europ.ea. Pt. I: Old and Middle Iranian Studies. 
Rome 1990 (SOR 67.1), pp. 275-296. 

(A) "Note on the inscription [on a Sasanian silver-gilt plate)." In: D. von Bothmer 
(ed.): Glories of the past: ancient art from the Shelby White and Leon Levy col- 
lection. New York 1990, p. 59. 

(A) "Old Persian patisuvarna 'cup'." In: Iranica Varia. Papers in honor of Professor 
Ehsan Yarshaler. Leiden 1990 (Aclr 30), pp. 240-243. [Persian translation in: 
Mirdth-e Farhangi 17 (1997), pp. 46-48.] 

(A) "Persian bahmdn 'so-and-so': an ancient survival?" In: JRAS 1990, pp. 10-12. 
[Persian translation in: Ayandeh 17.1-4 (1990 [1991]), pp. 22-26.] 

(A) "The Sogdian Fragments of Leningrad II: Mani at the Court of the Shahanshah." 
In: BAI 4 (1990 [1992]) [= In honor of Richard Nelson Frye. Aspects of Iranian 
Culture], pp. 281-288. 

(O) [A note on variants of Old Iranian vs.i«ra-.] In: M. Boyce: "Mithra Khsathra- 
pati and His Brother Ahusa." In: BAI 4 (1990 [1992]), pp. 3-9 (note pp. 7-8). 

(O) [Ten short notices.] In: Abstracta Iranica 12, 1989 (1990), pp. 15, IS, 19, 22-23, 

(A) "Christianity, iii. In Centra! Asia and Chinese Turkestan; iv. Christian litera- 
ture in M.ddlc Iranian languages." In: EIr V/5, 1991, pp. 530-535. 



Publications of Nicholas SiflU W illiams 

"Die christlich-sogdischen Handschriften von BuLiviq." In: H. Klengel/W. 
IDUmanh Furfan. Problems der Edition itnd 

BeatieiungaltorientatixbcT Handschriften, Tagung in Berlin, Mat 1987. Berlin 
1991 (Schriftcn zur Geschichre und Kultur des Alten Orients 23), pp. 119-125. 
(A) 'MithratheBaga." In: P. Bfrnard/F, Gri mt (eds.): Htstoirc et cultes del'Asit prciilamique. Sources Hmtftti archeologiques. Paris 1991 

J), pp. 177-186. 
(A) (with D. Maue) "Einesan-knt sogdi-chc Bilmguc in Brahml." In: BSOAS 54. J 
(1991). pp. 4Sf.-445.2pl. 

S jdian fragment: of Leningrad III: Fragments ot the Xwastwanlft." In: 
\ van Tonckkloo/S. GrvratsBN (eds.): Wanichaka Select* Studies presented 
to Professor Julien Rics on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. Louvain 1991 
inkhaean Studies I), pp. 323-328. 

(A) ' \ Sogdian greeting." In: R.t . 1 mmikk k/D. Weber (eds.): Corolla Iranica. 
Papers m honour of Prof. Dr. David Neil MacKenzie on the occasion of his 6V h 
birthday on Aprils 1 -. 1991. Frankfurt a.M. 1991, pp. 176-187. 

D.N. MacKenzie: The Khwarezmian element in the Qunyat al-munya. London 
1990. In: ZDMG 141.2 (1991). p. 442. 


(B) Corpus Inscription™ Irunkantm. Part II: Inscription oj the Seleucid and 
Parthian Periods and of Eastern Iranandt cntral Asia. Vol. Ml: Sogdian. IF Sog- 
dunand other Irmian inscriptions of the Upper Indus II. I ondon 1992, 94 pp 
pi. 171-265, 3 maps. r ' 

(A) 'The development of the Sogdian verbal system." In: A. WbZLER/E Hammer- 
SCHMIDI (ed,.): Proceedings of the XXXU International Congress for Asian and 

l«n and Turkish Christians in the Turfan and Tun-huang manuscripts 'In- 

M* Route. Florence 1992 (Orientate Venetian, 4). Pp . 43-61 2 p C 
n«e trans ations: ViTsiun 1 trinJ h»rt**#- .. (F "i.-pl. l^ht- 

A***#t#»*-ti^«**»it*? + n. Hua,yu: "****■* * * 

kan cao sutevu he tu,ue u A . °, 8 ^"^ lulufan ^ hutu *!» 

Khan, N,,: , 4 " " ° f V P"* ^ <*«***> Ounbuangxne 

' ** iSn R^ . 'fttt V^lTi^i' by ** WANG ^.collated 

OW), pp. 66-74.) "whh.ul <aj*t^$) *;>-« ;w >,»,. No. 2 


^inscriptions." In: BAl 7(1993 119941) nn 17. ,7o 

A Corpus twcriprionun, banicarum." In: Elr VI/3 993 ' St ' 

A Cynacus juadjuiicta, Acts of." In: Fir VI 5 > , ' p ' ^ 

A > ; ^,n:M r U, l 993,pp. 5 ;- •/■ '- 

^- l 'nSogd 1 an lTOr ? In:tIr 5 vl/M993 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Willi 



(A) "Lc lingue iraniche." In: A. Giacalone Ramat/P. Ramat^s.): Letingue indo- 
europee. Bologna 1993, pp. 151-179. [Italian version of "The Iranian languages" 
(1998).] h 6 

(A) "The Sogdian inscriptions of Ladakh." In: K. Jiitmar et al. (eds.): Antiqui- 
ties of Northern Pakistan. Reports and Studies. Vol. II. Main/ pen pp 151-163 
pi. 1-16. ' h ^ 

(O) [Six short notices]. In: Abstracta Iranica 14, 1991 (1993), pp. 25-26, 31, 32, 36. 




"Christianity in Iran and Central Asia." In: The Encyclopedia of Language 

and Linguistics. Ed. by R.E. Asher and I.M.Y. Simpson. Vol. II. Oxford 1994, 

pp. 548-549. [Revised reprint in: Concise Encyclopedia of Language and Reh 

gion. Ed. byJ.F. A. Sawyer and J. M.Y. Simpson. Oxford 2001, pp. 35-37.] 

"Dadiso* Qatraya 's commentary on the 'Paradise of the Fathers'." In: Analecta 

Bollandiana 1 12.1-2 (1994), pp. 33-64. 

(A) "Deylam,Johnof."ln: EIrVII/3-4, 1994 [1995], pp. 337-338. 

(A) "Traditions concerning the fates of the Apostles in Syriac and Sogdian." In: H. Seiwert (ed.): Gnosisforschung and Religionsgesclnchte. Fest- 
schrift fur Kurt Rudolph zum 65. Geburtstag. Marburg 1994 [1995], pp. 287-295. 

(A) "The triple system of deixis in Sogdian." In: TPS 92.1 (1994), pp. 41-53. 

(O) "Bibliography of N. Sims-Williams." In: Studies on the Inner Asian Languages 
IX (1994), pp. 113-119. 

(O) "Zu den sogdischen Inschriftcn" (p. 24) and other contributions to: M. Bem- 
mann/D. Konig: Die Felsbildstation Oshibat. Mainz 1994 [1995] (Materialien 
zur Archaologie der Nordgcbietc Pakistans 1). 


(A) "A Bactrian inscription on a silver vessel from China." In: BAI 9 (1995 [19 i r|), 

p. 225. 

"Christian Sogdian texts from the Nachlass of Olaf Hansen, I: Fragments of the 

Life of Serapion." In: BSOAS 58 (1995), pp. 50-68. 

"Christian Sogdian texts from the Nachlass of Olaf Hansen, II: Fragments of 

polemic and prognostics." In: BSOAS 58 (1995), pp. 288-302. 

"Putesestvenniki v Tibet: sogdijskie nadpisi Ladaka [Travellers to Tibet: the 

Sogdian inscriptions of I adakh]." In: VDI 1995, pp. 61-67. 
(A) "A Sogdian version of the 'Gloria in excclsis Deo'." In: R. GTfSELBH (ed.): Au 

carrefottr des religions. Melanges offerts a Philippe Gignoux. Bures-sur-Yvette 

1995 (Res Orientales 7), pp, 257-262. 

(A) "Another Sogdian ideogram?" In: TPS 94.2 (1996 [1997]), pp. 161-166. 
(A) (with F. ni Blois) "The Bactrian calendar." In: BAI 10 (1996 |I998|) [= Studies 

in honor of Vladimir A. Livshtts], pp. 149-165. 
(A) "Eastern Iranian Languages." In: Elr VII/6, 1996, pp. 649-652. 




Publications of Nicholas 5 1 ms\>. 

(A) "Fwiii Babvlon to China: astrological Jnd epmolar) formulae across two mil- 
lennia." In Lj Persia e I'Aitd cenirale da Alexandra at Xsecolo. Rome 19%{Atti 
Jl-i convegni Lined 127), pp- 77 -84. 
(A) (with J. Cribb) "A new Bactrim inscription of Kanishka the Great." In: SR A A 4 

195 J996), pp. 75-14_V 
(A) *Nouvi-Ju\ documents sur I'hilCOirc ei la langue de la Bactnane." In: CRAI 
19% 1 1 V97|, pp. 633-654. | Partial Russian translation in: VDI 1997, pp. 3- 1 0.) 
t in the historic present and injunctive inSogdianand Choresmian." In: MSS56 
(1996), pp. P3-189. 
(A) "The Sogdian manuscripts in Brahmi script as evidence for Sogdian phonology." 
In: R.E. Emmerich/ W. Sundermann/1. WaHNKE/P. Zieme (eds.): Turfan, 
KaeUut Hud Dunhuang. Vortrage der Tagung "Annemarie von Gabain und die 
Turfanforschung". ttenautaket ion der Berlm-Brandenburgischen Akademie 
der Wissemchaften m Berlin (9.-12.12.1994). Berlin 1996 (Bcrlin-Branden- 
burgische Akademie der Wisscnschaften, Bcrichtc und Abhandlungen, Sonder- 
band!), pp. 307-315, 

S li .in merchants in China and India." in: A. Cadonna/L. Lanciott[ 
im t fan d.t Alessandrn Magna alia dinaslta Tang. Florence 1996 
t Irtentalia venetiana 5), pp. 45-67. 

\ Bactrian seal-inscription.) In: W. Zvale .4 Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculp- 
ture m the British Museum. Vol. I. London 1996, pp. 350-351. 



i Bl Nev light on ancient Afghanistan: the decipherment of Bactrian. London 1997 
iv, 25 pp., 4 p|. 

"A Bactrian god." In: BSOAS 60.2 (1997), pp. 336-338 

"The denominal suffix -««- and the formation of the Khotanese transitive 

S!fc p : »\ lV * T Md *"*» "•« «» *"»«r of 

■ W' ^eke S on t he occasion of his ^ 'birthday. Amsterdam/Atlanta .997 
«en Studies in Indo-European 9), pp. 317-325 
(A) (with r-Ga. -, , I uj | ri: EIrVUI/3, 1997 (1998], pp. 288-289 
A «N™ VT? " 0n ° miC docun « n «-" h: BAI ]| (!997 [20001) PP '3_ I5 

New hnds from anrieni Afghanistan." In: Orient* 16 (1997 ' 1 c , 
panese). [Shortened English version "New finding in !„-a? P l { ™ '" 

M» r/eri^e/AfS-e A,. \? ' ''£ J~« Afghanistan" « 

;Har t B ;r t n: BS^^, P , 109-„6. 

* ' K r ; "i;; J ; r,1 7 ual *•■?*» ^wiption in 

W^gA-, 10(1997), ^"^f^-l»:W mM Q wH 

^.±*it*±*ishL h 1 i NHl 'V c L dl,: <****> *«&«& 

<A) "VJ. The Bact rt n ^ f Jv4 l - t^ '"' PP ' ^'"J 

' ■** id Naples SS ^ p^wSt* "^ G ^°- 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams 


(E) S. Akiner/N. Sims-Wili.iams: Languages and scripts of Central Asia. London 
1997, ix, 156 pp. 

(O) [Ten short notices.] In: Abstracta Iramca 15-16, 1992-1993(1997) pp 30 37-33 

(O) Contributions to R.E. Emmerick/P.O. Skj/ervo: Studies in the vocabulary of 
Khotanese III. Wien 1997 (SOAW 651), pp. 29, 33, 36, 37 n. 1, 58-59, 68-69 71 
93, 93-94, 94-96, 122-123, 123-125, 126-127, 135, 153, 166-167, 173-174. 

(O) "Zu den iranischen lnschriften" (pp. 62-72) and other contributions to: G. Fuss- 
man/D. Konig: Die Felsbildstation Shatial. Mainz 1997 (Matcrialien zur Ar- 
chaologie der Nordgetriete Pakistani 2). [German version of "The Iranian in- 
scriptions of Shatial" (1998).] 


(A) "A Bactrian deed of manumission." In: SRAA 5 (1997-1998 [1999]), pp. 191-21 1. 

(A) "Ephesus, Seven sleepers of." In: EIr VIII/5, 1998, p. 474. 

(A) "Eugenius." In: EIr IX/1, 1998, p. 64. 

(A) "Eusthathius, Acts of." In: EIr IX/1, 1998, p. 76. 

(A) "Evagrius Ponticus." In: EIr IX/i, 1998, pp. 78-79. 

(A) "Further notes an the Bactrian inscription of Rabatak, with an Appendix on the 
names of Kujula Kadphisesand VimaTaktu in Chinese." In: N. Sims-Williams 
(ed.): Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies held in 
Cambridge, 11''' to IS' 1 ' September 1995. Pt. I: Old and Middle Iranian Studies. 
Wiesbaden 1998 (Beitrage zur Iranistik 17), pp. 79-92. 

(A) "The Iranian inscriptions of Shatial." In: Indologica Taunnensia 23-24 (1997-1998 
[2000]) [= Professor Gregory M. Bongard-Levin Felicitation Volume], pp. 523-541. 

(A) "The Iranian languages." In: A. Gi acalg-ne Ramat/P. Ram at (eds.): The Indo- 
European languages. London 1998, pp. 125-153. 

(A) (with F. Grenet and L. dk la Vaissiere) "The Sogdian Ancient Letter V." In: 
BAI 12 (1998 [2001]) [= Alexander's Legacy in the East: Studies in honor of Paid 
Bernard], pp. 91-104, 

(E) Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studio held in Cam- 
bridge, It' 1 ' to iy'' September 1995. Pt. I: Old and Middle Iranian Studies. I dated 
by N. Sims-Williams. Wiesbaden 1998 (Beitrage zur Iranistik 17), viii, 181 pp., 
17 pi. 


(A) "From the Kushan-shahs to the Arabs. New Bactrian documents dated I in i the era 
oftheToch.,nsc 1 -,pt,ons."ln:NLA lR AM/D.E.KuMBURG-SALTER(ed S .):Cm»5, 

Art and Chronology, Essay, on the pre-hlamk history oj thelndo-Iranum bor- 
derlands. Wien 1W (Denkschriften der Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften, Philosophisch-histons, be Masse 280), pp. 245-58 
(O) [16 short notices], W Abstract a tonka 17-19, 1994-1996(1999), pp.27, 29-30, 

(O) Cautions to D. lun^HltW Die Eelsbtidstation Hodar Main, 1999 
(Materialien zur Archaologie der Nordgeb.ete Pakistan* 3), pp. 284. 311. 


Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams 




Corpus ln>tr,ptwnum hamcarum. Pan 11: Inscriptions of the Seleucid and 
I'.inhun Periods and of Eastern fnm end Central Asia. Vol. Ill: Bactnan. Bac- 
trian documents from Northern Afghanistan I; I egal and economic documents. 
mes." In: R.I-'. ( huxri( k/W. Sundermann/P. Zieme (eds.): Stadia Ma- 
mckaica [V. Internationaler Kongrejl i lidismus, Berlin, 14.-18.JhH 

1997 Berlin 2000 (Beriin-Brandenburgisch* Akademie der Wissenschaticn, Be- 
richte und Abh.indlungen. Sonderband 4), pp. 560-563. 

\ Baciriau Buddhist manuscript.* In: J, Braarvic. (ed.): Buddhist manuscripts. 
Vol. I. Oslo200C Manuscripts in tin.- Schoyen collection l)*PP- 275-277, pi, XI, 
*Gods and Merchants: Sogdian inscriptions ot [Ik Upper Indus." In: TAASA 
be Journal oflbe Asian Arts Society of Australia 9.3 (2000), pp. 14-17. 
"Some reflections on Zoroastrianism in Sogdiana and Bactria." In: D. 
I Benjamin (eds.): Realms of the Sitk Roads: Ancient and Modern. 
Turnhout 2000 (Silk Road Studies 4), pp. 1-12. 

bon notices]. In. Abstract* Immui 20-21, 1997-1998 (2000), pp. 40, 43-45, 
[74-1 '<■ 


Turkish sUvre." In: L Bazin/P. ZlBME (eds.): De Dunhuang a 
Istanbul. Hommage a fames Russell Hamilton. Turnhout 2001, pp. 329-338. 
(A) "Bactrian legal documents from 7 th - and B^-century Guzean." In' BAI 15 (2001 
[2005]), pp. 9-29. ' & * 

(A) -llya Genhevitcfa [obituary]." In: The Independent, 10 Mav 2001, Thursday 

Review, p. 6. [Reprinted in; Manicbaean Studies Newsletter If, (2001) pp 28-30] 

<A) (2001 |' UCripd0nS °" lhv M,ho bowl '" ld ,ome comparable objects." In: Stir 30.2 

He Perrian jvdisay a „ d Old Persian vaina.' In: A. A. Sadech. (ed )■ 

pp f 5'9-6? r m ' Z/ " h ''' **** mem ° r " il V0!ume >' Te ^an 

(A) JrofesorD N \1 >cW« [obituary]." In: The Independent, 22 October 2001 
Mo„d^Ree,w, p. 6 . [R L . pnnu . d fc .^^ Jfc ^^ J^MM, 

tt£*W J"" "'; IP: A - L JUL,ANO I V [ ■ «*«= Monks and Mer- 


h , , lPurisu S'"» ■* December 200 .Tner20n\ n „ in u n 

1 < orput Inscriprionum hamcarum Pir. II- i lrltr ^°L PP- 267-280. 

Parthian Periods and ofTaZTlr" l J nHr f ,oni "f the Seleucid and 

Livwm. Edited by D.N. Ma< k. J,, an « pi«ONoraandV.A. 

London 1977-2001. 'vi,., 215 pp ' BAMR 3 " d N " Sims-W.lliams. 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams 


(O) [Six short notices]. In: Abstract* Iramca 22, 1999 (2001), pp. 28-30, 50. 
(O) "In Memoriam, for violin, viola and cello." In: EW 51.3-4 (2001 [20021), 
pp. 423-425. 

(A) "Ancient Afghanistan and its invaders: Linguistic evidence from the Bactrian 

documents and inscriptions." In: N, Sims-Williams (ed.): Inda-Inmian Lan- 
guages and Peoples. Oxford 2002 (Proceedings of the British Academy 116) 

pp. 225-242. 
(A) "The Bactrian inscription on the seal of Khirigila." In: SRAA 8 (2002), pp. 143-148. 
(A) "Dr llya Gcrsheviteh [obituary]." In:/es«i College/Cambridge. Ninety-eighth 

Annual Report 2002, pp. 31-34. 
(A) "Nouveaux documents bactriens du Guzgan," In: CRA1 2002 [2004] 

pp. 1047-1058. 
(A) "On kings and nomads: New documents in ancient Bactrian reveal Afghani- 

stan's past." In: HAS Newsletter 27 (2002), pp. 12-13. 
(E) Indo-lraman Languages and Peoples. Oxford 2002 (Proceedings of the British 

Academy 1 16), 296 pp., 8 pp. of plates. 
(E) (Associate editor for pre-Islamic Iran) Encyclopaedia Iramca (cd. E. Yarsha- 

ter), X 1/2-5, New York, Bibliothcca Persica Press, 2002-2003; XII, New York. 

Encyclopaedia Iraniea Foundation, 2003-2004; XIII, New York, Encyclopaedia 

Iranica Foundation, 2004- 
(O) [Five short notices]. In: Abstracta Iranica 23, 2000 (2002), pp. 14, [6-17. 


(A) (with J. Lee) "The antiquities and inscription of Tang-i Safcdak." In: SRAA 9 
(2003), pp. 159-184. 

(A) "A Bactrian quarrel." In: BAI 17 (2003 [2007]), pp. 9-15. 

(A) "A Christian Sogdian polemic against the Manichaeans." In: C.G. Clreti/M. 
Magci/E. Provasi (eds.): Religious themes and texts of pre-Islamic Iran and 
Central Asia. Studies in honour of Professor Gherardo Gnoli on the occasion of 
his 65''' birthday on 6' 1 ' December 2002. Wiesbaden 2003 (Beitrage zur Iranistik 
24), pp. 399-408, pi. 9-10. 

(A) "Contrat de mariage bactrien." In: O. Bopearachchi/C. Landes/C. Sachs 
(eds.): De Tlndus a I'Oxus. Archeologie de I'Asie Centrale. Catalogue de /'expo- 
sition. Lattes 2003, pp. 390-391, pi. 339. 

(A) "Iran. iii. Languages (c) Sogdian and Bactrian in the early Islamic period." In: 
The Encyclopedia of Islam, Supplement, fasc. 7-8, Leiden 2003, pp. 425-426, 
[="Iran. iii. Langues (e) Sogdicn et bactrien au debut dc 1'ere isiamique." In: 
Encyclopedic de V Islam XII, livraison 7-8, Leiden 2007, pp. 425-427.] 

(A) "Three notes on Iranian words in Arabic sources." In: A. van Tongerloo (ed.): 
Iranica Selecla. Studies in honour of Professor Wojciech Skalmowskion the occa- 
sion of bit seventieth birthday. Turnhout 2003, pp. 213-217. 

(E) G. Morgenstierne: A New I tymological Vocabulary of Pasbto. Compiled and 
edited by J. Elfenbi in, D.N. MacKinzie and N. Sims- Williams. Wiesbaden 
2003 (Beitrage zur Iranistik 23), viii, 140 pp. 


Publications ol Nicholas Sims-Williams 

I I Contribution to D. Bandini-Komi- Dit I, on Thalpan I. Mainz 2003 
tetulien zur Archaologie der Nordgebietc Pakistani 6), p. 86. 

(B) Recent discoveries in the Bacman language and then historical significance. 

Kabul 2004, iv, 13 pp. J English text and illustrations], is. b pp. [Dari], iv, 8 pp. 

[ Pashto]. 
(A) "The Bactrian injcriptioD d Rabatak: a new reading." In: BAI 18 (2004 [2008]}, 

pp. 53-68. 

*A Greck-Sogdian bilingual from Bulayiq." In: La Persia e Bisanzio. Rome 2004 
■ deiconvegni 1 incei 201), pp. 623-631 
(A) "Ideographic writing, i: Terminology and conventions." In: I It XII 6, 2004, 

pp. 616-617, 
(A) "The Parthian abstract surhx -\ft.~ In: J.H.W ed.): Indo-European Per- 

spectives. Studies in Honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies. Oxford 2004, pp. 539-547. 
(A) "Two Bactrian fragments from Yar-khoto." In: I). I>rkki\-\1 1 is 1 1 rirnst vt 

al (eds): Turfan revisited. The first century of research into the arts and culture 
i W£ Road. Berlin 2004 (Monographien zur [ndischen Archaologie, Kunst 

und Philotogie 17), pp. 325-332, colour plates 43-46 on pp. 461-464. 
I Dit tionarj <>f Manichaean Texts. Vol. HI: Texts from Central Asia and China. 

Edited hs N. SllfS-Wn hams. Part I: Dictionary of Manichaean Middle Persian 

and Parthian. B\ D. Dlrkin-Meisterernst. Turnhout 2004, xxix, 428 pp. 
(O) Contributions to S. Vl'ti ithho (ed.): The Silk Road: Trade, travel, war and faith, 

London 20C4, pp. 118-119,248-249, 

with E. TtH kir) -Avesttn buuoista- and its cognates." In: G.K. Schweiger 
fndogermamca. Festschnft Gen KUngenschmm. hidiscbe, iramsche und 
i rmamsche Studien den, verehrtcn ]»biL„ dargebracht /,, semem funfund- 

SSr IZZ?' Taimcrine 2005 (Studicn * ur lranistik und Ind °s er ™- 

'A F «M B, cm) The Bactnan calendar: new material and new suggestions " 
n: I > W, „„ ed.) L ofhan: pm and ^^ hafjian si Jg™2- 

npum DavutNed MacKmm. Wiesbaden 2005 (Iranica 8). pp. ,85-196 
-rshes -.tch. Ilya (.914-200!)." I n: Oxford D.ct.onary ofNaLal Biography 

m Museearcheologi q LHenr,-PrZe La ,, / tT ? ^ mtem * ti °- 
i, PP. 335-346 f " ei) d " 5 au 7mat 2003. Turnhout 

,Al ttzzsrzzsis «- l t* A ~'™ l »- ' - '- 

Publications of Nicholas Sims-Williams 


Xinjiang/Alain Arrault/Zhang Zhiqing (ed.): (I^A.^tH-'Sst ■ ^ 
■£ « t& "&^lffiS^ > Suteren zai zhongguo - Lishi, kaogu, yuyan dc xintansuo. 
fc$ Beijing: Zhonghua shuju t^f %, 2005, pp. 72-87 (<;£S;$*> Faguo 
hanxuc / Sinologie franchise 10)]. 
(O) Contributions to M. Bemmann: Die Felsbildstation Dadam Das. Mainz. 2005 
I Materialien zur Archaologie der NordgebietePakistans 5), pp. 88,92-97,100-101, 
104-106, 109, 111-112, 118-120, 123, 130, 132, 134-135. 138-140, 143-144. 


(A) "Bactrian letters from the Sasanian and Hephthalite periods." In: Proceedings 
of the V h Conference of the Societas Iranologica Europxa held in Ravenna, 6-11 
October 2003. Vol. I: Ancient & Middle Iranian Studies. Ed, by A. Panaino and 
A. Piras. Milan 2006 [2007], pp. 701-713. 

(A) (with Aman ur Rahman and F. Grenet) "A Hunnisli Kushan-shah." In-Jour- 
nal of Inner Asian Art and Archaeology 1 (2006), pp. 125-131. 

(A) "Ilya Gershevitch and the decipherment of the Bactrian cursive script." In: A. 
Panaino (ed.): The scholarly contribution oj Ilya Gershevitch to the develop- 
ment of Iranian studies. Milan 2006, pp. 107-1 19. 

(A) (with F, Grenet) "The Sogdian inscriptions of Kultobe." In: Shygys I (2006 
[2007]), pp. 95-1 1 1 , colour plates following p. 84. 

(E) Dictionary of Manichaean Texts. Vol. II: Texts from Iraq and Iran (Texts in 

Syriac, Arabic, Persian and Zoroastrian Middle Persian). Edited by F. de Blois 

and N. Sims-Williams. Turnhout 2006, xiii, 157 pp. 
(E) Dictionary of Manichaean Texts. Vol. Ill: Texts from Central Asia and China. 

Edited by N.Sims-Williams. Part 4: Dictionary of Manichaean texts in Chinese. 

By G. Mikkelsen. Turnhout 2006 [2007], 


(B) Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum. Part II: Inscriptions of the Seleucid and 
Parthian Periods and of Eastern Iran and Central Asia. Vol. Ill: Hadrian. Bac- 
trian documents from Northern Afghanistan II: Letters and Buddhtst texts. 
London 2007, 326 pp. 

(A) (with £\ de la Vaissiere) "jabguya, i: Origin and early history." In: EIr XIV/3, 
2007, pp. 314-315. 

(A) "News from Ancient Afghanistan." In: The Silk Road 4.2 (2007), pp. 5-10. 

(A) "Remarks on the Bactrian colophon. [Appendix to S. Karashima, "Fragments of 
a manuscript of the Prdtimoksasutra of the Mahdsdmghika-(Lokottara)vddins 
(I)"]." In: Annual Report of the International Research Institute for Advanced 
Buddhologyat Soka University II (2007 [2008]), pp. 89-90, pi. 25. 

(A) "The silk worm in Sogdian" [in Persian]. In: MahyarNawabi Memorial Volume. 
Tehran 2007. 

(A) "The Sogdian potentialis." In: M. Macuch/M. Maggi/W. Sundermann (eds.): 
Iranian Languages and Text> from Iran and Turan. Ronald E. Emmerick Memo- 
rial Volume. Wiesbaden 2007 (Iranica 13), pp. 377-386. 

(O) Contribution to D. Banlmni-Konic: Die Felsbildstation Thalpan III. Mainz 
2007 (Materialien zur Archaologie der Nordgebiete Pakistans 8), p. 52. 


Publications d Nicholas Suns-Williams 




"Bactrim tallies ." In: B. HiBtn/M. Volkart'P Widmer (eds.): Chomolangma. 
Demwend und KJukek / i fj!r Roland Biebneier /« semem 6 >. GtburU - 

Lille 20O8(Beitrige zur Zentralasienforschung 12), pp. 525-5J2. 
"Christian literature in Middle Iranian languages." In: R.E. Emmerick/M. 
MaCW The Literature of Pre-hl.imu Iran. Companion Volume I to A 

History of Persian Literature. I .union 2008 (A History d Persian Literature 
W tl),pp 266-287. 
I m" In Mr XIV 4. 2008. pp. 372-373. 

addhioneilc to .in article by F. Grcnet." In: M.-A. Amir-Moezzi/J.-D. 
Dubois (cd.): Pensee grecque et sagesses orientates. Hommagea Michel Tardieu. 
Turnhout 2008 (Bibliotheque de I'Ecok des ILiutes Ftudes, Sciences Retigieu- 
scs 139}. 

"The Sasanians in the Fast. A Bactrian archive from northern Afghanistan." In: 
V. Sarkhosh Curtis/S. Stewart (eck): The Sasaman Era. London 2008 (The 
Idcaof Iran 3). pp. 88-102. 

s .iun-Turkish bilingualism and linguistic interference in 9 ,h -I0 lh century 
Dun-huang." In: Zohreh Zarsio v\s/Vida Naddae (eds.): Papers in Honour 
of Professor B. Ghanb. Tehran 2008, pp. 41-51 . 

tan Irada'iJi, Bactrian fago, and their cognates." In: E. Pirart/X. Trem- 
m M (eds,): Zarathushtra entre I'tndt et llran. Etudes mdo-traniennes et tndo- 
europeennes offertes a Jean Kelkns a I'ocamm de urn hV anriiversairt Wies- 
baden 2009 (Bettrage zur Iranistik 30), pp. 279-287. 

In the press 

!a! '-It ^ ub : Sa " nia " ind Arab-Hephthalue coinage: a riew from the East " 

The Bactrun era of 223 C.E. - some numismatic considerations." In: Shanghai 
conference volume. ^"""gvai 

S32£ 7 , ** Ti ,tdv): ' " iramche *& md *« <*«*■• m 
<A\ Z l\ j *iesbadc,, fT . 245-268 and plates X-XI. 

*: -i. %£££%;%?• ■■— "*- - *■ »■ »- —■ 

Kadagistan." In: EIr. 

(A) (with f. G»« T „d SssSirtr- n " 2009 (ola i87) - 

"gtW lea msenpnon J K « Preens monuments de la langue 

(U) Contributions to A. K. Narain: Kh 

ths to Kant fka. 

Abbreviations of Periodicals, Series and Books 

\di Acta Iranica 

AcOr Acta Orientalia 

ADAW Abhandlungen der Dcutschen Akadcmie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 
Philologisch-Histoiische Klasse. Berlin 1831-1945 

AfO Archiv fiirOrientforschung 

AKBAW Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Bayerischen Akadcmie der Wissen- 
schaften. Philosophisch-Pbilologische Klasse. Miinchen 

AKPAW Abhandlungen der Koniglich PreufSischen Akadcmie der 
Wissenschaften. Pliilosophisch-Historische Klasse 

AM Asia Major 

AMI Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 

AOAW Anzeigcr der Osterreichischen Akademic der Wissenschaften. 
Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Wien 

AoF Altorientalische Forschungen 

AOH Acta Orientalia Acadcmiac scientiarum Hungaricae 

APAW Abhandlungen der PrcuiSischen Akademic der Wissenschaften. 

Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 

ASIAR Archaeological Survey of India. Annual Reports 

HA I Bulletin of the Asia Institute 

BEFEO Bulletin de I'Ecole Franchise d'Extreme-Orient 

BSL Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistiquc Paris 

BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 

BSOS Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 

BTT Berliner Turfantextc 

CAJ Central Asiatic Journal 

< II Corpus lnscripiionum Iranicarum 

< I I Compendium lingmrum iranicarum. Ed. by R. Schmitt. Wiesbaden 1989 
CRAI Cotnptes rendus des seances de I 'Academic- des Inscriptions et Bellcs- 

Lettres. Paris 1858- 
Elr Encyclopedia Iranica. Ed. by E. Yarshater. London/New York 

EW East and West 

GIrPh Grundrifl der trantschen Philologie. Ed. by W. Geiger/E. Kuhn. 

Si,. ilihurg 1895-1904 
HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik. Ed. by B. SPULBR. Leidcn/Koln 

IF Indogermanische Forschungen 

1 1 1 Indn-Iranian Journal 

IPNB lranisches Personcnnamenbuch 

IrAnt Iranica Antiqua 

JA Journal Asiatique 







01 A 









M<A A 











Abbreviations of Periodicals, Series and Books 

The Journal of the American Oriental Soctet) 

Journal of the k.R, Cama Oriental Institute 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 

Journal of Roman Studies 

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 

Zritschrift tur vergleichendc Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiet der 

indogermanischen Sprachen 

Mitteilungen des Instituts fiirOrientforschung 

Munchcner Studicn zur Spraehwisscnschaft 

Nachrichten ran der (koniglichen) Gcscllschaft der Wissenschaften ?u 

ranges. Pnilologisch-Historischc Klasse 
Norsk Ttdsskrifc feu Sprogi idenskap. Oslo 
Orientalia Lovaniensia Analccta. Leuven 
Orientalia Suecana 
Revue des Etudes Ancienncs 
Revue de I'histoiredes religions 
Sacred Books of the East 

Sitzungsberiehte der Heidelberg Akadenm- der Wissenschaften. 
I hilosophisch-Historische Klasse 

■ungsberichte der KonigM Bayerischen Akademieder 

S^ungslvr, h.e de, ( MerreK hischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 
' Woaophttcn-Historische Klasse ^"wi, 

Seric Orientate Roma 

Stud.enzurIndologieundlr.; n ,M,k 
Studia Iranica 
Siudi.1 Orientalia 




Verzeichnis der Orientalised™ M a l , 

/u,s,hnftderDeut,-h u , Mor &enlande S 


■'"""« ^•-bg.eundEp.^h.k 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of the Southern Seas 

A.D.H.Bivar, London 

The historical civilizations, both of the Classical world and of medieval Islam, 
long continued to believe in the existence of a giant avian predator, capable of 
capturing and preying on large mammals, and variously known as the Griffon 
(Gr. Gryps), the Anqa', or the Rukhkh. The first was localized either in Cen- 
tral Asia 1 , in Ethiopia 2 , or in India (Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana, 
III, 48); the second and third in southern Arabia, East Africa or in the China 
Seas. These last two also became identified with the Simurgh, the giant eagle of 
the Iranian national legend, and were credited with the ability, attributed to the 
last seemingly by epic hyperbole, of capturing and carrying off an elephant, let 
alone a human. Better knowledge of the extinct giant eagle ol New Zealand now 
enables us to separate the kernel of fact, by no means inconsiderable, underlying 
this legend, from the fog of hearsay and exaggeration. It also suggests that mari- 
time exploration, both in antiquity, and in Islam, reached further afield than 
is nowadays commonly credited. 1 offer this trifle as my tribute to Nicholas 
Sims-Williams, in acknowledgement of his striking recent contributions to 
Iranian Studies, and notably to the decipherment of Bactrian. 

The giant eagle Harpagornis moorei, also known as Haast's Eagle, was iden- 
tified from fossil remains in New Zealand as long ago as 1871. The most recent 
and comprehensive account is that by Worthy and Holdaway.' This formi- 
dable predator fed on various species of the flightless bird, the Moa, includ- 
ing the huge Dinornis giganteus, and seems to have survived as recently as the 
15 th century ad, and even perhaps later. By this date the destruction of its food 
supply, the Moas, by the incoming Maoris had no doubt accelerated its extinc- 
tion. The discovery in about 1989, at the site called the Honeycomb Hill Cave 

1 A plausible explanation of the Central Asian griffons is suggested by ADRIENNl Mm on 
and Michael He an t y in "Griffins and Arimaspians" in: Folklore 1993, pp. 40-66. 1 hey 
attribute the legend to the finding of skeletons and nescs of the dinosaur Protoceratops 
in the Gobi. This ease is also made in several earlier publications of the first author. 1 am 
obliged to Dr. D. Naish for this, and several other additions to my h.blu.grapln . 

2 Pliny: Natural Hittorv X. P . 136: "1'egasos equmo,,,^, ■■ ! el gryphos auritos el 

dira aduncitate rami fabulosos reor, illos in Scythia, hos in Acthiopia. I his appears to 
locate the griffons in Ethiopia. However, in Natural History XXXlll. p. 66, he explicitly 
places the griffons in Scvthta. . ,,, ... _ 

3 T.H.Worthy/R.N. Hoidaw. The lost world o) tin Hoa prehistoric Itfe of New Zea- 
land, Bloomington, Ind. 2002, pp. 246-335, 

A.D.H. Bivar 

b, the South bland d Nff A-aland.' d more fossil bones of th 


near Nelson, in , ,V m ,]>■ „eir the ton 

eacle together with an almost complete skeleton d a large Itmal near th, top 
Soli not tar .way,' nude possible a .leaver P k tore o * character 
and appearance. The female bird, which, as with manj raptorial birds, was the 
large, .has been estimated CO have weighed 1 1 kg, and to have had a wmgspan of 
J m The taller picture now av ailable leads one to i WW in a clearer l.ght accounts 
ot the giant eagle in Classical, and cspcciallv Klam.c sources. 

In particular, the descriptions b) Abu Hamtd Gharnat., and by the cele- 
brated Arab traveller Ibn B.muta, of encounters with the Rukhkh - though 
the last, in particular, was not nccessaiilv first hand - are, it certainly exag- 
gerated, no longer to be regarded as entirely divorced from fact. They do, at 
any raie, make deal that such encounters were said to take place somewhere in 
the "China Seas", "at islands of the Encircling Ocean which man had not yet 
reached", and to be reported by sailors blown tor long distances off course. The 
distance cited by Ibn Battuta, 42 days sail eastwards of TawalisT (apparently 
Sulawesi), seems compatible with a landfall in New Zealand. Such voyages were 
apparently conducted, in Ibn Battuta's ease at any rate, by large Sumatran, and 
usher S.F. Asian ships with Muslim crews. Nor is it, of course, out of the ques- 
tion that Chinese ships should have made such involuntary journeys. Thus Ibn 
Battuta's description is not to be dismissed as fantasy. 

Ibn Battuta's account showsthat sailors were much frightened of the Rukhkh, 
and there is every likelihood they were reluctant to stay on the island, owing 
perhaps to the bird's aggressive and territorial behaviour. This may have been a 
l.u tor in the lack of colonization of New Zealand by Asian seafarers. However, 
until such cv idence can be produced as the finding of medieval anchors, or even 
complete wrecks, off the western coast of the South Island, the credibility of 
such landfalls cannot be finally established Such investigations would call for 
an extension of the work by Honor Frost, who has shown the importance of 
discarded anchors for maritime historv. h 

Islamic no less than Classical sources, u we shall see, also locate a large avian 
predator in East Africa or in Madagascar. However these reports are likely to 
have been inspired by the tossil egg, of the large flightless bird Aepyomis max- 
mm formerly ca led Aepyorms titan) which were available in Madagascar 

3 k ft u *"' '^ r y Sti " ^ occasionally ^"d today. It was until 

cntlv believed that no medieval visitor could have seen a living Aepyornis 

since the, were beheved to have been exterminated by the Malagasy TnTbout 


S^m^lSStS^"^ ^"^nce for giant ships.n 
< I * I- Sainton: foM,/W.. London M96S, p. 38. 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of the Southern Seas 3 

400 bc. According to recent accounts," however, living specimens of Aepvornis 
are reported to have been seen by the earliest European visitors to Madagascar. 
having been protected by a taboo that prevented the Malagasy using them for 
food. A large eagle, Stephanoaelm mahery, is known to have existed in Mada- 
gascar, but so far as its si2c can be estimated from the bone specimens reported, it 
seems to have been only moderately larger than its relative the Crowned Hawk- 
Eagle, Stephanoaelm corona tm,, of West Africa. This predator is said to have 
been capable of "attacking and killing animals a good deal larger than itselt 
including "pigs, lambs, geese and buck", while "a klipspringer makes a favourite 
meal". However, the Stepbanoactus mahery docs not seem to have attained the 
huge dimensions reached by the Harpagornis, let alone those attributed to the 
Rukhkh. Thus the localization of this giant predator in Madagascar probably 
results from a misapprehension. 

In the Muslim tradition, stories of the giant eagle called Anq.i' gained cred- 
ibility from an indirect allusion in the Qur'an (Sura 25:38, and especially 50:12), 
where there is reference to a community designated Ashdb al-Rais "The People 
ot the Well". This community were classed with other ancient nations of Arabia 
whose civilization had been destroyed as punishment for misdoings: the tribes 
of Noah, Thamud, 'Ad, Faraun, and the bretheren of Lot. However, in the case 
of the "People of the Well", the sacred writ gives no indication of their location, 
nor how or why they met their end. For explanation, we have to turn to the 

Mas'udi {Muriij al-dbahab IV, 19, written ca. 332/943), reports a Fladlth, at- 
tributed to Ibn Abbas, which provides a fuller explanation of the matter. At the 
same time it must be acknowledged that this HadTth is not included in the col- 
lection of the Sahib ("the True Traditions"). 9 Its content suggests that it is, like 
many others, ultimately a legend ot Jewish origin: 

Ibn 'Abbas reported that the Prophet said: Allah created a bird at the beginning 
of time, one of the noblest of the birds, and He endowed it in truth with every 
virtue, and He created its face like the lace of humans, and on us wings were 
feathers of every fine colour, 10 and He endowed it with four wings on each side, 
and He provided it with two talons equipped with claws, and it possessed a beak 
similar to the beak of the eagle, thick at its base. Then He created toi it a mate ot 
the same appearance, and named the pair of them 'Anqa". And Allah revealed to 

8 Revisiting the old claim of Etienne de Flacourt, first French governor in Madagascar, to 
this effect. 

9 A.j. Weinsinck and J. P. Mensing (Concordances el Indices de la Tradition mttsulm*- 
nes, Leiden 1962) do not appear to list the word 'Anqa' as the subject of an authentic 

Hadith. . • , , 

10 Emphasis on the bright colours of the bird, re-appearing in Islamic paintings ot the 
'Anqa' suggests that the tradition is here contaminated by elements Iron, the legend oi 
the phoenix, which could have originated with early imports of the peacock into Eg) pi 
The traditions of the "Anqa' seem originally to retleet an entirely separate origin. 

4 AD.H.Bivar 

IfawArw-rf'taffe&lieWlowuig): -Verify I ^er^awwAwtod, 
d has, S*ed both male and female, and I bye orAaoed «S nourishment 
,« the wild pine bebot>g to chc faend Frnpfc [« Jerusalem), and have 
entrusted sou with them both, so that thej should be » source of pride to the 
Chfldreo oil Israel" So thej (the eagles) did not cease to reproduce themselves 
until their progeny became numeri' 

Then MoMt .»nd the Children of Israel entered into wilderness, and they 
remained there for fortj years, until Moses and Aaron died in the wilderness, 
with all those ol the Children oi Israel who had been with Moses, to the num- 
l H . r ,,t soc their progeny succeeded them m the wilderness. Then Allah 

brought them out of the wilderness m uh Joshua the son of Nun, a pupil of Moses 
and hii legatee. Then that bird migrated, and settled in Nejd, and the Hijaz, in 
the land of Qais Avian, It did not cease from dwelling there, and feeding on wild 
game, jnd [even) on children, and oiher sorts of livestock. Until there came forth 
a prophet t rom i he Children of Abas, in theda\ s between Jesus and Muhammad, 
who was called Khilid b. Sinan. Then ihe people complained to him about what 
the Anqa 1 was doing to their children. So he prayed to Allah against it, that He 
should exterminate its progeny, and Allah did exterminate its progeny. And there 
remained its image, it is reported, on carpets and other things of that kind ..." 

And the majority of narrator d that the popular saying 'Anqi' mu- 

gbrtb in proverbs only means a strange happening, extraordinary in its oc- 
currence, as in their saying "There has befallen to so-and-so an 'Anqi' mugbrib, 
and thev mean that there has befallen to him an important happening." 

The existence of the possible Quranic allusion, and of the Tradition reported 
In Mas'iidT, together with the appearance of the topic in a well-known proverb, 
gave the legend of the 'Anqa" an acknowledged place in Muslim litcr.m tradi- 
tion, though many authorities still insisted that the creature was fabulous Thus 
already Jahiz (b. 160/776) comments (Kitdb al-Hayawan, VII, p. 105): 

there U onlj the evidence of oaths with 
regard to ,,, and the n ,dence of oaths for the 'anqi' m « g br,b. And I never once 

S omrT^7 '" Kh tkTe J arOSe mem, ° n ° f lhe «»-"rpe«. but that they 
contradicted the report of it. and rejected it as falst . 

And later (V'H, p. 120): 

The majority deny that there exists in the world an 
i karkadan), and thev insist that this, and thl 

SSiSSs s "' !,,e m r oi thc An ^ d ^~™ s-^ss 

i,rd! , i"" :::'r un was STmurgK - as if ° nc said « h « « ^«« 

animal called the rhinoceros 
r e. non- 

It U clear that the tradition reported bv Mat's* A„ M 

Llli. pp. «-63 and p| s . jx-xi. moir, P 1 «™esirinsririitd*Bgypre 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of thc Southern Seas 5 

features like a human face appears to describe the representation convention- 
ally designated a "harpy", the human-headed bird deriving largely from ancient 
Egyptian sources, and continuing to appear in the art of Islam. 12 Again, thc 
claim that the creature had "four wings on each side" (probably a pleonastic- 
phrase, implying merely that it had four wings) seems a description of the eagle- 
headed genii characteristic of Assyrian art, such, for example, as that designated 
the "griffin-demon". 11 One may also suspect that the monstrous lion-headed 
bird known as the Imdugud, represented in Mesopotamian art from Sumcrian 
times, 14 sometimes in frontal representation with spread wings, and grasping 
two stags or two lions in its talons, may have contributed to the legend. Con- 
ceivably such representations were above ground, and still seen during the Mid- 
dle Ages, since they have a close resemblance to several Islamic renderings of 
the theme. 

Finally, the legend of the great bird carrying off children (itself a survival of 
the well-known Etana legend of ancient Mesopotamia 15 ) was probably derived 
from Classical representations of the youth Ganymede, or of his female coun- 
terpart, the nymph Acgina,"' abducted by the god Zeus in the form of an ea- 
gle. This was one of the popular cycle of subjects, "The Amours of the Gods", 
often represented in Greek, and especially Roman art.' 7 The subject appeared 
on many small artefacts exported to the Roman periphery, and was no doubt 
there re-interpreted in the light of local mythologies and beliefs. Examples of 
the less well-known Aegina theme have been found in the Gandhara art of 
South Asia," 1 in Russia, on theTcherdin dish 19 -where the specimen probably 

12 E. Baer: Spbynxes and harpies in medieval Islamic art: an konograpbical study, Leiden 
1965, pp. 29-38. On pp. 38-42 there is an excellent summary of the information on the 

'Anqa', outlining much of the ground covered here. She is not, however, concerned with 
the tradition of the Rukhkh. 

13 J. Black/A. Green: Cods, demons and symbols of ancient Mesopotamia: an illustrated 
dictionary, London 1992, p. 101 and fig. 78. 

14 ibid. p. 107. 

15 ibid. p. 78. 

16 For the role of Aegina in such legends, sec especially Th. Panoi ka: Zeus und Aegina: 
eine der kamglichen Akademte der Wissenscbaften am 2.Juli 183} vorgelegie Abhand- 
lung (Berlin 1837); Real-Encyclopadie der classiseben Aiterthums-u issenscbaft, s.\. 
Aegina; A.D.H. Bivar: "An unknown Punjab seal-collector", in: Journal of the Numis- 
matic Society of India 23 (1961). pp. 309-327, especially p. 317 and pi. V 1 1, 7 

17 Ovid, Metamorphoses, VI, 106, where Arachne weaves on her loom the "Amours of the 
gods", and ilu- victim oi the eagle is called Asterie. 

18 Cf. A. Foucher: L'Art greco-bouddbtqiie du Gandhara. etude sur lei origines de I'in 
vol. II, figs. 318-321, 398; H. Incholt: Gandbaran an in Pakistan (New York 1957), 

p. 149;Bivar 1961, p. 317. 

19 K.\'.T*ivi.R: Nouveaux pl,u> sas.niides de I'Ermilage {M.Q$k\3. 1937), pi. Nl;K.V. T"ki- 

ver/V. G. Lukonin: Sasanidskoe serebro: sobrame Gosudarstvennogo Ermttaia, Chudo- 
iestvennaja kul'tura Irana lll-VUI vekov (Moskva 1987), p. 113. no. 22 (pi. 58). 

fc A.D.H B:\ab 

m u^- - and em ,n the I ate Antique Nagvweauniklos Treas- 

ure at Vienna.- 1 i i-r l 

That small infants placed in unpiowcted HtuaHons may m real life have occa- 
»By been carried away I. ,cems not improbable, though sonu^umes 

denied b) ornithologists. Indeed, as far as New Zealand is concerned, a Maori 
legend is reported verv widely of a monster called the Pouakai, which attacked 
children and even adults from the air. before being destroyed by a hero Tc Hau 
..vera. The tale is curious! v parallel to the Arab traditions concerning the 
Anqa'. It is nevertheless thought unlikcb thai even the recently discovered giant 
eagles, no doubt fully capable of killing a man, could have lifted an adult hu- 
man body from the ground. So this element of the story would have arisen from 
knowledge of art forms rather than observations of nature. We shall however 
need to return later to this question of the lifting-power OJ eagles. 

Zakarfyi b. Muhammad Qazvtni (600/1203 to 652/1283), in his 'Ajd'ib al~ 
Vbtiqil ("The Wonders of Creation")," attempts to reconcile various re- 
ports concerning the Anqa': 

I the buds in form, and the largest in body. It captures the 
elephant, |ust as the kestrel captures the mouse. In ancient times it would make 
captures from the houses of the people, and the) suffered damage from its crimes 
until one day it carried otf a bride adorned. : ' Then the Prophet Hanzala (whom 
Allah hless and deliver) prayed against it. So Allah removed il to certain islands 
of (he t Veju beyond the Equator, and there is (there) .in island which no man has 
reached. In it are numerous wild animals, such as the elephant, the rhinoceros, the 
water-buffalo, the leopard, the lion, and birds of prey (jawdrih). Yet the 'Anqa' 
does not hunt am of them, because they are under its dominion. If it obtains any 
quarrs. it era some of it, and the rest is eaten bv the animals under its dominion. 
It only hunts the elephant, or the great fish, or the sea-serpent, and when it has 
finished, it leaves the rest to the animals. Then it goes up to its perch, and looks 
* ith pleasure at their of it, And when it flies, there is heard from its feathers 
a sound l,ke the approach of a flood, or (he noise of trees in a tempest of wind. 

m *n« appear, on a seal-impression, rf. Ph. 

V", -'Theold.nurpr., > -I Tkm IR , , hat the figure represents 

p, H ^'Ob'k're * N<gy„ elll „„ k!<>s . Budapest , w ^^ 

»2 - 1 ^»-''.P^;cd. F A R QS , D ,Be, r u, 1 977, p .456f, 

-d % K£J2BEha 'tSS-W 1 2i pp - 203 - 209 - espe - 

Dsnuhinr and J "" l ' tev » Mn *«»d notes bom the Arabic 
-*-*<.*- -.memiorw) Mo* M ' K «P™«u*n episode of the romanwof 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of the Southern Seas 

Moreover the following is related on the authority of certain traders: 
"We strayed from our course in the Encircling Ocean, and wc were in perple- 
xity. And lo! We were overshadowed by a great darkness like a vast cloud. Then 
the sailors said; 'That is the 'Anqa'.' And we followed it until we had entered un 
der that darkness. Then our (ongucs were loosed in prayer. And it did not cease 
from travelling with us until we regained our course; then it vanished from us. 
They relate the life-span of the 'Anqa' is one thousand seven hundred years, and 
it mates when it has reached the age of five hundred years 

We shall return later to the clement of "the bride adorned" in the description, 
to artistic representations of the abduction by the eagle of a woman, and to the 
possibility that the giant eagle could in literal fact have lifted an adult human 
into the air. 24 The Arab description of the 'Anqa' is often identified by the Mus- 
lim authorities with the Iranian tradition of the Simurgh., another legendary 
giant bird, and I am inclined to believe that this identification was historically 
correct The motif of the 'Anqa' capturing large mammals, and in particular 
the elephant, was already present in the account of the Simurgh given in the 
Sbdbndma: 1 * 

You will see a mountain with its head in the sky, and upon its top, a bird <>i com 
manding appearance, which the expert calls the Simurgh. It is a bird of the moun- 
tains, eager for battle. If it sees an elephant, it carries it into the cloud. Prom the 
sea it carries away a crocodile, and from the dry land a leopard, and it has no dif- 
ficulty in lifting them. Nor does it with a rhinoceros, as a sorcerer with a dice. 

This reference to the capture of the elephant may have been part of an estab- 
lished Persian tradition, though the reference in the same context to its capture 
of leopards and crocodiles seems to reflect the usual traveller's tales concern 
ing the giant bird. We should remember that, in Iran, crocodiles are found on 
the Makran coast, frequenting not only estuaries, but also the sea. There could, 
however, as we shall sec, be a perfectly factual inspiration for the tradition of its 
hunting of elephants. 

24 That impeccable scientist ai.-BTrun! (Muhammad b. Ahmad \< -BirunT 1355 [1936]: 
Kitdb al-jamihtrfi marifat al-jawihir, Hyderabad [Deccanl, p. 261), in his discussion 
of the fabulous metal kharfini 'Chinese rock', which is sometimes (wrongly) identified 
with nickel or zinc, dismisses it as legendary He likens it in this respect to the 'Anqa, 
which he ihus implicitly dismisses as tabulous. 

25 Gushtasp, Dastdn-, Haft Khan-i hfandiydr, 1. 243 (ed. J. Mom. = ed. J. Khaj i <hi 
Motlagh V, 24): 

Yaki kith bini sar andar hava 

bar it bar yaki murgh-i farmanr.iwi 
kih Simurgh guyadwu-ra kir) 

chu parinda kulu il paigir turn 
Agar pil binad bar-dmd ba-abr 

zi darya nihmg h zi-hushkihizabt 
nabinad zi bar-ddshlan hich ran) 

mar u n Jw karg u chu jidii maia/i;. 

A.D.H. Bivar 

k„M\- rhc Classical tradition of the griffon, and the 

ro back to the P er.od of Mimun ovihzation, but the subject became increas 

n.Kpr^.nenun Greek art of the 4* centurv BC h .S w,dejr attested ,n vase 
paimm* and a similar creature, represented as preying on a deer appears on a 
Sfioor at Pell, m Greece" In each case the creature has the head, beak, ,nd . bigs of . huge eagle, hut its bjndquarters are those of a mammal 
and it bas the pt« i and bind fee. of a lion. Th.s .s m fact the canonical form of 
the eagle-griffon in later Greek art. 

There is also i curious representation of .1 gritfnn appearing in two contexts 
of Roman art, which conceivably have some Iranian connection. On a silver 
casket from the London Mithracum, now in the Museum of London, 27 there is 
a hunting scene showing miscellaneous wild game, On one side is a crate, ap- 
parently brought tor the transportatioo of captured animals. In this a huntsman 
has taken refuge from ihe attack of a huge griffon, which is attempting to tear 
jwjv the crate. Above is a similar crate, again attacked by a griffon, while on the 
right, a man is being helped out of a crate by a companion, who shakes him by 
the hand, a gesture typical of Mithraic ritual. - ' 

The similar theme is found in the spectacular mosaic of the Piazza Armerina 
m tentral Sicily. 2 ** Here we see exactly the same scene, depicted in full colour. 
This iconography has never been adequately explained by Classical art-histori- 
ans, The first provenance suggests that the theme could have had some meaning 
m terms ot Mithraic mythology. The ritual of Mithraic initiation is believed to 
have required the candidate to take .1 dose of narcotic, which reduced him to 
deathlike narcosis for a period of days. There is even evidence that he was placed 
timulated grave. The fierce griffon could well be understood as a symbol of 
death, which tears at the box in the effort to destroy the initiand. In the central 
representation, we see again the same scenej but on the right, the griffon has ap- 
parently departed, and the initiate emerges safe and sound from his crate to be 
greeted by his mysiagogue with the characteristic Mithraic handshake, signify- 
ing his admission to the cult. 

Inthe second case, that of the Piazza Armerina, there is no definite es idence 
ota Mithraic connection, though it could not be completely ruled out. The 
palace in question is believed to be that of the Emperor (ad 286-305), 

' ^riZ^^^^^^'^^V^^ 1978), p. 20, fig. 12 

J 45, jiS ""* TkC **""" ^ *"""" *» lhe ***»/* of Mithras. London 1986, 

l-fcflwn relief at EtkiKahta (A* 

ingAmiochu, of Comma, the gesture of a 

the god Miihn wdeooi 

lwndjhiki:|c. B .j^JK Gbi 

' On the Nymphaeus) in Turkey, showing 

A good colour np^uau^^i'™^ ^""l md S **»*"». London 1962. p. 67). 

mo W9 - P- »< (pages unnumbered). 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of the Southern Seas 9 

one of the pagan emperors preceding the Christian ruler, Constantine the Great. 
The later pagan emperor Julian (ad 355-363) is known, by his own statement, 
to have been a Mithraist. Possibly Maximian was also of that persuasion. One 
might speculate, in the first case, that of iconography from a Mithracum, that 
there had been preserved by the cult an ancient Iranian myth, which also sur- 
vived in folklore to re-appear in a modified form in another anecdote of the 
Shdbndma, which we shall next consider. 

There is then a curious resemblance between this last rendering, and the 
Shdhndma episode describing a feat of Isfandiyar, the Fifth Stage of his adven- 
tures, in which he encounters and overcomes a S!murgh. ,ci To defeat the great 
bird, Isfandiyar provides h im self with a specially-prepared box, and a chariot. 
When the Slmurgh attacks, the champion takes refuge in the box, and naked 
swords attached to the box cut the bird to pieces as it dashes itself against the 
outside. The topic of the box is introduced rather abruptly into the narrative, 
giving the impression that a traditional legend, perhaps well-known to the pre- 
Islamic audience, had here been incorporated into the epic. 

According to a source quoted by Franz Rosenthal," there existed in the 
Middle Ages an Arabic popular romance entitled al-'Anqd', similar to those of 
Antar, Dhu al-Himma and al-Battal, from which traditions of the legendary 
bird may have become widely known. I am grateful to my colleague, Professor 
H.T. Norris, for the information that the romance in question seems to be that 
preserved at Berlin in what is called the "Reinhardt Manuscript", which has 
been translated into French by Aboubakr Chraibi. 3 - A longer version of the 
romance exists in an unpublished Arabic manuscript catalogued by Ahlward. 
This romance relates the fortunes of a marriageable girl who is, a tittle surpris- 
ingly, named al-'Anqd', and is abducted by a female supernatural spirit (jinmya) 
of the same name, who has the form of a huge bird. The story is then largely- 
concerned with the adventures of her suitor's in search for her, in an island set- 
ting reminiscent of South-East Asia. This romance explains the reference to the 
"bride adorned" in the account of QazvTnT (see above). Although the extant ver- 
sions of the romance of al-'Anqd' are both in Arabic, it is curious to notice that 
the only historical place-name that I have found in Chraibi's narrative is that 
of al-Baiza, the old Arab settlement on the plain of Marvdasht near Persepolis. 
Thus though the composer of the fable may have been an Arabic-speaker, his 
narrative could derive from the oral traditions of the Shiraz area. 

JO Shabnama, ed. J. Mokl: Gushtasp, The seven stages of Isfandiyar, 1. 243 (= Kha. 

Mot i ac " h v .2*10 

J! P.RostirTHAu/Aiiii^tf** 

ish scientist of the Maghrib writing in Arabic, al-Samaw al b. Yahya al-M»ghrib.. 
32 A, Chi wh.. C ontesJ^eamdes 100 1 nuits: itud* du man™ nt Rembardt. 1 aru I 96 
pp. 21 1-225 (reviewed in: BSOAS 61 '2 [1998], pp. 337-3J8, but without reference CO the 


A.D.H. Biwr 

, nsatetd the legends cottceming the gnffon, the SImurgh, and the 
tori . The other medieval tradition concerning a giant eagle is that relatmg to 
the Rukhkh. « b,ch seems always to have ken located in the China Seas. Th.s 
Mens to be first, and mostdrcuiiistanriall) attested m the ?i#rt *M«w* of 
Abu Hamid AndalusiGharnatT." where, despite huge exaggerations, the narra- 
tive has a recognizable relation to the facts. 

There exists among the islands of the China Sea a bird which is known as the 
rukhkh. One .'I in « logs is ten thousand Fsthoms, as Jihi? relates in his Kitab 
rii L B.H.k ad iht Animal"), There had arrived in the Maghrib a 
man who had been a trader travelling bj sea to < hina, and who resided there for 
turn-, and he returned to his homeland of the Maghrib with great wealth. 
He htd in bis pa r "m the wing of the rukhkh that would hold a 

I.u1ul of • iter, jnd people were astounded at this, This man was known .is 'Abd 
al-Rahlm "the Chinaman". He used to talk about wonders. He related that he 
had been travelling on the China Sea, and a wind carried them away to a great 
island. The crew of the ship disembarked there to take on water and firewood. 
Then they saw in it a great dome, higher than a hundred cubits, and it had glitter 
and brilliance, and they were astonished at it. When they came close to it, behold! 
It was an egg of the rukhkh. They began to hit it with axes and sticks and stones 
until it revealed a chicken of the rukhkh, which was like a mountain. Then thej 
caught hold of a leather of its wing, and pulled it, and it shook its wing, and this 
feather was led behind with my servant. lis root came away from the flesh of 
the wing, so that it did nut attain its mature form. He related that they killed it, 
and carried away as much u the) could of its flesh, and travelled on, and some 
cd i hem cooked an amount of it on the island. They carried it with some sticks of 
with which they cooked it. Now there were amongst them some old men 
a hose ha.r became black, and it did not become white [again) after that, after the) 
had eaten ol that lood. The) used to relate that the sticks with which thev carried 
II were a quantity Cri the Tree of Youth. But Allah knows best 
He related that when the sun rose they saw the rukhkh coming towards them 

■Wl^S?? T h T r C - ,nd in its ta!ons ■ P ie « of «™> Hke a 

^tkthtL^ — ous exaggerating this story of an encounter 
*£ c^Jdt iSSS * '— y Ac China Sea", 
New Zealand. That the e g en I hfr T f ^ " com P a ^le with 
dome ol a mc*que ,- J^ sailors was as large as the 

»que rjf Kmm a grotesque exaggeration, though the egg of the 

hHfad J ^J^-l-CarnatTcditedapres 

-e P . .08 Sea, A R qUL ' Tt J ' AI «""- « (A 207 

The Rukhkh, Giant Eagle of the Southern Seas 


moa was apparently large. For it seems that the egg which thev could have seen 
was not that of the Harpagorms itself, which is thought to have nested under 
cliff overhangs, or in trees, but rather of a large species of Moa, such as Dinornis 
giganteiis, the eggs of which might have been found lying on the ground. Like- 
wise, the huge chick captured and killed for food would not have been a chick 
of the rare Harpagorms. It was more probably an adult specimen of the Moa Di- 
nornis giganteiis, which despite its huge size of some eight feet to the bead, had 
fluffy plumage resembling the chicken of the domestic fowl, as represented in 
Maori rock drawings." This could readily have been mistaken for an immature 
specimen of a bird of much larger size. During the Maori settlements of New 
Zealand, the Moa was regularly hunted and eaten, and the landing party de- 
scribed by Abu Hamid could have included South East Asians who had partici- 
pated in such hunting. However, the tale of a feather taken from its wing, which 
occurs repeatedly, even as late as the time of Marco Polo, is impossible for Di- 
nornis, since it actually had no quill-feathers, nor indeed any wings at all." This 
legend most probably arises from certain large bamboos in South-East Asia 
and China being popularly known as "the feathers of the rukhkh", and pre- 
sented to credulous travellers as such. Finally, the episode of the two rukhkht 
"dive-bombing" the visiting ship with huge stones must again be fantasy. That 
the Harpagornis may have swooped threateningly round a visiting ship is of 
course conceivable. The well-known tales of the Rukhkh included among the 
adventures of Sindbad in the Alf Layla (the Arabian Nights), and recently seen 
on television, correspond closely with the narrative of Abu Hamid, and appear 
to be faithful derivatives of the same, or a parallel source. 

We see therefore that certain details from the account of Abu Hamid bear a 
recognisable relationship to established facts relating to the Moa and the Harp- 
agornis, They are of course exaggerated by hearsay repetition, implying a large 
gap between the eye-witnesses and the Arab narrators, one of whom was as far 
away as Muslim Spain. 

Again, the account of Ibn Battuta" 1 seemingly contains at least one factual 
element: that of the sailors having been blown off course 42 days sail eastwards 
of TawalisI (presumahlv Sulawesi). This description is quite compatible with a 
landfall in New Zealand. The account is vague and confused, since Ibn Battuta 
does not actually claim to have seen the Rukhkh himself. It is not even certain 

34 SviNTON 1965, pi. 1 1, facing p. 50. 

35 For several reasons, therefore, one is obliged to reject the story of the mai met Buzurg h. The Hook of the u andvrs of India: Mainland, Sax and IsUndl (ed. and transl. 
by G.S. P, Freeman Grenville, I ondon 1981), p. 105, ol as encounter with a giant 
eagle in the neighbourhood ol Sofala, All three elements ol llus -inn, the appearance 
of the avian predator in £asi Africa, the attack bj the bird on an elephant, and the huge 
water-carrying capacity of its quills, arc details which we fudge to be fabulous. Tins \o 
1 1 so lacks detail which we can i .itc^oi \/t as luthentK fol Harpsgoi MS, 

36 tiiM 1994, p. 911. 



that hi. storv ,s . first-hand one. One should note, nevertheless tha h,s ac- 
count ii wholly independent ot the tar longer version ot Abu Ham.d. Also, that 
palaeontologists consider ,t quite conceivable that the Harpagorms was still 
extant in the mid- 1 5'* century an, and even later (Worthy/Holdavav 2002, 
p. 3331. and could thus have been seen by visitors to the South Island ot New 
Zealand even as late as the date ol Ibn Battuta's narrative. 

Arab report, apparently ot encounters with Harpagorms, thought to have 
been entirely confined to New Zealand during the medieval period, raise of 
eourtt the larger question of possible visits to New Zealand by Arab, Persian, 
or perhaps Sunatran Muslim seafarers. My understanding is that historians of 
New Zealand are in general sceptical of such visits, and there is, of course, no re- 
port ot any attempt by the Muslims at settlement. Possibly, as already suggested, 
the verv presence oi Harpagorms discouraged thoughts of more than ephemeral 
visits to New Zealand, since the bird was in all likelihood aggressive, and a 
dangerous adversary for an unarmed man. Yet Arab accounts of the Rukhkh 
suggest that occasional visits of this kind did take place, since only there could 
a veritable giant eagle have been encountered. 

A Sasanian Silver Bowl 

Francois de Blois, Cambridge 

The David Aaron Gallery in London is in possession of a fine Sasanian solid sil- 
ver bowl, with a diameter of 24cm, weighing well over a kilogram (to be precise: 
1 190 g). The interior is adorned with a carved image of three female figures (Fig. 1). 
The central figure is evidently of some divinity (I shall not speculate on whether 
or not it is Anahita), standing on a pedestal, wearing a crown with flame-like 
protrusions, necklace, pendant, bracelets and anklets, and a body-length robe 
draped over her right shoulder, covering her back and held in place In her raised 
left hand. Otherwise she is naked, with prominently displayed breasts, labia and 
pubic hair. She holds a flower (lotus?) in her raised right hand. A pair of winged 
cherubs seem to be caressing her feet and a second pair of cherubs hold some sort 
of drape or canopy above her head. The figures to either side are draped from 
their shoulders to their ankles each in a gown with a ribbed pattern above the 
waist but transparent below the waist. Each one wears a helmet-like headdress 
and has what seems to be a scarf floating above her head, the two ends of which 
are wrapped around her arms. The lady on the left holds a raised cup in her left 
hand and a bird in her right, while the one on the right holds a similar bird in her 
left hand, and an incense burner in her right. Each of them stands cross legged 
with one foot seemingly resting against the shallow ridge of the bowl. 

On the back of the bowl, inside its base, there are two lines of writing in 
pointilated script {Fig. 2). The forms of the letters are unusual. Some of the let- 
ters resemble very much the archaic cursive script of the Middle Persian Psalter 
from Turfan, others are more like those of the early Sasanian inscriptions in 
monumental (unjoined) script, others again like those of the standard cursive 
script of the late Sasanian inscriptions, papyri and ostraca and of the Zoroas- 
trian religious books (so-called Book Pahlavi). The first word ends with what is 
clearly the letter t, joined to the previous letter, and with a closed loop at the top 
(as in the Psalter and Book Pahlavi scripts), but with a baseline extending to 1 Ik 
right (as in monumental script). Thus, it seems to represent a transitional form 
between monumental and Psalter script. This is preceded by two teeth, then 
by a prominent downwards stroke with another rightwards-extending baseline, 
and then by a further three teeth at the beginning of the word, all strokes being 
joined together in a single cursive entity. The prominent letter in the middle of 
the word cannot be -n-, because, both in Psalter script and in Book Pahlavi, n is 
not joined to the following letter, but must belong together with the last of the 


Francois deBioin 

three preceding teeth to form 
the letter -e-. The first word of 
the inscription is consequent I j 
izidl. Compare the word 
'csy laz-iil as it appears three 
times in the Psalter 1 , where the 
initial ligature actually looks 
just like the first part of this 
word, and where (as here, but 
differently from Book Pahlavi) 
-c- is joined to the following 

The second word begins 
with I- and ends with -k; the 
latter lacks the rightwards- 
extending baseline that is char- 
acteristic of this letter both in 
monumental and in Psalter 
script and actually looks just 
like the k in late Sasanian inscriptions and papyri. This is preceded by what 
is most probably a y. Between I and y, and joined in both directions, is a letter 
which 1 1 think) cannot be p (which is not joined with the following letter either 
m the Psalter or in Book P.ilil.u i), but can only be m. The sequence Imyk oc- 
curs, m verj much the same ductus as here, as a proper name on another silver 
I. now m the Hermitage, Gignoux-' reads the latter as RamTg, deriving it 
from ram, 'peace, happiness', but as this word seems always to be written as 
I'm it might be better to read the name as RamTg and to connect it with ram, 
rd, flock'. Rami ■ might then mean 'herdsman', either in a literal or a 
figurative sense. I leavt the question open as to whether Azad-ramTg is a com- 
pound name, or whether we should read azid Ramig. 'noble RamTg', and also 
•t whether «, this event he ,s the same as the RamTg who had his name inscribed 
- t e Hermitage bow! ,n either ease the rirs, line WOU Id seem to contain a 
personal name, presumabl) that of the owner of the howl 

vessels ) an tndtcanon of the we.ght and/or monetary value of the object. 

Fjg. 1: Interior of thc bowl 

>ol.7r5,8r |g,9i it,. Pl M ^'- The thrfe references tor 'csy are: 

lyBt-prntepignphiqu,. Vienna 1986(Ir»ni- 
Ml cA lh< thco »^UWe mvjXj J\" w ' tf,m,ntCil " Republication of the object 
tnented , n C.J. Baowiet: "Middlr P i ""* uscfu,| y ™P«W«hcd and com- 

W,/ Jn ^ s , fcm y 0KrW , ''^^"^nptions on Sasanian Silverware." In: 

A Sasanian Silver Bowl 


id Aaron Culler 

Fig. 2: Back of the bowl 

This is indicated by a group beginning with circle open at the top, which is evi- 
dently s, an abbreviation ol s/< .■?, that is: rjTaTrjfj, then three short right-inclining 
strokes, evidently three times the numeral '20', then an oblong open on thc lett, 
clearly the numeral '10', and finally, a free-standing long curved stroke that 
can hardly be anything other than the numeral T. Thus the value indicated is 
20 + 20 + 20+10+ 1 =71 staters, or 284 drachmas. 

On previously published Sasanian vessels the 's+numeral' ligature cither 
stands on its own, or is followed (or much less frequently preceded) by the word 
sang 'weight' 4 , but here thc word after the numeral is not sng, but clearly 5 m/d. 
This word, mizci, is well-known in the meaning 'salary, wage, payment' - that 
is: the wage paid to a hired labourer (mizdwar)- but also in the metaphorical 
sense of the 'reward' or 'recompense' for deeds, good or evil. 6 Linguistically 
there is no obstacle to translating the second line as "a wage ol 71 staters' and 
taking this to mean the wage paid to the craftsman who made the bowl, but the 
numbers involved show that this cannot be right, since for the payment made to 

4 Brunnir 1974, nos. 8, 9, 11, 12,20,24,25,26,34,35,36,37. 

5 Before seriously attempting to read the inscription myselt I passed a photograph o( n on 
to Nicholas Sims-Wii i iams, who in turn showed it to P.O. Ski i kvo, wlm remarked 
that the last word looked to him like m/d. I am vet") happy to acknowledge Professor 
Skjjervo's precedence for this reading and to thank the dedicatee ol this volume for 
communicating it to me. 

6 For etymological and semantic connections see A. Hintze: 'Lohn' im Indoimnischen, 
Wiesbaden 2000, esp. pp, 141-168. 


1 kvncoisdeBlois 

,h* craftsman one would cvpcu either a sum v. uger than the wetght 
of the silver (if the price of the object includes that of the bullion or else a sum 
siemhiantlv less than the weight (if the owner supplied the bullion and paid 
ooh tor the craftsmanship). But in fact, if we divide the actual weight of the 
bowl(l»0g) In the figure indicated W itt base ("1 staters = 2S4 drachmas) we 
will eel U9, 1 figure wilhin the usual range of values lor the drachma/drahm, 
as calculated from inscribed silver vessels or from the actual weight of Sasanian 
silver coins, both d which give « "toe of the drahm between 3.6 and 4.3g of 
silver." The sum indicated is thus the weight of the silver, not the fee paid to the 
•sman. So, one must conclude that the two words in the second line of the 
inscription are syntactically separate: first the weight 72 staters', and then the 
word 'reward', presumably meaning that the bowl was presented to dzdd Ramlg 
bv the king, or another high-ranking person, as i reward for some action, mili- 
tary or otherwise. 

Although the word mizd does not seem to appear on am of the previously 
published iilver objects, it does occur, as here, immediately after an enumera- 
tion i on the sarcophagus at Iqlid dated to ad 638,' the last three lines 
ol which state: 




(hat iv 'he ordered properu (xwistag) ot 'a value (arz) of 200 staters to be given' 
as payment', not (I think) so much as pa) men! to the craftsman who made the 
stone sarcophagus (200 staters is quite a large sum, and besides: who would 
permanently attach a price-tag to a tombstone?}, but as payment to the pri 
pall-bearm etc. who participated in the funeral rites, and' perhaps also in 
payment for the ceremonies to be performed in the future, specifically during 
the hrawardigan festival. ' ° 

My proposed reading of the bowl is thus as follows: 




"Thc noble RamFg (or: Azad-ram 

staters. A reward. 

'■'» W», pp. 1 19-121. 
DOM recently F di Bi nit- "U:jji n . 
'«I^inV SM io£«/A ST*" ,l " KrUV "— Puons from South- 
• Wentali, Levant 3 , ct\ £"»!!? T ^ *«**««. Louvain 
.;, }4 _43. 8) ' pp ' 29 " 43 ' wh «e the Iqlid inscription is reed- 

■* ' i ri4 h Nrr nuMc,,l -? ,ui stribai p^™ »* &* p«- 

»** ! "WforYHBWNc<n>,nor 

|UIU "anian inhniiiu- in -til. 

On the History of the Middle Persian 
Nominal Inflection 

At bi-'RTO ( an i ira, Salamanca 

In two independent studies NiCHOLAsSiMS-W!LLiAMs(l981)andPRODsO.SKj/ERV0 
(1983) put an end to a long discussion regarding the distinction between the direct 
and the oblique in the nominal inflection of Middle Persian. Sims-Wm liams dem- 
onstrated that in Manichaean Middle Persian the function of the r-forms of the 
kinship nouns is different from that of the r-less forms and that the r-forms play the 
role of an oblique singular. The same is true for inscriptional Middle Persian and for 
the Middle Persian of the Psalms, as shown bv P.O. Skj^rvo. Later 1 argued that the 
same distribution is to be found in the oldest writings of Book Pahl.u i, i.e. in some 
of the Pahlavi translations of the Avesta (Cantera 1999). 

Although the function of the r-forms of the kinship nouns has been estab- 
lished beyond all reasonable doubt, several problems remain to be solved, First, 
there is a formal problem: what is the protoform ol the oblique in r? As with the 
personal pronouns, we would expect the oblique to continue the old genitive 
singular, but the form is not the expected one. Second, although the distribution 
between direct and oblique seems clear, their respective use as direct object is 
inconsistent. Third, at the time of the oldest attestations, such a functional dis- 
tinction is confined to the agent nouns. However, the existence of "doublettcs" 1 
indicates that the same distinction had formerly also been in use for other stems. 
Consequently, the question arises as to which one, the direct or the oblique, is 
continued in the only surviving form. 

In this contribution in honour of N. Sims -W n i jams, I hope to answer some 
of these questions in the context of an analysis of Middle Persian nominal stem 
formation, leaving aside nominal endings which had disappeared. Special at- 
tention will be given to the doublettes which could have developed from the 
old forms of the direct and oblique. I hope to demonstrate that the way nouns 
developed from Old to Middle Persian depended strongly on their respective 
stems, and more precisely on the number of syllables, equal or different, of the 
nominative and accusative forms in each inflection. According to this distinc- 
tion two different subsystems evolved in an earlier phase of Middle IVisi.m 
nominal inflection. From the typological point of view, the existence of two 

1 I use the term douhlette lor two different lexemes that historkall) continue different in- 
flectional forms of the s.ime word, e.g. Spanish vino < lat. uirtus and virlud < uirlittcm. 


Alberto Cantera 

d.rlerem sub- stems depending on the stem formation could be compared with 
S*SrJ suVysttm. thai developed in the Soffcu nominal inflection: one 
for the light and another tor the heat * Stems, 

The classi6cation oi the nouns in Middle fcrstan into two different flexions] 
danes ra thus bated primarily on the isosyllabirity, or the ack ot it, oi the 
( >ld Iraniao nominal. ve and accusative. The nouns with isosyllabic nominative 
and accusative In Old Iranian, like 
i > katUg 

- *katakam > *kadagu > kadag 

mJude the thematic stem*., the ,j stems, most oi (he i- and w-stems and, per 
definitionem, all neuters. 2 

Let us call "imparis) liable" all nouns \\ hose accusative has one syllable more 
than their respective nominative. To this group belong the consonant stems and 
ihc terns with presufHxal full or long grade in the nominative and with 

econdary accusative with the syllabic structure -aljatrr, e.g.: 

- *brjant-i > *brj$ > burz 

■jntam > 'bulandu > buland 

'Hudnam > 'uruann > urwin 

suam >naiduu > n. 

Isosyllabic nouns 

In the case of the isosyllabic nouns, the doublettes derived from the direct and 
oblique respectively continue two different protoforms: 1. the old genitive with .1 
bisj Uabic -ahu ending, and 2. another form with a monosyllabic ending, which 
theoretically could be an. form of the singular except the genitive, but which is 
most likely the nominative or the accusative. It is not alw.u s eas) to determine 
whether a form continues the old genitive ot the old nominative-accusative, but 

-cm rules and the related rules of sv ocope allow us in certain fortunate 
case 1 mine the actual protoform. 

ccodjing to K, hjgens, „ M1TT (2000, p. 210), the conditions for a syncope 

' Jus • Zsont T ' " " r " ,UWC U1,,S ""- ln ' « beM ™ identical 
aenved from the nominative-accusative and not from 

> The r< K uU r lor m ot thf Jl ' "»« « A" poup 

" C - VUJ ' «" I .hel«» »--». (Canter a 2007). 

On the History ot the Middle Persian Nominal Inflecti 


the genitive, as the conditions for the syncope arc not given in the latter case 
(*jaritahja > **zarid). 

When the conditions for a syncope are given, the doublettes usually have one 
syncopated form (the old nominative-accusative) and amuhci uns\ ncopated 
form. For example, Phi. nek <nywk>, NP nik "good, beautiful" has a syn- 
cope and derives from the old nominative-accusative (< 'nebki/11 < 'nebaki/u 
< *ne'aki/u < '''ndibakab/-am), while the frequent Paz. miak, mak, niak, miahk 
derives from the old genitive (< *nidbke <*nihdke < ne'dkc< *naj,bdkahid). The 
same happens with the doubtette Phi. ck <ywk> / MMP <yk>, NPyafc "one". 
The former is syncopated (< *ehki/u < '■ehaki/u < ! 'e'aki/u <''diuakah/-am), the 
latter is not (< : 'edhke < *ekdke < *i'dke < : 'aiudkabia). 

It is also clear that the later one-case system of the thematic nouns arises from 
a former one with two different cases. One of them clearly goes back to the older 
genitive. What we do not know is which of these survived into the later one-case 
system. Back (1978, p. 35) exclude the possibility of the survival ol the genitive 
for general linguistic reasons, but personal pronouns like man, which obviously 
retain the genitive, invalidate his argument. If Huyse's explanation that the "fi- 
nal y" goes back to the old genitive ending is correct, then the generalization of 
the genitive would seem most likely, since there was a time when this ending 
still appeared in all nouns. The distribution of this ending in the inscriptions is 
actually no longer functional, but merely phonetic. 

In any case, only formal characteristics allowing us to distinguish between 
direct and oblique would answer the question. We have already mentioned 
one characteristic: the occurence of the syncope in all isosyllabic nouns. If the 
paenultima of one word is syncopated, then it continues the old nominative- 
accusative. However, when the requirements for a syncope arc given but none 
occurs, then this form is likely to continue the old genitive.' A good number of 
words show the syncope. Thus the old nominative-accusative presumably sur- 
\ tves in them. To this group belong the diminutives in -ak 5 like 

- redak (Phi. lyik) <*rajtdkakak/-am 

- andak (IMP 'ndky, MMP ndk, Phi. 'ndk') < *antdkakah/-am 

- kodak (MMP qwdk, Phi. ku-tk') *kaiftdkakak/-am 

- (h)ozdrak {MMP hwz'rk. Phi wc'lk 1 ) 

The same explanation is required for the adjectives in -uk 

- tatwk (MMP tnwk, Phi. tnwk') < -'tandkakahi-am 

- sabuk (Phi. spwk')< *draptikakah/-am 

- naznk (Phi. n'cwk', NP ndzak h ) < "■ndcukakah/-am 

- cdbuk (Phi. c'pwk') < *capdkakah/-am (?) 

4 The conditions foi the m ocope arc noi completely clear. Observe, for instance, forms 
\ike abdom nr frttdom thai caanoi be explained easily with these rules. 

5 About this formation see Ki incenschmitt2000. 

6 A different formation is M M P n 'zwg /ndzug/. NP «iz« < *nacd#akah/-jm 


Alberto Cantkra 

On the History of the Middle Persian Nominal Inflection 


Apart from the lyncope, some 

further formal fans can help to make the distinc- 

non dear, For example, the group *+ become. 0, wh.le -<**- remains «ma. 
Therefore, we can conclude that the adjectives in -ag < *-a*aka- go back to the 

- menog ( M M I ' M ) ■ -g. Phi. nsyjfwi) < *manid V akah/-am 

- garmdg (Phi. g/' pmi§*hiht-*m 

Hv contra*, see forms such -<kg (IMP />rar/^, MMP />rc'n/,g, Phi. 

pl^ltk') < *fniH.irtakah/-am. 

But there are many forms that appear to be exceptions and seem to go back to 
U genitive. They include, for instance, the many nouns with the -ag suffix 
which have na (j ocope although the conditions tor it are given: 













































pa brag 














The adKUtves with the suffix MP -ug, NP -. must also belong to this group. 
Appar cmli. thee forms p, ba , k [0 the y hj y * ^J^?^ 

Jl^kTr iU ^ *$?*? thr °^ h tht "*»*» °* the suffix -ag in 
n t " '"J 11 ^ tk ' t,,nd,,i "" s for th < »vncope are not given 

^ n~;z:l:7 d u r ,n ^ ^ - sees 

—>., occur ;; n ;,: cn "t T i,t,ons •? n ^ the *«*« 

^, Paper: MP,^,^^ S^fi** P"-* « 'he beginning of 

*•>* e/ W *,/« < V^/« <*d i(f akah/- am and 

MP ne* <nywk>, NP ni* < "nehki/u < *nehaki/u < ^ne'aki/u < *nd l bakab/-am. 
Also the derivative nazdik, from the old comparative *nazdiah-ka-, goes back 
to the old nominative-accusative. 

1 would like to suggest that forms whose ending is written <-/g> instead of the 
usual <4k> equally go back to the Otr. nom./ This way of writing these 
endings indicates that the group Irk/ was changed into Irgl before the establish- 
ment of the orthographic rules of Book Pahlavi, unlike the evolution of lakat 
to lag/, which occurred later on and thus was not reflected in the orthographic 
rules of Book Pahlavi. To this group of words belong the following nouns: 

- wistarg (Phi. wstlg) < :> tfistarakah/-am 

- tagarg (MMP tgrg, Phi. tklg) < *takarakah/-am 

- sturg (Phi. stwlg, NP sotorg) < !> iturakah/-am 

Summing up, among the thematic nouns the generalized form is usually not 
the genitive, but the nominative-accusative. This was the result of the evolu- 
tion from Old to Middle Iranian via a system in which there were two different 
cases: the direct (from the old nominative-accusative) and the oblique (from the 
old genitive). 

As far as we can tell, the situation is similar for the remainder of the iso- 
syllabic nouns. When the neuter of a consonant stem appears in two differ- 
ent forms, one of them continues the old nominative-accusative and the other 
the old genitive. For instance, NP farr (which also appears in MP in personal 
names) goes back to the old nominative-accusative (*"arnah), while MP far rah 
(and also Phi. xwarrab) continues the old genitive "°arnahahl -ah{a? The same 
pattern applies for urwdhm Phi. <'wlw'hm'> (MMP <'ivrw'myh>) < '^ryddma 
besides urivdbman Phi. <'wlw'hmn'> < 'yuddmanab/ -ahia. The same distri- 
bution is also found in MP zreb (MMP zry(h). Phi. zlyb K ) which goes back to 
the old genitive < *fraiab-ah/-ahia, while the compound darydb probably re- 
flects a compound 'jraiah dpV. 

When the two-case system evolved into a one-case system, it was the direct 
form that usually survived, continuing the old nominative-accusative. These 
results fit well with the results in the thematic stems and indirectly confirm our 
conclusions about them. Examples of Olr. neuter consonant stems continuing 
the old nominative-accusative are numerous'': 

7 The exact shape of (he genitive prutoform of consonantal stems cannot he determined 
(see below), 

8 It should be noted that the Phi. notation ylyh umKI ,iKn he n-ad .is zray <zl'y> (Bar- 
thoi om-w 1^04, 1702). This form may be derived from the old nominative-accusative 

9 The ease of the heteroclites is difficult. The preservation of the last syllable (stub .is MP 
fagar - *i*kar x cf, Av. yikart) suggest a ihemadution process early on. Consequently, 
forms like kiiuar Phi. kyfal, MMP ky>*r, bcuar Phi. byvl MMP bywr , XW*T MMP 
xwr, JPULAw/meti probabh go back to thematic forms such as *kfi§mr-Mm/*kfiifdmki*, 

*bdiuar-am/baittjrain'i a»d : i}tu)iiar(am)/' i h(u^ar<abia). That these forms probably 



Alberto Cantera 

is in -r. 
boy (MMP bvy, PM W < *b** A * h 
draz(Ph\ dI'<)<*d™H h 

.IMP. Phi Wf)< .•■ 

MM! i * Phi W) <*»*<*«* 

lft(MMF P ■■■<«* 


Stems in -rj: 

MMP ■"-. Phi. bts 
< *barjma 
carm (MMP t mi. Phi. c/m) < *c<ir»M 

s«fA (Phi. i».vA) <**«<*» 
foy(MMPj£ •.. I'hl. ww/)< Y xsdffdak 

um(MMP,Phl."»)< *t*mab 

. \ . Phi. wi) < r 'udrah 
wan (MMP ;.»/. Phi- ®fc) *|f«iwaA 

athn ( M M P. Phi. C5"m) <*M?W4 

/win (Phi. pym)< ^pugfiM 

ram (MMP r'm. Phi. Z'm) < *rdma 

Imparisyllabic nouns 

While the most important distinction among isosyllabic nouns was between the 
nominative and the accusative on the one hand and the genitive on the other, tin. 
kn distinction among imparisyllabic nouns was between the nominative and 
the accusative. While in isosyllabic nouns the loss of the final S) liable neutral- 
ized the distinction between the nominative and the accusative - if there was 
in) at all - the loss of the final syllable did not cause the nominative and the 
accusative CO DC confused in the case ol the imparisv llabes. 

Among isosyllabic nouns, the doublettes continue the old nominative-accu- 
sative, on the one hand, and the old genitive, on the other. In the case of im- 
parisyllabic nouns we do not have positive evidence that the old genitive ever 
survived. Usually, one form goes back to the old nominative and the other one 
to the eld accusative. The distribution appears in the loanword diaxs, from Av. 
atari (, and the inherited word ddur, which can only go back to the old 
accusative itpn (cf. Kv.itnm 

ethc thematic nom./accjg. rather than thi . ruggestedby zo> MMP 

t l ! J¥ - lr - Jm ' *"** wc w " u| J «P«Ct : *Z*W*r for the genitive ^auarabia. 

Iita, the n-torms of the weak cases seem to have survived. Here too 

n presume „ earlier process of chematttation. The old genitive (like sahuanh 

■■--..» < »W ml or o,n the .ecusative plural m.n well represent the starting 

£. bS &L C MMI ;' n ", ' ht b,ur *>« back to dabanam, a thematic 

F»n„ iablZ ESdfij i . ffi oW^fr^ ~ ' "T 

« «wU dso retain tl» old « I 1/ t ' . ' f Con * e <l» entl y. 

denved from .he old n m u t nl E& J '?«""". ' be ^ ^ ,0nBe ll «"oclitics are 

"these plural larmsl,i^' | n '""' *« nom -^ is not verv surprising, the forms ttlth J" J , , ,;;; U '7;' *• M ■**«* singular, 
S° h ' 1 ^ to the. .Id nnmui.nivc-ieeus.nise plural. 

On the History of the Middle Persian Nominal Inflection 


Apparently imparisyllabic loanwords were also imported in the nominative 
and the accusative, at least in some cases. Most of them are, nevertheless, ambig- 
uous. This is the case for the MP loanword from Av. admuuan-: the nominative 
is continued in Phi. dsro 'slwk' (< Av. d&rauua), while isron Phi. 'stwn'/atrdn 
MMP W» may be derived from the Av. d&rauuanam or, alternatively, 
from the adauruno through -asarun, later synconpatcd to asrun. u 

The same ambiguity sometimes appears in inherited words. The form fray 
MMP pr'y/fr'y comes from the old ''prd'idh or even from the ncutet 
*prajah. Actually, frcb Phi. <plyh>, Wfereh may be a continuation not only of 
the old :> prdiabarn, but also of the old *prdiahab(ia). 12 The fact 
that two different forms of this adjective, which is derived from an old compara- 
tive, survived is surprising, as most comparatives survive only in the nomina- 
tive form, as we will see below. 13 

The analysis of the generalized forms in the one-case system provides ample 
evidence for the old nominative and accusative, but not for the genitive. Among the 
imparisyllabic nouns there is not a single clear instance in which the surviving form 
continues the old genitive. Instead, the old nominative or accusative is continued. 

Among the masculine and feminine nouns and adjectives in -s only the 
nominative survives, as becomes obvious when we analyse the old comparative 
adjectives, N for instance: 

- meh (MMP mhy, myh, Phi. ms) < : 'madidh/' : ~ma&iah 

- web (MMP why, wyhy Phi. wyh) < " uahidhf- uahiab 

- W;(MMP kby, kyb, Phi. ks) < *kad}db/*ka&iah 

- kem (Phi. kym) < :> kaml>idh/ :: 'kambiab 
The same is true for other adjectives in -s: 

- peroz (MMP pyrwz> Phi. pylwc) < '■'pari-aujdh 

- xub (MMP xwb, Phi. hwp) < ■'•'huapdh/'-'hupah 

- °sraw li (Phi. °slwb'} < '''craudh/''cratfab 

- dusman (MMP dwsmtt, Phi. dwsmn') < *dusmandh™ 

10 The protoforms of the variants NPnaweQ&Pnab Phi. np', 1 M P npy) and nawade also ex- 
hibit the same distribution: nab < ~'napi < *nepots and nav-'dde < *napit-aka- 1 cf. aapitam. 
The form nafl does not go back to the old genitive, but to the adjective *'n<ipt j 

If See CANTt-RA 2007. 

12 In both cases, we must assume a shortening of the first a. The change from/re/; to NP 
fereh is to be compared with the evolution from ireh {< < < to NP !i 

13 Sometimes different forms belong CO different dialects, for instance hur7. along 
side buland. The latter could continue either bffttntMm or .1 thematic 
**bardantabia since such formations with the ending .ii<>,> attached to the stem ol 
nominative-accusative may he attested in I >ld Persian (s id. infra). 

U With the exception of frih besides fray discussed above. 

15 In proper nouns like hwsrwb'. 

Ifi It is not easv tu determine whether the notations .<'.. fmn and dwsmyn reflect purely 
graphical variants of one and the same form derived from duim<i»iui/-m (where y 
would be an optional spelling of the rowel .) or whether th( forms with y continue 
d:nmafilt<s/-m, while the form dvsmri' goes back to "dusmanah 



r l ,. „f nir perfect active participles in -nab is continued 

£«£ the nominative b continued in Other .ems but also the accusant, 
which actually prevails. This unquestionably happens in the »-stern S : 

- asman (M MP, PhL Wis) < **tmitum 

- darrndn (MMP eW». Phi. d/mV) < *darman«m 

- dhmin i M MP dysm '«) < *daifmanam 

MMPyu n, Phi. v: *V)< y i*#*nam 

- kdrudn (MMP * W») < ***»»««»» 

- «rvin fataon (MMP Vw'a hw% Phi. fafrfe 1 ) < *r»anam 

- ntrvm ' .. 'n , Ph I . zto '») < *farpinam 

- 4«t *» (MMP Wh, Phi- Ww'b) < *bifffinam 

hmdn (MMP myhm'n. Phi. nt( 'M>m'»') 
Some n-stems, however, clearly go back to the old nominative. Sure exam- 
ples are the adjectives with the suffix -ttan such as the already mentioned ardd 
Phi. '&>, MMP W'v, IMP Vt'to « *rtdud) and <igri MMP 'gr'w, IMP ydv 
(< *.j 

The distribution in the nf-stems is similar. Usually, the nominative disap- 
pear* and only the accusative survives, as is evident in the productive group of 
the adjective in -(o)mand and also in the adjectives in -wand: 

- ffwi)(/|MMP rii-nd, Phi, lund)<*ar#antam 

- bmnmriwmaiiMMP bvmr'w(y)nd, Phi. bwnl'wnd) < -hunamuantam 

■ imduand (MMP xystn'wnd) < *a}smd&antam 

- druuand (MMP drwnd. Phi. dlwnd), cf. Av. druuantjm 1 " 

1 he nominative also survives sometimes, tor instance, in /a rmv Phi. plhw', 
MMP fn v. prtPX (< 'farrahui, nt farrabstant-) and the dialectal form 
bun Phi. bwk(< *brjd, of brjant-). 

Anions; the imparisyllabic n-stems 1 '' the old accusative usually survives 

- nasi (MMP nyi h. Phi. n$y\ < ii.uduam 

- bd zd ( P h \.b c y) < *bdji#am 

- gard/gerd (Phi. g(y)ly) < *gardu„ 

H^v':/ ' TT a furthcr e » m P' 1 ' lh " ««^ 'he old nominative. 

"'"" ,Ui dj ''< , V«-SCeCANT(;RA2007,p. I5fl 

On the Historj ol the Middle Persian Nominal Inflection 


The same situation applies to the r-stems, with the exception of the kinship 
nouns. 21 The old accusative usually survives (as in the old inherited word ddur 

< "dtrm) and onl\ very rarely the old nominative. The accusative is retained, for 
instance, in the productive nomina agentis in "tdr/dar. The derivation from the 
old accusative is also certain for Phi. xwahdr/xwdhar <hwh'l/hw'hl>. 22 

As mentioned above, the distinction between direct and oblique is still alive 
and functional for the kinship nouns in MMP, IMP and the oldest Pihlavi 
translations of the Avesta,-" The direct goes hack to the old nominative (pid 

< "'pita; mad < :> mdtd, etc.), but the origin of the oblique is not certain. The 
oblique plural in -an (< *-dndm), the doublettes of isosyllabic nouns continuing 
the old genitive and the oblique of the personal pronouns (like man < r 'mana) 
suggest that the oblique of the kinship nouns goes back to the old genitive, but 
formal arguments speak against this derivation. It is not possible to derive an 
oblique pidar from the old genitive -pidrah {O? piqa, Av. brddro). Therefore, 
Sims-Williams, among others, derives pidar etc, from an alternative genitive- 
ablative ! "'pitara(h). But we do not have any evidence for the existence of such a 
genitive for the kinship nouns, and in West Balochi the old genitive '■ pidrah, etc. 
is preserved to this very day in piss, mas, bras, zdmds (Korn 2005, p. 89). 

All the attested forms seem to go back directly to the old accusative: 

- pidar < 'pitaram 

- madar < "mddaram 

- brddar < '''brdtaram 

- xwahdr/xwdhar < ''huahdram 2 * 

Given the results obtained with regard to the imparisyllabic nouns in Middle 
Persian, it seems clear to me that the kinship nouns prove that the oblique is de- 
rived from the old accusative and not from the old genitive. But win did the old 
accusative assume the same role and function among the imparisyllabic nouns 
as the old genitive among the isosyllabic nouns? The answer to this question 
requires a short historical outline of nominal morphology from late Old Persian 
to Middle Persian. 

21 The root nouns in -r appear in forms that may well represent a continuation of the old 
accusative: nar (MMP «r. Phi. nl) < *naram; dar (MMP dr. I'hl. dt) < 3 duaram. Never- 
theless, an early them.ut/ation of the root nouns in -r cannot he excluded; Inr instance, 
the Av. naraeca (V3.8, 18.4). In fact, according to the staram, 
staro (Olnd. tdrab) we expect star (cf. Phi. slarag) in MP, but the an, i .1 t..rm is star, 
although the stem star- is not attested 

12 NP xwabar shows a quantity metal Ik-sin pmhablj due to the influence of ma dar, bridm 
The original form is l>ij,(h,ir.n>i (cf. ^ )lnd. svdsarsm) and is Still preserved in Balochi 
givahar (Korn 2005, p. 123). It is impossible to decide il the I'hl. notation <hwh'l/ 
hw'hl> reflects the old form xwahai or the new one with metal hesil xuahar. 

23 For this distinction sec Sims-Wilhams 1981; Skjaervo 1983; Cantera 1999. 

24 On this form see above, fn. 22. 


: Lleni l ,vc(andpahaps.Uop,nKdKduMn,,unKn t ,l,r L ,,uncdadi S tinc t 
Ulotherinflectfonal forms merged. This lack ol formal distinction caused 

Alberto Camera 

Historical outline of Middle Persian nominal inflection 

fc ■ ^sequence of the disappearance of the last syllable in isosyllabic nouns, 

ool) t 

dXXv for'thc nominative and accusative, while other cases began early on 
to be marked bj prepositions. We must remcmbei thai - from the inscriptions 
of Art ucerxes on - the ool) case torn, Attested in the thematic stems besides the 
mwunauVe, accusative and genitive is the ablative, and thus only in the expres- 
sion had vtspd psti, where the ablative is redundant with the preposition haca. 
.1 indications in the inscriptions of Artaxerxes suggest that nominative 
and accusative were ahead) being confused at that time 25 : 
A : Si 3: imm apaddna . akmuwi 

\ Sa, \JhU54: imam apaddna ..akunim 

\d. apddinam ituniyt adagatnam akunaus A^Hbj 

- b wu mim artaxsai;d xidyaftiya akioians 

There is similar contusion with regard to the leminina in -a: 
A 'Pj 22-23: imam ustasandm adagandm mam Upa mam ka rtd 
And even between reminina and neuter: 
A 'Pa 2k: amamkartd 

\ sd imambadis... akunavdm 

result of this process, a two-case system emerged for thematic and other 

liable nouns in Late OP or Earlv MP: 



oblique j apadan-e 

• on, the oblique -i ending was dropped for reasons which in some words 
n to be merely phonei seqaently, the distinction between direct and 

blique disappeared in this group of words and only one form, which was iden- 
tical with the former direct, sur\ ived: 

I apadan > apaddn 

oblique | apadan-e > apadan 

h the w t ,rds will, no phonetic conditions to explain the loss of the -e ending, 

he d lnllon between direct and oblique was also neutralized due to the infiu- 

Jeword, in which the ending had consistently disappeared. Surpris- 

he -wdimw came about through the generalisation of the 

^>n g also for the direct forms » Later on, the -e ending disappeared in all 

*5 Flic sjme jpnlics r AM >... L-. 

rpribjh ,v imi)J , rnk ;; . aSJJ «*>-*—. bur this inscription*. 

On the History of the Middle Persian Nominal Inflection 


positions, so that only the e-less forms survived also in this group of words, 
mostly in the form of the old direct: 






pabn — "'pahnv 

pabni > pahn 


pabatic pabam 

The evolution for the athematic neuters was similar. The first step was the sub- 
stitution of the genitive -ah ending by the thematic -e" ending, a process that 
may alternatively be explained as hypercharacterization of the old genitive with 
the -e ending. 21 * As in the thematic stems, the -e ending dropped under certain 
phonetic conditions, so that in a group of words the distinction between direct 
and oblique was abolished. Consequently, the distinction was neutralized in 
the remainder of the isosyllabic nouns in which the -e ending was also attached 
to the direct. Finally, the direct form was generalized for the most part and the 
oblique form disappeared except in some doublettes thai continue both forms. 
The evolution may be represented as follows: 


rautah > rod rod — * rode > rod 


rafftahat. dab — » rodahi 

With imparisyllabic nouns the starting point was radically different. The loss of 
the final syllabic did not lead to confusion between nominative and accusative. 
This clearly emerges from the inscriptions of Artaxerxes. The attested accusa- 
tives are always formed correctly 29 : 
asmdnam: APa3, A2Hc 3 

framdtdram; AlPa 8, A2Hc 7 [jramatdram: A3Pa 8] 
DHydum: A3Pa 26 
vidam: A2Hc 20 

Apart from the nominative and accusative, only the genitive and the locative 
are attested tor the imparisyllabic nouns in these late inscriptions. The only 

27 If wc do not assume this generalization, we would not be able to explain why the distri- 
bution of the final y in IMP is regulated bv phonological and not by morpbo-J) atactica! 
rules. Theoretic alb. u is also possible that the generalization of the -e occurred in all nouns 
before the -e dropped under the known conditions. Nevertheless. ] believe it is more 
likely that the e was losi before the generalization, as this would explain the neutralization 
of the different t b> I wei direct and oblique starting from a phonological proLess. 

28 As already pointed out, there -in.- indications that the old athematic genitive -ah ending 
was substituted by -ahia already in OP. On the other hand, it is also possible that after 
the loss of the final syllable the genitive In pcreharaeteri/ed and the thematic -c end- 
ing was .Hiachcd. 

29 The only mistake I would be able to point out is the form asmin&m (A'Pa 3), but this 
mistake concerns ■ I > l. ending (thai was surely losi or at leasi weakened at that time) 
and not the stem. Furthermore, the accusative xs&yirsim (from *xiayarian-) is the onhj 
form attested since Xerxes' inscriptions. 



Md k>C«r* fa «*p (All). Therefore, we on conclude that only forms of 

iJSS ** **P< ^ -tcrmon ol the |»<m » the athematic nouns 

, v problematic. In the uwziptions alter Artaxerxes all attested genitives 

S *or the genitive of ,W-- fit. il< var.ants mazdaba, mazdaha and even 

,;,,/,,, have the thematic ending -haya. The old genitive only survives m 

A I Pa 16). alongside the frequent variants of the genitive of this 

proper name * fat •'■■ N I - questions arise: I. was the thematic ending gener- 

d in all athematic nouns and 2. if such was the case, to which stem was the 

thematic ending added? 

The -ahta ending seems to have spread from the thematic nouns to the athe- 
matte CW«. This emerges from the fact that starting with the inscriptions of Ar- 
iel onlv the '.ihf.i ending seems to have been productive and that the final 
v m IMP wis attached to all thematic and athematic nouns. The beginning of 
this pn < ess ( an be dated quite earl v. as it also appears in the form tunuvatahaya/ 
lunu i :i ••mA.iv.i in DNb9. But it is impossible to know how far the ending '-ahia 
spread in Hid Persian, because (apart from the already mentioned forms of the 
■t mazda- and tUntyMVaku-) all the other attested genitives are proper 
names in genealogical lists. These lists present syntactic difficulties because of 
the frequent use of the nominative instead of the genitive. The few athematic 
genitives attested alongside dimyavthaus (AlPa 16) have the ending -baya: 

- djrayavduiithaya fdarayavasahayaj 

- Xi ;\\>{x>jyjrcabayaj,xsayarsabayd 

t these forms are built by attaching the ending -baya to the nominative, we 
cannot exclude that they are ad hoc formations of the late Achaemenid scribes. 
the fad that some genitives, like those of the kinship nouns, survived for a long 
time prevents us Irom assuming a very early and widespread generalization of 
the -,ih(A ending. 

At a certain time the old athematic genitive which had a different stem from 

the nominative and accusative and which was formed with the ending -a(h) or 

s substituted bj a new one, more akin to the rest of the paradigm. The 

old differentiated genitive stem was abandoned and a new genitive was formed 

bas.s of the accusative stem in the masculine and feminine nouns, and 

Of the numinative-aecusative in the neuter ones, as has been proposed for the 

JmSbS^ °' dK r? ^' mmC ' there was * **«-«* system for 
ttjCHpmHU- nouns ,n whtch every case was represented by a different 


*pitaram > pidar 

On the History of the Middle Persian Nominal In fleet i 


Once the old genitive was at least partially substituted by a new one by attach- 
ing the -ahia/-v ending to the accusative stem, the result was also a three-case 
system, but with a more paradigmatic genitive: 







Due to the' influence of the isosyllabic nouns, the -e ending extended to the ac- 
cusative and probably also to the nominative: 







Hence a two-case system, similar to that of the imparisyllabic nouns, emerged 
from a three-case system. The main difference was that, while the old accusative 
disappeared early on in the isosyllabic nouns and the oblique retained the old 
genitive, the oblique continues the old accusative in the imparisyllabic nouns". 
The derivation of the oblique of imparisyllabic nouns from the- old accusative 
allows us to explain a morpho-syntactic peculiarity of the distribution between 
the direct and the oblique among the kinship nouns that Sims-Willams and 
Skjaervo affirmed for Maniehaean and inscriptional Middle Persian: the fact i li.n 
the direct object was sometimes expressed with the direct and sometimes with 
the oblique, without a recognizable reason. This fact is easy to understand in view 
of our results: among the imparisyllabic nouns, the direct object was naturally 
represented by the oblique, since it continues the old accusative; however, it was 
represented by the direct among the isosyllabic nouns, since both the old nomi- 
native and the old accusative had merged. Of course, this distribution (direct ob- 
ject = oblique [~ old accusative] tor the imparisyllabic nouns and direct object = 
direct [= old nom./acc.j tor the isosyllabic nouns) was not easy to maintain. As a 
result the direct and the oblique were used indistinctively for the direct object. 

This functional peculiarity of the direct and the oblique is, in fact, one of the 
most obvious indications of the existence of two different inflectional systems: 
one for the isosyllabic nouns and another for the imparisyllabic ones. Further 
evidence is provided by the different stem formations for the isosyllabic nouns 
(only an undifferentiated nominative-accusative and differentiated genitive sur- 
vive) and for the imparisyllabic nouns (the nominative and accusative survive 
with distinctive functions, and there is no sure evidence of the survival of the 
genitive), as 1 hope to have demonstrated. 

30 Or it is formally identical \\ it h the old accusative, because it could also be a continua- 
tion of the new genitive ( reated by attaching -i to the accusative stem. In any case, the 
accusative stem was the basis for the oblique. 


\i hi rro Cantbm 


rtLS J. - Kte^nUk- i SM-"— !■ '"" "T ' ' T 7!" 

3TE *> mSlpmi^ *<»%»*> "" J «* m nxUor ? l,s der behanM - 
/.i*7>riM- Teheran. I icgc/Leiden. 

Gumou \ W9: 'Die fcellong der Sprache do P«hlavi-Ubersetzung des Avesta 

mncrhalbao Mnulpcrsi.hcn.- Ir,: Stir 28, Pr 173-204. 
- MQ7- "The Accusative oi the i- and *-Stem« with lull or Large 
in Avesun." In: M. Macuch/M. Magci/W, Sundermann (eds.): AmiM U»- 
gMgn «d reels (tow Iran and Turatt. Ronald E. Emmerick Memorial Volume. 


U, Ph. 2003: If y final dam Its inscriptions moyen-perses et la hi rythmtque 

prolo-moyen-pt ra Paris s ilr. < ahiei - 
KuNGOOCHlirTT.G .2000:"Mktelpersisch ."Iti:B.Forssman/R. Plath (eds.): Indo- 

grueb, Inmhch and die Indogermanntik. Arbeitstagung der Indogermaniscben 

Ceitlhchaft vom 2. bn i. Oklober 1997 m Erlangen. Wiesbaden, pp. 191-229. 
Kout, A. 2005 t Historical Grammar of Balochi: Studies in Balocbi His- Phonology and Vocabulary Wiesbaden (Beitrage zur Iranistik 26). 
Kt ii'iK. IB, J. 1442: Moles on Vedtc noun- in fit x ton . Amsterdam. 
Nartkn, J. 1969: 'Jungarestiscfl gaetiui, bazdusund die genitive aut -aos und ~,iu>." 

In: KZ B3, PP . 230-242. 
Sk.HMin, R. (2007): Pscudo-altpcrsischi Inscbriften. Inschriftenjfalschungcn und mo- 

dtrm y*dbbildungen in attpersischtr Keihcbrift. Wien (SOAW 762. Veroffent- 

lichungea /ur Iranistik 39). 
Suis-Wn i lams, N 1981: 'Notes on Manichaean Middle Persian morphology." In: 

Stir 10, pp. 165-176. 
5k!«KVB, P.O. 1983: 'Case in Inscriptional Middle Persian, Inscriptional Parthian 

and thcPahlasi Ptalier." In: sil, 1 2, pp. 47-62, 152-181. 
I r I Mil M , X 19%: "Un nouveau tvpe apophonique des noms athemaciques suffixaux 

de llndo-Europeea." In: BSL 9|, pp. 97-I4S. 

parsui du Farhang-i-oim. ratu-, p 3 rau et quelques autres themes aves- 

tiques en -u." In: Stir 27, pp. 188-203. 
m Vaak. M 2000: "Die l. au tfolgc«« im Vidcvdad." In: B. Forssman/R. Plath 
Indoanscb, hanisch und die Indogermantstik. Arbeitstagung der Indo- 

?™7tr G " elhcheft V ° m 2 l> <> 5 Oktober 1997 i» E rlangen. Wiesbaden. 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates 
(Tabula Quilonensis) 

Carlo G. Cereti, Rome 

More than ten \ ears ago, in December 1996, I bad the chance to travel to India to 
visit and record the Pahlavi inscriptions found in the states of Maharashtra, Kerala 
and Tamil Nadu. This was made possible by a joint initiative of the Istituto Italiano 
per {'Africa e I'Oriente and of the Centre for Indian Christian Archaeological Re- 
search, then based in the dioceses of Carianasseri. The first results of this survey, 
conducted together with Luca M.Olivieri and F.Joseph Vazhutanapai i i,were 
published in 2002 in an article focusing mainly on the Saint Thomas Crosses. 1 

The Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) arc presently held in the 
seminar of the Syrian Church of Mar Thomas at Tiruvalla, where I then had 
the chance to photograph them thanks to the kindness of Mar Alexander, Met- 
ropolitan of the Mar Thoma Church. The sixth and last ot these eoppei plates 
contains the signatures of the witnesses to the grant, in Arabic, Middle Persian 
and Judaeo-Persian. It is with great pleasure that I am contributing this paper to 
a volume in honour of Prof. Nicholas Sims-Williams, at whose feet I had the 
privilege to study for two semesters in 1986-1987. 

According to native tradition, confirmed by the reports of the first Portuguese 
missionaries who contacted them, the South Indian Christians, a merchant com- 
munity, were the beneficiary of a number of grants by local kings, some of which 
are now lost. In his leaflet on the Malabar Christians printed in 1929, two sets of 
copper plate grants donated to the Christian community of Quilon are described 
in some detail by T. K. Joseph, who assigns both to about 880 ad, the second set 
bearing the Arabic, Pahlavi and Judaeo-Persian signatures, being slightly later 
_thcn the first. According to this author the donor of both was Ayyan, king of 
YVnad. The first set of plates is dated to "the fifth year of Sthanu Ravi", a con- 
temporary of the Cob king Aditya I (877-907),- while the second grant bears no 
date and assigns a number ot privileges to the Tarisa Church, to the Jews and to 
the Manigramakkar.' The fact that ihepatis (overlords) of the Hebrew and of the 
Manigrammakkar, as well as the local Hindu Nayars were made responsible lor 


a. k 

1 Ci-ri i I/O i iviiki \ \/nn \n \r\i i i 2002, cf. also C i ki i i 2003. 

2 JOSEPH 1929a, pp. 34-36 and, practically identical, 1929b; Bro» n 1956, p. 74, n. 4. 

3 On the group designed by the name Manigramakkar and on its possible meaning see 
Godavarma 1937, pp. 958-960. 

Carlo G.( i km i 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Qoflon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) 33 

the takt] d the Chrisriin community leads Brown to suggest that this group of 
ile had then only recently established itself in the area. 4 

The Quilon Copper Hates have, been known to the scholarly world ever since 
1843, when a facsimile first appeared in ihe Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 
of Great Britain and Inland.' r\$ ahead] said, the sixth and last ol these plates, 
broken in its lower half and roughly restored, is inscribed on both sides and 
presents 10 lines of Arabic written in the ELufic alphabet, 18 lines of cursive 
Pahlavi and 8 lines oi Judaeo-Persian written in standard square Hebrew script. 
On the remaining copper plates, the grant is inscribed in Vatteluttu Tamil, in- 
cluding also some words written in Grantha." The plates of the South Indian 
s in Christiana were translated by H. Gundert in 1844-1845 and then by 
I K [OSEPH inMalavalam in 1925." 

In a long article on the Sasanian inscriptions as seen in the light of Zoroas- 
tnan Pahlasi. published in 1870, but first read on March 15, 1869, s E. W. West 
included a long paragraph discussing the Pahlavi signatures, which he tran- 
scribed hs means of the available Pahlavi type, and to which he added a tran- 
Kript oi the Judaeo-Persian signatures. According to this author "the nanus 

■uin date lor the Copp« Plates was suggested already by 
<nd n. 2>and has since been icceptcd bv most scholars. While this'arti- 
rss. I)r Ft 17 ari-'tu T a tfa^rmk. L:„ ji.. :_r. . i *■ . 

BRoms 1956. 

w. f .-.«,«■■« iim jiiili WCU ■VbCUl 

ckwai in prcta, 1), Eu2 vhuh I amjouw, kindly informed raeofthe existed oi 

r » orb on Tamil copper plate*. One, by Gopikatha Rao (1920), is a comprehen- 
sive eamon and. « ns |a,,on„t the Tamil grants, tvhich Rao reveals to be 2 sets of grams 

tSlu f""^"* '"insea^e references the Sthanu Xm^S 

The ' r " inI SftW r" n K "* cdm " n " lJ "»"*l«io n of the Tamil. 

fcUMF C Br" " bk 2* S^ft ?" " roCU " d fo < ' "" S — v Through the 
Kindness OtF.C. Br.,« ■„. esq., , rom R<v , B B „j^ p fj ; , . fe ■ 6 

where .he originals are preserved", anon. 1841 p 343 8 (-ottayam, 

■l, r ,Je which .appeared in ^ jwtmalofthe 

■Wring -ha, "The fim five P at iPOfi ?h J" ^ ^ " ""P"* ^^ 
■he euepnon of a nam in D« I„ *? L t T^ Klrn " ak * character, w„ h 

The sixth p |„ c conuTnVxh™^ ' M ™ W *"« "^ « Ae fir5t < h '" P««« 

Twan , VION 1S24/I827.P !77) M * e * U ' "' ' kn British ™dent in 

The Malav alam translation ,s found .n Ioskph IWs k 

was not able to «e GuNDtRT's 1844-lia? ..' Plm 3 and 4; unf °"unatelv, I 

contents of lhcSc grants i, „ be found nJo^H ST!!!: \f^ *»?*** ° f thc 
graphic,] details see BlOVK |9 56 ., s ' " V PP ' 34 ~ J6 - F ° r further t»blio- 

opper plates, alli5ly'don!t2u, %l '&* »"" lni P«"™« 

T- K - J' hJZ ,45 AD h! i„J TI T Us ot C,na ' nd according to 

'-' '-hup of the Mal bar A B " " *? "'^P^ - or pawned - by 

' < "bin. Z pl.„, « lT ' , V ,;";"" U> lKf ,a «™ of *« Portuguese fac 

m.,nlv kno. u [wi j^ £" "^ " rcva llakkara n 15 «n A fifth ,„„■ „ 

"'"h vs „h earlier biblieni, I ' ' 32 ~ 37 ' and Bro *'N "56, pp. 74-76. 

1870. PP. 388-390. 

can be read without much difficulty, but are not readily identified with anj 
existing names; however as •"■Crr occurs in one of the surnames, the writers 
were probably Parsts"' J In that same year M. Haug briefly examined the Persian 
signatures on the plates, slightly improving on West for what concerns the cor- 
rect understanding of the Judaeo-Persian formulary. 10 

Four years later, in 1874 ad, A.C. Burnell published an article on some South- 
Indian Pahlavi inscriptions, where he integrated new facsimiles of the Pahlavi and 
Judaeo-Persian signatures." He further assigned the copper plates to the 9 ,h century 
on the authority of Haug. ,: In 1897Salemann correctly read the Judaeo-Persian 
text in a footnote to hhJuclaeo-Persica nach St.-Petersburger HarutscbriftenP 

In 1929 K.T. Joseph published a leaflet on the Malabar Christians and their 
Ancient Documents, where, while discussing more general topics, he also shortly 
dealt with the Copper Plates belonging to the Malabar Christian community, 
both those whose whereabouts are still known and those purportedly tost. 14 One 
year later C. P. T. Winckworth published a short note on the Pahlavi signatures 
on the Quilon copper-plate grant, which brought nothing new. As a matter of 
fact the author suspected the existence of gross blunders in the Middle Persian 
texts, due to the engraver's ignorance of the Pahlavi language and script. 1 s 

Rev. L.W. Brown's book The Indian Christians of St Thomas, An Account 
of the Ancient Syrian Church of Malabar, published in 1956, provides one of 
the most informative volumes on these Christians containing, among others, 
Sir H.W. Bailey's reading and interpretation of the Pahlavi signatures. The Brit- 
ish scholar correctly understood the basic formulary of the Pahlavi paragraph, as 
well as many of the Christian and Zoroastrian names. It should however be men- 
tioned that Bailey's interpretation as found in Brown's book lacks any linguis- 
tic or philological commentary. In 1958 W.B. Henning dedicated a paragraph 
of his "Mitteliranisch" to the Pahlavi and Judaeo-Persian sections of the Quilon 
Copper Plates accepting Bailey's interpretation of the basic formulary for the 
Pahlavi, as well as the one by Salemann" 1 for the Judaeo-Persian, and improv- 
ing on some Pahlavi readings. 17 Today's better understanding of Middle Persian 

9 West 1870, pp. 388-389. 

10 Haug 1870, pp. 80-83. 

11 Burnell 1874, PP . 314-316 and figs. 2-3. 

12 Burnem 1874, p, 310. 

13 Saii mann 1897, p, II, n. 1. 

H Joseph 1929a, pp. 3-6, 32-37. In Appendix VI he .ilv> prw ides the readings "1 the Ara- 
bic and Judaeo-Persian names as read by F.C. BuRKITT. The reading ot the Judaeo- 
Persian signami n is main!) based on 1 1 aug 1870, pp. 80-83. 

15 Winck worth 1930. The paper Jul, hofl ever, coin. tin a lithographic reproduc lion of the 
signatures and is followed by two short notes by F.C. Burkitt containing the translit 
eration and i< I both the Arabic and Judaeo-Persian signatures. 

16 Sai i mans IS'r, p || nul ii. I.J ilso MtNoRSKl 1942, p. 1S.V 

17 Cf. Henning 1958, p. 51: "Nicht unerwahnt diirfen die wenie, zalilieulicn IiisJimI 
ten aus Indien bteiben, fur die freilich ausreichendes Material fehlt. die ins 


C.\RI »<.'..< 

ooomatttcs allows us to attempt » better reading. 1 hts is due first of all to I'm. 
Not «'* studies," and moregenerallj to the rich literature on the subject and 

edalfj to the volumes of the Iraaiscba Pmonemtmenbiich which have al- 
ready been published. Moreover, improved knowledge ol the Pahlavi cursh i 
studied main!) b) D Wi bi r, :: enables us toattempi a better reading. 

TIk- P.ihl.iv i script found on the copper plate presents some \ ery marked pe- 
culiarities, which make it difficult to interpret beyond .ill doubts some of the 
personal names Nonetheless it seems worthwhile to publish this short study, 
Improving .is il Joes on previous publications, and providing the scholarly 
world with photos of the concerned copper plate. 

The formulae of the Middle Persian paragraph is hamgonag man wahman I 
bmanpadis I gugaj '■ 

l hmgwni L plhw' (Y) <n>lshy Y I.Likcwisel, Farroxsonof (N)arseb 21 sonof 
MWHiii 2 Sahraban 22 am witness to it. Likewise <I>, 

hitKg>wnk • I 

>d( dirtcrn Quilon-Kupferufel mil Zeugenbcischriften in arabischcr, Pehlewi 
und i««*«c!i it gchon eu rincr VeHeihung von Prmlegierj an die 


id l.iuiei kmgv n mn * Nam* + pdj i go bit m auch 

emakn;v E | MiNoasitv.y/MS., 1942, 183); dement- 

I mvschrilt geschriebene Pehlcwi-Formel: hmgvmk I * Name + 

lei Namen wird bs. durchweg H.W Bam n 

l Nl iP I Soh„ Jes BuHdid-harmud; 

und?r K ."^T ; '. ..hv ; J wM /.3undll) 

' "nerzeuwrcachbeeuynttrtzu 


"-'-, /.o„,wuleseiHB, ( ,M : 

l ' ,KJ "" ' idtheirandendocumems.Tri. 

1986 and 20( 

TO i.,J 5)3 ""**"""" '"""" l"Ww. s« s. Hum .'006. 
two .mall or or* U« |« Wr S w«W, ^ U ""' '" "' U WouId 5eran °«»e* ,,,r 

W.dttb m edfoU 0w i - the ' llK n u ^ ; re f° n *t™ct«,n proposed her,. Il„v. 

nuaawg m the Ucui f- ' , in ' ' ' ' ■•* * ' ' l »J t- Should no letter be 

^is..„K bypoLtk. l£ L l , 

torth. lib J „ V, K ', ,hL ' '" rm ,,( ''* "rial letter would 
*« W6I and the nnj , n SKffiK £ J*" ' V ^ »■ *-««», wbih both 

"««« r „.n ipjrillj: ,,„ . ntwl Jjj *• «ad,ng Didbayin (d'tl )R,| YAn). 
C ^ ,n * '' U ' lJ "" l,ne fi °™ could infer thai the word 

^' u r ,r ^^.^ 

n, ** J -b- J lr 

^t-sVvj -vpj|, , rtJ £^J^ ) l_^ J 

0'^ -^qf-^-i-^'^ol 

Phoiograpti I 

I i- I Omloii Lllppfl pl.itL 


< uioG.C iri ii 

> jrwhafl "I rmv V wsh/t pis 
4. gwkd* HVt Hm hm^wnk' L 

dwst [V] "i mkwyhYplbwyk 
6. pfi c»k d\ H* Hm hmgnk' L 
anm "i bgv \h pfj gwlw d] » 

8. HWHrn hmgwnk' L 

9, s\m 1 v kwp' pts<gwk J 
i: f!\XHmhmgwnkL[6-8] 

II t mllv\ vhpts gwkt <1\ H\\ l;lm> 
12. hmgwnk" I. mk\ 1 vwhnn' 

I dv H" 1 

13 \l\ •■* vh dvn'n hmgwnk' L 
plnbg V 

14 wnd't whrmzdptigwk'dv HV\ Hm 
15. hmgwnk I mil plhtt i bwds't' 

!h pts gwk'dy HWHm hmgwnk' 

17. L(')cC)tmlt Y U'j ; 

18. gwkds HVTHm 

3. Yohanu too d MsSya son of Wehzad 

4. im witness to it. Likewise 1, 

5. Sahdost son of Mardweh- 1 ' son of FarroxTg 

6. am witness to it. Likewise I, 

7. Senniihr' son of B.tyweh am witness to it, 
s l ikewise I. 

9. 'Smi ton of Yakub am witness to it. 
tO. Likewise I, <6-8> 

1 1 . son ot Mardweh am witness to it. 

12. Likewise I, Man < m nl t oh.inan, ,im 
witness to it. 

13. Ol those of the Good Religion likewise I, 
Farrbiy son of 

H \\ indid-Ohnnazd am witness to it. 

15. Likewise I, M.ird-Farrox :? son of Boysad, 28 

16. am witness to it. Likewise 

17, I, Azadmard son of Ahla 2 * 

18, am witness to it 

pper Plates provide one of the oldest attestations of Judaeo- 

iin, at least if one accepts, as I do, a 9* centurv date.* The ludaeo-Persian 

signatures have been read by Saumann in 1897," though a few names still 

present some difficulty of interpretation. Other than Salemann the two main 

interpretations are those bv E. W. West, who transcribed the signatures in type 

n ha, shdws, mltswh, which s h l)u ld be read ihdw«' W mil wvh However this 

\t«c, t eda i ,h,nameotaChr,«,an m art.r.el Just, 1895 p 302 

Iwn 1995, P m f ° rm " ls ■ mestcd » s a SemKK Christian name, cf. 

^ r be preferred a g a, nSt H ENN1 ^ (1958 ,, 3 , 

m!Z "^^^P-.dcsaperfect.ygoodlvlidd.e 

l-er of lhe word «£ to E^ZEZZ i *jfc*+*> *- ^ ^ 

otherwise muowted in this text ' us m «k,ng a patronymic in -«» 

Thi* ttrm 14 usually u*ed « an cpiihci oi Sr„ I I 

•far* I know, whcw JJ , £*•{ " - never U5C d in personal onomas- 

"< "'ound. Alternatively it could be read 


Li , ,, , ' "•"»* "niea> 

"careelv attest*! ;- — 7 , '"«=«»*ovayitcoiUd be read 

''K6 n l*.a k ' "'"'l^Apci 

Gindih 2007, pp. 12-18 
urn |«7,p n. n | 

see most recent!} 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) 37 

in his 1870 article,'- and the later transcription and translation by J. P. Burkitt, 
with reference to Hauc's comments.' 1 The basic structure of the phrase is 
strongly conservative, as shown by the use of /><k/i7 and by the 1" person sg. 
guwahom: hamgun man wahmdrt-i wabmdn (padis) guwahom. 

1. hmgwn mn hsn My 

2. pdys gwhwm 

3. hmgwn mn shq 

4. smy'y] pJ\ s 

5. gwhwm hmgwn mn 

6. M^rhm qwwmy 

7. g\\ ln\ in hni^w n mn 

8. + krs \h\ y gwhwm 

1. Likewise I, Hasan 'Ali, 

2. witness on it. 

3. Likewise I, Sahaq M 
-I Sama'eP 5 on it 

5. witness. Likewise I, 

6. Abraham Quwami 36 

7. witness. Likewise I, 

8. Kurus-' 7 Yaliiva am witness. 

For the sake of completeness the Arabic signatures have also been included, 
though their reading was already established by earlier authors. The Arabic sig- 
natures, in Kuric script, are quite clear and were transcribed into type already 
in 1843 by Mr. Shakespear" and then again by Burkitt in 1930.''' The Kufic 
script may well be dated to the second half of the 9 th century, resembling speci- 
mens found in Egypt.'' 

j>\ j, J j-_< JLiJU ( J^-ij) (And witness) to this Maymun b. Ibra- 
£r" 0^ -a**** ->+-i j (^ him [sic] and witness Muhammad b. ManTh 

->+-i j J& j< *i*t> J+- 1 And witness Sulh b. 'All and witness 

wi t. 

j+^j jLjjJijj jl^L*- 'Utman b. al-Marzuban and witness 

j,_ jj** J4J.J ^p>y y : jl^^. Muhammad b. Yahya and witness 'Amru b. 

jt^jk^x^jpj.y) Ibrahim and witness Ibrahim b. 

jj-aj & j&> ±t^j JJi al-Tay and witness Bakr b. Mansiir 

32 West 1870, p. 390. 

33 Burkitt 1930b with reference to H AUG 1870, pp. 81-82. CuriousK Salsmanm's reading 

was ignored by some later authors as in fact the ease with Burkitt, whose transla- 
tion was later quoted by Joseph (1929a, p. viii) and, as a consequence) Bhdu\ (1956, 
p. 89), who himself quotes from Josii-h 1929a. Hapo's p.i-,',.i{;e on the signatures was 
integrally quoted in Burnhi 1874, pp. 3!4-3lf>. where the author also reproduced the 
Pahlavi and Judaco-Persian signatures (figs. 2a-b and 3). 

34 Correctly identified by Salemann (1897, p. 2, n. 1) with a popular form of pnsv 

35 Cf. Ar. jj-^l (S.m BMANN 1S97, p. 2,n. I). 

36 Salfmann 1897, p. 2, n, 1, suggests to read nup possihh fot ynp. 

37 The reading Kurus presupposes the presence of a small cross-like sign before the word, pos 
sihle, but also not entire-ly satisfying is Salemann's interpretation ''"i3t, zkry', Zakatn., 

38 Anon. 1843, p. 344. 

39 Burkitt 1930a. As was the ( tse « nh the Judaeo-Periian paragraph, Burkitt s transla- 
tion was quoted hi |i isi i'H 1 1929a, p, \ 111) and BKOI n (1956, p. 89), 

40 I wish 10 thank my colleague Dr. Robeki \ (,11 ma for this information, which she 
generously provided, and more in general ior patiently checking with me the reading of 
the Arabic signatures. 


CawloG < i Kin 

. pj&j+ij And witness al-Qasim b. Hamid 
. y tt- *t -j And witness Man$ur b. 'Isa and 
S -^ . **— -^ W itnesi Ismail b. VVqub 

•ndudc; the ninth century date assigned In Martin HauC and others CO 

the Quilon < japptt Clates fits in well * nh the presence of Pahlavi, Judaeo-Per- 

and Arabic signatures. On the ground of this ei idence a slightly later date 

U also be possmle the latest Middle Persian inscription found in cave 90 at 

kanheri was written m the earl) II ! century (ad 1021), attesting to that date 

the u^e of Pahlavi outside a religious context. However, the earlier date is sug- 

ed by the palaeography of the Arabic script, which should be assigned to the 

■ >nd half of the 9" cestui | 

From a linguistic point of view the Quilon Plates are particularly interest- 
ing for onomastics, providing a few previously unattested or scarcely attested 
personal names. Noteworthy are the conservative use ol the postposition padii 
in judaen Persian, 41 the different spellings ol Pahlavi hmgwnk and Judaeo-Per- 
sian hmgwn, as well as the correspondence between Pahlavi gwk'dy HWHm 
and Judaen- Persian gwhwm, both of which suggest not a difference in language, 
but a ctiachronic difference in the establishment of writing traditions, the same 
process which gave rise, as is well known, to historical spellings in Pahlavi. 

m .t historical point of view, the Pahlavi and Judaeo-Persian signatures 
bund on the Quilon Copper Plates provide the oldest known attestation of the 
pretenct of a Zoroastrian community cm Indian soil, as well as the oldest Ju- 
locument in India and, more generally, one of the oldest Judaeo- 
Lndocuments surviving to this day. Moreover, the signatures of Christians 
Iging to the Quilon community are, together with the Pahlavi cross today 
> be Hoi) Moum m Chennai, the oldest surviving primary attestations 
of 1 1 ertutfl ( hristuui community in southern India. 

Appendix: The Pahlavi script of the Quilon Copper Plates 

Though nm quiu » , U reme. possibly due to the difference in materials the 
sen r; revrmh , ,, 0M meMed m |tast jinM ma emls the 

whrch it mav be usefully compared « ! towever i. ,k„ «„ . ■ ,.' r ? 

ties whiehmn I, ■ i..., , i ° P resents s °m<-' peculian- 

8s — 

*& ewe. pven in wSkwn. I iV £? "^ ""»•" ,he f »»°™8 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) 39 

band of an engraver unfamiliar with the Pahlavi script, as would be the case- 
in South India. Comparing the Arabic signatures, and assuming that the Ara- 
bic, Pahlavi and Judaeo-Persian paragraphs were written by the same hand, one 
may easily see that the engraver was at home and skilled in Arabic calligraphy, 
but completely unacquainted with the Pahlavi and Hebrew scripts. Moreover, 
one should consider that some of the readings proposed here are of course only 
h\, and some of the names could not be interpreted, certainly due to 
the ambiguity of the Pahlavi alphabet, but possibly also due to the engravci 's 
hand, which proved less skilled than needed. On the contrary, 1 see no need to 
suppose that the present plates arc late copies of the original, on the principle 
that entia mm sunt multiplkanda praeter necessitatem* 3 Although the material 
is extremely scarce and insufficient for supporting any statistical conclusions, 
nonetheless, I hope that the tables below may be of some use to those few schol- 
ars who are interested in Middle Persian palaeography. 

'Aleph, h 

1 Ins grapheme is here extremely simplified, even more than in late cursive, 44 in most 
cases consisting of a straight line, often extremely short. Exceptions are the spelling 
-'dy in the word gwk'dy, which takes several different forms 11. 2.2, 3.1, ft. 3, 12.5, 14.3, 
etc., on the one hand, and ligatures such as sh in shdwst (I. 5.1) or s't in bwys't', on the 

'Aleph, h 




no occurrence 

joined to 
the right 

joined to 
the left 

joined on 

»OJ^ 9 » 



— krf><; 

1. 1.1 (hm-) I. 2.5 (hm-) 

4.2 (HWHm) 


I. M(-lhw-) 


9.3 (y'k) 

I. 14.1 (-d't) 

43 Recently applied in a different context oJ studies by Wf.rba (2006). 

44 The definition "late cursive" refers here to the script found on OStrtCa and papyri, on 
which see Wi m k l<>92, pp. 209-231 and 2003, pp. 1G8-I<>5. 



( uooG.CeRETI 



2.1 (itr'Vn) 

l.2.3(-'dy) I. 4.1 (-*dy) 

3 DBS 

1. 6.2 (-d v.l 1. 14.3-4 (-'dyHW-) 1, 15.5 (-SV) 


It occurs only isolated. This text presents no occurrence of its shortened form. 




I to i he right 

7.3 (bgwyh) 1. 13.5 (-bg) 1. 15,5 (fords' Y) 

linked to the left 

linked on both side 1 , 
special forms 



impossi ble 



s? : *. kj£ : u ;^;^ » ■ «* - .* be se en - a L 9.3. i 

W« inch as in I 6% A,l T i l h «g*nk', which sometimes is very 

differentiate between the three' "^ '" ""^ "° diacritics are used to 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) 41 




joined to 
the right 


TV ij 

1. 3.4 (Y) 

1. 7.2 (Y) 



1.4 (-shy) I. 14.1 (-mzd) 

S« turther under the special forms of [']. 

joined to 
the left 



I. 2.2 (gw-) 1. 3.1 (yw-) 1. 13.2 (wyh-dyn-) 

I. 14.1 (wnd't) 

joined on 

1. 1.1 (hmgw-) 


4.3 (hmgw-) 


All these letters are represented by a verticil stroke of slightly varying but regu- 
lar length, which may be slightly bent or slanted, the latter particularly in the 
case of ligatures with a preceding ' or g/d/y. Noteworthy is also the ligature 
-In- such as in I. 13.5 plnbg. 


Carlo G.Cmi.i 

1 ortn 




1 1 

ei passim 

rk- righi 

I.I limgw-l l.l 1. 2.4(hmgw-) 1. 13.5(plnbg) 

l "" u ; lt " impossible 


both sides 


special or 
i ins 


1.2.1 (str'Vn) 

h occurs only in I. 33, wyzY, where it presents its lull form and in 1. 14.1 wnd't 
" hrmiJ. It is worth noting that in late cursive the full form is quite rare, being 
limited to a very few words.* 5 


joined to the right 

joined to the left 

■ i on both 

no occurrence 

n<> occurrence 

no occurrence 




special and/or 
doubtful fornu 


** I. 14.1 (wnd't whrmzd) 

« Wan* 1992, p. 210. 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quiloneflsis) 43 

Its lull form occurs here only isolated and presents a hook variously drawn at the 
top (11. 1.1, 4,3, 6.2), a vertical stroke and, when written with particular care, i 
short tail going to the left (1. 2.2). It appears twice joined to the right, and in one of 
the two instances (1. 9.3) it presents a form very close to a vertical stroke, as in later 
cursive. In both these occurrences the ligature meets the k just below its head. 


1 m in 




3 a 3 
i. i.i(-k-) Hu.2(-k-) mm 

l.4.1| -k -) 

joined to the right 

\C nVtb^ 

1.5.5 (yk) 

I. 9.3 (y'kwp) 

joined to the left 


joined on both sides 


special and/or 
doubtful forms 


This letter presents two markedly different shapes. In the recto, when isolated, it 
is made of two lines, meeting at 90°, thus often resembling a large h (II, 4.4, 8.2). 
In most other occurrences it presents a rounded curve. The ligatures It, Ih and In 
resemble those found in book Pahlavi or late cursive, and are still readable. 



Occurent e 



1 1.2 (L) 

B 1 

1. 1.4(1) 1.6.5(L) 


1. 12.2 (L) 

joined to 
the right 


1. 5.2 (mlt-) 

1.11.2 (mlt-) 1.15.3 (mlt-) 


1. 17.2 (-mlt-) 46 

46 Though listed u joined to the right, it must be remarked that in .ill occurrences ol the 
word mil- the m il not m.ucri.ilK joined to the t, though this is theoretically possible. 
The same is true in late cursive, cf. Webbs 1992, p. 211. 


Carlo GCereti 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quiloncnsis) 45 


.he left 

joined on 
both sides 

peculiar or 






I.U(-Ihw-) 1.3.5(-lhw) '• * 3 - 5 <P lnb g) 

I. 12.3 (mlwy) 
See note 35. 


^ J 

1. 8.3 (L) 

M(H = MN) 

The letter has the same readily distinguishable form that it has in book Pahlavi 
and in the late cursive. In some occurrences the h in the ligature hm- is hard to 

sec (II.'" 






— b*> 


m> incurrence 



loincd to 
the led 

.LaJNtwyhg 1. i3.| ,MN) 1. 14.1 Cwhrma!) 

M(H = MN) 



joined on 

both sides 


^^^D ■ 

. 2.4 (hm<g>wnk 

1. 8.2 (hmgwnk') 

peculiar or 




1. 12.3 mlwy 

All three occurrences of s, two of which initial, present the shape with two large 





no occurrence 

joined to 
the right 

no occurrence 

joined to 
the left i^^fi 

1. 7.1 (syn-) 

— 'TUj 

1.9.1 (syny) 

joined on 
both sides 

1 WJC C j ^^| 

1. 5.1 (-dwst") 

peculiar or 




S2 , - i - ta —*-*«— *H*v**na. h iu. 

It always occurs isolated, presenting the regular book Pahlavi shape. 


G 1 Kill 






1. 13.5 (plnbg) 

-^o-' | 


1. 9.3 (v'kwp] 

1.14. 2 <pts) 

joined to 

[lie ne,h. 


.J to 



joined on 
both sides 





one occurrence rhis letter has .1 shape similar to that attested in late cursive 
script and not far from the standard book Pahlavi form. 


I urence 


no occurrence 

loined to 
the right 


1. 17.2 (Vt-I 

joined to 
thr impossible 

joined co 



peculiar or 



PM u r ' S , fC V distin 8 uish ^k 1 though it resembles more a book 
> « than a book Pahlavi s. Word internally or in any wav joined it loses its 
character,*,,- shape and may be confused with other ligatures" 

™»th *« inlaucuniw and often already in book Pahlavi. See further W, Bl ■ 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates {Tabula Quilonensis) 47 



joined to 

joined to 
the left 

joined to 
both sides 


> < O O 


I. Vf,(pts) 

1. 7.4 (pji) 

no occurrence 

1 W-U I«HjM 

1.5.1 (shdwst') 

1. I5.5(bwdsV) 

1. 3.2-3 (Ynisv ) 

peeuli.u oi 




1.2.1 (5tr"b'n) 

All occurrences of this letter, except perhaps for 1. 2.1 str'Vn, 1. 5.1 
shdwst' and I. 15.5 bwds't' present the shape easily to be taken for -p - : 





| r^ 

1. 15.5 (bwdiV) 

joined to 
the right 

> •) kui rHJH 


1. 3.5 (wyhzV) 


. 5.1 (shdwst") 

The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates (Tabula Quilonensis) 49 

mined to 
the right 

joined (0 
the left 

d on 
both sides 

peculiar or 

u ms 


1. 14.1 (wnd't-) 

I. 15.3(mlt'plhw') 




I, 2 I (sVVn) 

it occurs ord) in the word pts and presents in most cases a shape which differs 
from that of i (e.g I. 6.1). However, some occurrences of this pronominal post- 
position show a slightly different form of f, closely resembling book Pahlavi t 
(II. 11.3, 14.2, 16.1), thus weakening Weber's (and Hansen's, though not ex- 
plicit) hypothec 





w * ' LO 



1.6.1 (pts) 



1. 7.4 

1. 9.4 (pts) 


I - UJOO-'I 


111.3 (pti) 

I. 14.2 (pts) 

M SJCSSi&K; »**-**-*— !«.» 2,l-2l2and. 




isolated . 

l —\j '0 &/ 


1. 16.1 (pts) 

1 17,5 {pts) 


Anon. 1843: "Grant to the Early Christian Church of India." In: JRASVII.pp. 343-344 

[the article is not signed, though the author may be A.C. Burnell]. 
Bailey, H.W. 1956: Transliteration and translation of the Pahlavi paragraph in 

Brown 1956, pp. 87-89. 
Brown, L.W. 1956: The Indian Christians of St Thomas. An Account of the Ancient 

Syrian Church of Malabar. Cambridge. 
Burkitt F.C. 1930a: "Arabic (Kufic) Signatures on the Copper- PI ate." In: Kerala 

Society Papers, Series 6, p. 323. 

— 1930b: "Hebrew Signatures on the Copper-Plate." In: Kerala Society Papers, 

Series 6, p. 323. 

Burnell, A.C. 1874: "On Some Pahlavi Inscriptions in South India." In: Indian An- 
tiquary 3, pp. 308-316. 

Cereti, C. G. 2003: "Le croci di San Tommaso e la letteratura cristiana in lingue me- 
dioiraniche." In: Studi in onore di Umberto Scerrato per il suo seltantacinquesimo 
compleanno. Ed. by M. V. Fontana and B. Genito. Napoli (Series Minor LXV), 
pp. 193-206. 

— 2008: "On the Pahlavi Cursive Script and the Sasanian Avesta." In: Stir 37, pp. 1 75-195. 
Cereti, C.G/L.M. Olivieri/J. Vazhutanapally 2002: "The Problem of the Saint 

Thomas Crosses and Related Questions. Epigraphical Survey and 
Research." In: I W 52, pp. 285-310. 
Gignoux, Ph. 1986: Noms propres sassamdes en moyen-perst (pigrapbique. \\ ien 
(1PNB, Bd. II, Faszikel 2). 

— 1995: "The Pahlavi Inscription on Mount Thomas Cross (South India)." In: Solv- 

ing Riddles and Untying K>:<>i>. Biblical, Epigrahic, and Svmim Studies in Honm 
of Jonas C. Greenfield. Ed. by 7 - Zl vit, S. Gitin, M. Sokoeoff. Winona Lake, 
Indiana, pp. 411-422. 

— 2003: Noms propres sassanides en moyen-persv ipigraphique. Supplement 
[1986-200!/. Wien(IPNB, Bd. II. I aszikel 3). 

Gindin, Th.E. 2007: The Early Judaea-Persian Tafsirs of Ezekiel: Text, Translation 
and Commentary. Vol. I: Text. Wien (Veroffentlichungen eur Iranistik 40), 

Godavarma, K. 1937: "The Copper Plate Grant of SrivTraraghava Cakravartin.' I n: 
BSOAS 8, pp. 955-967. 

Gopinatha Rao, T. A. 1920: "Three inscriptions of Sthanu Ravi." In: T.A. GOPI 
natha Rao/K.V. Subrahmanya Aiyer: Tamil and Vettvluttu Inscriptions on 


Ca*loG < ixi " 

,„j ( .,„,,-,.;.,, , Pmu I » Ill W»«ta.» (T„v Jn c„,e ^..ologkd 

. S. [Ja-asfAsaJ: Ail Ott Pebkm-P^nd Glossy. Bombay, pp. 1-148 

ubriki 1473]. ^^ 

Sw.W.B.WSfc-MitttUnuiisct-I^HdOLn l.PP-^-"* 
Iouph, TK. 192* M«£«db«fM N*rr*nik*l*te n*i»t*pp*f***l [**>* F ° Hr Copper 

■.-,>/. Tn*.indrum[nonvidi]. 
_ j., | tumttadTheh indent Documents. Tmandrum. 

MibbtrMifcdlaiiy.VU TheMalabaK hristiaa Copper Plates." In: /arfwa 

.4nn</«jn I\ III- pp .13-16. 

Vamenbucb, Marburg [rcpr. Hildesheim 1963]. 
i 1 963 / J langue des plus anctens monuments de la prose persane. Paris 

i Etudes Lraguistiqoa II) 

Sorac Eirl) IWumems in Persian (I)." In: JRAS 1942, pp. 181-194. 
•v Ml, s 1996 Perumah of Kerala: political and social conditions of 
■ U under the Cera Perumals ofMdkotM (c. 800 A. D. -1124 A.D.). Calicut. 
Sau mann, C. l997:/mdseo-Penkt ruck Si Pi u rsburger Handschrifien I. Chudai- 
dat Em jkdisch-bucbarucbei Gedicht. St Petersbourg (Memoircs de I'Academie 
Imperuk- des Sciences de SL-Ptterebourg, VII- sine, Tome XL1I, 14). 
s> niimr, R. 2006: Das tramsebe Penonennamenbiich: Riickschau, Vorschau, Rund- 
>i/>jn (mtt emer Bibliographic iur tnmischen Penoncnnamenkttnde). Wien (Ira- 
nischc Onomasiik 1). 
Svamston,< h- 1824 1827: "A Memoir of the Primitive Church of Malayila, or of the 
Syrian Christiana d the Apostle Thomas from its first rise DO the present time." 
In JRAS I. pp. 171-192. 
\X i n k. I) I992i OstntCM, Papyri und Pergamente. Textband. London (C1I, Part III, 

IV and V [e*tl | 

- 1993: 'Kalligraphie und torsive: Problemc der Pahkvi-Schrift in den Papyri und 

tea " In: Uediotramca. Proceedings of the International Colloquium organ- 

" etl ' itveruteit Leuven from the 21" to the 2J' J of May 1990. 

luowua and A. vah roNGERLOo. Leuven, pp. 183-192. 

rimer Papyri Pergamente nnd Lemenfragmentv m mmvlpcrmcher Spra- 

l London (CII, Part 111, vols. IV and V, Text! 11) 

mr. Wien, pp. 261-306 
1 * '«7C ian Inscriptions 

JRAS IV, pp. 357-405. 

explained hv the Pahlavi of the P.irsis." In: 

' ' "lESE * T J' 301 " N ° tC °" the Pihlavi **™™> » *e Quilon Copper- 
1 Utev te&a,i « J «»fyP^m.Seriei6,pp.320^23. 

Two Notes on Bactrian 

Johnny Cheung, Leiden 

It is not my habit to dedicate any words, not even a few, to the iubildrn of a Fest- 
schrift, after all: "Good wine needs no bush". In the case of Nicholas 1 have to 
make an exception, ,ts I have closely worked with him for almost five years and I 
have come to know him more personally. I havelearnl From him not only some of 
the intricate matters of tautology, but certainly how to socialize: we have eaten 
together vayavo 080 vauttyo - of course enriched with some tine uoXo! - so of- 
ten that even my eating habits .uui food preferences have been affected. I greatly 
admire his effortless, almost natural, tactful way how to deal with people in gen- 
eral - and difficult ones in particular- and serve .1 glass ol wine without spilling 
a drop at the same time. I lis generosity and kindness he has shown to me in all 
these years ought not be left un mentioned here. It is a great pleasure and honour 
to make a contribution to his Festschrift on his 60 l)l birthday. Unfortunately, it 
has turned out to he a rather small article, but I hope it will be appreciated. 

Nicholas' crucial contributions to Bactrian are widely known and, being 
commented on in externa by the editors, it is rather superfluous for me to re- 
peat them here again: it suffices to cite his publications Sims-Williams 2000 
and 2007. Obviously, the same labelling of the Bactrian documents has been 
used here too. The interpretation and translation of the Bactrian texts by Ni- 
cholas have been generally accepted. At best, one could dispute a few et) molo- 
gies or the analysis of some minor passages. Being such a nitpicking philologist. 
I would like to draw the attention to the interpretation of two instances, tor 
which I propose a different translation. 


This form is amply attested in the Bactrian documents: e.g. C18 ju8o u.aoxo 
vot|3ixtOYO aYY«C J Y° 'concerning the property described herein', J10 p.aX»]Xo 
apo |iaX(jo ayyaoyo JtaooiaPiyo xopof 10 Sovayo TuooyipTO £to aYY a (Tr° aoi6 ° 
oayytvo £>t£8o aoio 'a disposable property here in Malr, my own ancestral es- 
tate, this (same) propertj winch is called Sangin'. Sims-Williams 2000 (p. 177a), 
translates ayyagyo as 'property (in land), estate', which is fairly well suited in 
i Ik usts. As for the etymology, the comparison with Parth./Zw^'V'Behausung' 
is cautiously made, while another cognate is mentioned as well (with a query). 


Johsni Chu KG 

,„U preferred In SkJ«RV0 2006, p. 31 J [= SlllS-WlLUAMS 2007, p. 187] ll 

ma'rcfer ,o an agglomeration of individual Mb, ri«* « the normal torm 
.,( farm land,". The KhottMM term clearly refers to a group ol people commj 
;o«rt*rr whidi u a hit difficult W conceive lor immovable objects such as build- 
ings or fields though. Th.s it ei .dent in the two attested passages: 

- Zambasta 22.115: uanpHf?*** ***** w '- v ''"' k " ih ' f " hamate ham gg ar gg a 

Mtmpb* mc p*w »* t! « ****** »'<•"'«" hal )' su Thcre Wl11 be A s ar - 

den, Sampuspita bj name, where this gathering will take place. Over a hun- 
dred ggamphas the assembb will sit down before the Buddha Mairreya' (Em- 
si mu k 1968, p. 321 

- Rama 24C in KT III: 76.240 . . . hagarvd biisd vafdkye nam vijsye hatrstai vim 
in the assemblies there are jests, grimaces, he does not look at me at all' (also 
Dkivir I9nv, p lib) 

As for the initial suggestion, Parth. h'mg'r is a hapax form found in a Mani- 
chaean text that is dubbed as "Der Sermon vom Licht-Nous" by Werner 
iimMov (1992). It is also attested as h'mg'r in an unpublished fragment 
M2s I ibyn g"b k(.)j }(b)g '(b)yn nsst (b)wi yv aryn'm 'we see 

the /; 'mg'r and the beautiful throne on which you was seated". Purely for etymo- 
logical reasons StFNDZMCANN ( 1992. p. 68, § 14.7) translates the Parthian forms as 
*'Sammeiplatz, Versammlungsort', a nominal derivative of a verb matching Av. 
ham-car- *'to go together" (Ai\\ 4491. i. Two points need to be addressed though. 
In the first place, Sundermann also mentions that this passage corresponds to 
a Chinese-Manichaean line which Schmidt-Guntzer 1987, p. 80, translates 
U "dann tritt er in die alte Behausung". The meaning 'alte Behausung' con- 
^sical) Chinese ti -£. which would be a precise translation of Parthian 
'mg'r[cy kfwn. The meaning of h'mg'r 'dwelling' is no doubt old. A similar 
meaning should also be assigned to the quoted Avestan cognate hamxaraifha, 
which does not mean 'go/come together' at all (nor 'sich ergehen*. as interpreted 
in A,K 450). A close inspection of the Avestan passage, where this imperative 
torm is attested, Yi 17.60, rather suggests a more "sedentary" interpretation. 

c turn ham caraifha 
antart and?m nmanahe 
srirahe isa^dkiritahe 

Th,s contrasts with the preceding passage, the plea from Ahura Mazda 

■■raol &huro ma, i 
rniaum asmjrijm frasuta 
mi auut z$m nutrumue 

I ' ■ stay/reside here with me within/in- 
lide iIk beautiful dwelling tit tor a king.' 

"a Mazda said: 
"O fair and wise Ashi, 
do not go back to the heavens, 
do not sink into the earth 1- " 

,tK iy/ *t p- 2811.; also Lommki 

Two Notes on Bactrian 


1927, p. 166), can hardly be but 'stay, dwell, reside vel sim.'. The PIr. root *carH, 
which bam.caran v ba, h'mg"r and also avyagyo contain, does not simply means 
'to pasture, graze, roam', but it has also acquired the nuance 'to settle down', cf. 
Oss. cxryn 'to live' (in both senses 'to be alive' and 'to dwell'), pref. a-rcxryn 
"to settle (down)', bacxryn 'to live together, cohabit', cf. Miller/Frejman 
1927-1934, III, p. 1650f. This evidently refers to the pastoral subsistence of the 
ancient semi-nomadic Iranians (cf. Cheung 2007, p. 33f.). 

Still, although it is now very tempting to wholly accept Sundermann's 
equation of Parth. h'mg"r (and by extension also Bact. ayyaoYo) with Av. bam, 
camn'-'ha after some amendments, the first part of h'mg'W, with long a, is trou 
bling. It is only found in nominal compounds (cf. Durkin-Mkisterernst2004, 
p. 1 73a): h'm'dywn' fellow-traveller, companion' {"dywn 'way, path '),b'm'xwnd 
'united; companion, comrade' (NP ax' and 'tutor, preacher'), h'mbrbm 'of the 
same shape* (brbm 'form, appearance'). Similar compounds with *hama- are 
also attested in Avestan (cf. De Vaan 2003, p. 71), Persian and Sogdian: 

- Vyt 37 bdmo.ndfo, MP h'mn'p, h'mn '/'kinsman'; 

- Yt 14.50 x hamo.gaona-, MP b'mgwn 'model, something of the same kind' 
(but Sogd. mywn 'like; all, complete' < ''bamdyon, GMS, § 91); 

- BSogd. "m 'rS, Zor. MP bamdl, NP bdmdl, hamdt 'companion'. 
Regardless of the origin of b'm- ', Parth. h 'mg"r 2 and also Bact. ayyagyo^re prob- 
ably formations that have been formed independently from Av. bam.cararfha. 

In conclusion, the Bactrian (nominal) compound ayyagyo can be more pre- 
cisely translated as 'residence, dwelling, abode'. 

ocAo av8a@o £apuyo |Juy(a)8o 

This expression is attested three times: V24,V27' (ptyafio), W20. It is translated as 
'to exchange (it) for another (piece of) land'. The interpretation of the whole pas- 
sage is not quite satisfactory. The translation of avSago Cxuiyo 'another piece of 
land', which is mentioned in all three passages, raises questions: what would that 
other piece be exactly? One would expect to find a contrast in the text, i.e. one 
piece of land set against another piece of land. For instance, in the famous mar- 
riage contract, doc. A, the conditions under which the betrothal of two broth- 
ers, Bab and Piduk, to the same woman, Ralik, takes place also stipulate that 
they cannot take another woman as wife (without the consent of Ralik): A18t. 

1 With evidence in several Iranian languages, the long vocalism must be (at least) of 
Plr. date. The origin of -i maj be sought in the nom. sg., cf. Av. bamo - always with 
long stem vowel -, which would point to "> original hysterodynamk paradigm: nom. 

*someH, *somH6s. Subsequently, the gen. has given rise to the thematized stem 
*somH6-, Ski. iamd-, etc. 

2 The simplex torm is perhaps preserved in MP nhcybr t V 'hunt nig pl.ue. hunungground' 
(KPT, p. 120). but evidentlv this meaning is eclipsed In the homonym ( > 'means'. 

JOHNKl < hiunC 

to «8o*o t^ o/o ipo y.'u&o. But in the case 

t„,m Z hushan period Bu. l*«o tmo 'on. * .th.n the land could well be 
H archaic (legal?) eTpmsbB.eorrespondn^ exactly to Parth. B efr z«y . As for 
,hc fouling form, the apparent!) infinitive torm u< Y <« So -s translated as to ex- 
change (for iXo)' inSiMS-Wn uams2000, P . 204, from IE *H 2 meif, , Gr. AueiBw 

__ 1 J 1. ...... I 1 1 M...I nil 111 n lilJii.l f i. 

The Bictrian formation would he totalU isolated within Indo-Ira- 
nian. Skj mvo 2006, p. 315, wonders whether uiy(a)8o could rather mean 'to 
i inge lor" or "blend combine with' from older Bactr. amigdo (Parth. 'mrx(, 
The loss of initial j- is frequently found in late Bact. texts, e.g. (in doc.) V 
'North* i hut in C, J. 1 . Nn a^gavo), S, W petto 'broke' (R auaxo). 
meaning of this postulated form, 'amigdo, in Bactrian is semantically prob- 
lematic though. The Iranian correspondences point to an overall mixing of two 
different substances tb« often result in a new product (the secondary meaning of 
ll or sexual intercourse' is obviously just a metaphorical development), e.g. 

- Ml' paai pan in Sh, 1. 929ff.: W gnvn h'm brim 'myxt hynd 'wVn 
zbg z'd h\nd And together they mingled with their united bodies and pro- 
duced offspring' 

- Parth. kg, pres. 'myjyd in Sukdebmann 1992, §26: W pdynyd wxybyy 

1% l 1 pnjbzmgwzrg o'w(d) wxy(b)yb xmyr bwyivr pd o hwyn rt 

prtofbr) myiyd o ■■■d(yd) 'and he is kindling his own fire in those five 

large lamps and he is mixing his own perfumed scent into/with that aether'. 
However, a house and land cannot be "mixed" in this way: they will always stay 
separate, immovable enn 

Assigning a meaning to -uyfaJSo is for now pretty much a guessing game when 
it is so rare and lound in a context that allows for more than one interpretation. 
But there may be a solution at hand when we also consider the fact that the Bac- 
trian legat tradition appeared to have survived in the successive Islamic era, when 
Baetru became an integral partof Khorasan. Not manv documents have been pre- 
set x ed in khorasan, but lortunatel v, we can also consider the numerous earlv legal 
docunu-nu -ha, have been unearthed in Egypt. The style of manv of these gener- 
al K a el I -preserved papyri can be ascribed to the scribal tradition of Khorasan, as 
the introduction ot Abbasid administrative into tgvpt had been devel- 
oped m the eastern provbees (Kha* 2006, pp. 27ff„ 46f.). Manv earlv contracts 
- n-rn,„, the « , ,4 pmp , BMmhed ^ ^ ^^^ w ^ 

«" "— "'H-.llustraudbv.uomp. m sonol the Bactrian documents V,W 

SLTKKK! t" " ■' T* d >»»H>r»dence ■* V back 

Cm,Ut **»* ,lw J — -t '■> « kkh i, beyond my competence. 

Two Notes on Bactrian 


with some of the edited papyri (which appeared in Grohmann 1934-1962 and abo 

Dikm 2004). The following clauses or passages show some striking similarities: 

I. consent of the sale by the sellers: 

Bact. doc. V5f. 

y.x'kbo jn6ooaaa5o ^oyajio 060 jjoaivSo 
/.380 oSo JtaoaXaSo u.avo a(3atuo oSo 
uavo awpo 060 uavo oaxboflopfio 080 
uavo [it][ocu.o oatufjavo nopavo axi8au.r)vo 
XOtvo ajtav5ayavo pa£tv8o otupoxapo 

"when a contract to give and to sell was 
IrceK and willingly made by me, Absih, 
and by me, Sor, and by me, Wakhsh-burd, 
and by me, Meyam, the sons of Wahran, 
we whose house they call Spandagan, 
servants ot the kbar of Rob.' 

Grohmann 1934-1962, doc. 60, passage 12 

>y y J>yrs <*+ 


(H 1 ** 


&&. y> &jjt* ^j ^* /- j* o=~> r» 

'... this while the\ ire in a state ot sound 
mind and body and capable ot transact- 
ing their business, voluntarily, without 
compulsion and not againsi their will, 
but of their own good pleasure ..." 

2. the locational description of the sold house and its boundaries 

\ uii 

wao a^o fiaaxo vaptjctiyo ayyaoayo aoi8o 
^T)o5o vocu.o ieio Jia6ouau.ov86(ytv8o 
aoo u.ipooavo xivo 060 nayoxtvo 
ayyapayo aaXapavo o6aoo utpooa- 
vr]Xo napo 7itSopiX.8o xtvo 080 naooxivo 
ayyaoayo aatSo xo86r]Oo (3apa86<xavo 
oaj(3o)(aoo Xa66iytv8o o8aao utpova- 
'^aoavo ... ofiaoo viuoptuaavo ... oSaao 
JSapX ™ ayyapayo 7ta6ouau.ov8o aaiSo 
Xa(jo(3tyavo aoo anavSayavo ^tooayivSo 
itotXayo yio^tvSo 

'Now these are the boundaries of the 
property described herein, whose name 
(is) Zerd: to the east (is) a ditch, and on 
the farther side of the ditch the propert] 
of the leaders, and further eastwards, be- 
yond (it is another) ditch, and on the 
ther side of the ditch the property which 
the khar of Rob has given to the lord of 
((he estate) Baradikan and to the west .. 
and to the south ... and to the north the 
boundary (is) the property which is the 
purchase of the Kharbigan (family) from 
the Spandagan (family, which) they call 

54, passage 4f. 

*.A.i)\ <-j> jjjl y L* £} rJJL*l\ j« ; „^lL <jsi< j 

L^AaJlj KhP jlM aJUb 

"... and being his property in the afore- 
said domain, enclosed and surrounded by 
four boundaries: the first boundary, viz. 
the southern, ends at the main thorough- 
fare with winch the door oi this open area 
communicates so as to afford entrance to 
and exit from it; the second boundary, 
the northern boundary ... and the third, 
the eastern boundary ... the fourth, the 
western boundary extends to the dwell- 
in.; house of Yohanncs b. Bardesane' 

JOHNNi Cheung 

3, the sellers acting as sureties 

\ U tf. 

1^0 otoo )a6o Xi6o 06*00 0100 ax* 00 
ofiaooO' a 06*^- 

3tv6o opaio HtX8s$o 0100 X160 va^ivda 

bioauo oSaoo 0100 1 
von&ryo o&if5u»$tv6o vizimuo 08a- 
.. aw^o vos6o o. 1 /po£op6o 

.0 o6sAo [i«x*YT° r' 

(0260 -:6oxaoA.«(iO 
60 060 Mgty&Q WW utgCsuo itAO 

pauei odaao x°^o jfov6i'jo 06 > 
ivt&igoCayYOJ xs^Mtpo 01701*60 jpctfi 
. 0160 t«5o 
1130 ocuti JJooifio 060 

^ifio -i6ivo iuCojio ,;gi)YTtvo6- 

.0 (n6ayo a 
matpoaaSo "' 060 |i (? Taoavo 

■ .0 060 Xauauo 
and b\ us 11 has been guaranteed that (we 
shall go) to each (and) every lawsuit (be&df 
w>u, Zar-yol. and beside you, Bredig, and 
beside vou. Sand, and beside vour brothers, 
and descendants, and) wc shall cause 
I -iv to be) released and detached every lawsuit)t and from every dis- 
pute and from every retention; if we do m .( 
■every lawsuit b. -nddi.not 

canst the property to be) released and de- 
tached from even retention, or (if) I, Sor, 
I. or 1. ^akhsh-burl , .,„,' 

or our brothers, sons (and) descendants, 
lid ourselves withhold (the pror* 
H alien ivuuitoluvei.andi hold (it)* 
oduo .mother kind of contract (and)' 
d document, or in respect of 
ttatemem and of (our) own pant than was guaran- 
teed by (us) ourselves and is written herein 
*« we shall be (judged) U-l, 
■ng to even law, and also we shall pay « 
J nc ;' f Ae fcnbg of three 

h " n "' ' r current dirnan 


same rine to the opponents 

Diem 2004, p. 30, 1. 12£ 

la, j> L-. J, tjj/> f> J* j-Ul J* ^ W L. 

_*x, ^jlt J>JI 


Whatever claim someone is laying to 
Merqurc ibn Mini the barber on this 
house, suddenly about a debt/obliga- 
tion, (or) that be 1- entitled to the inherit- 
ance, the settlement and execution of this 
(claim) is on the persons mentioned in 
this document, whatever it is and what- 

Two Notes on Bactrian 



Even the elaborate legal clause rcagoo notgotXaSo vafSotyo tuotaSo otxaenya 
/■o6o DtXo avSatgo Ic^iiyo u.iy6o ... aoi8o uagao X oa6o giu.a8o aatyov6o 
X opaoav6o atpo x<L>"«yo |3ovo 7ii8a D yavo jtqtSaxbavt^o "afterwards to sell (it), 
to give (it) away, to pawn (it), to put (it for) hire, to exchange (it) for another 
(piece of) land ... whatever may suit yourselves, just as owners (customarily) 
have authority over what is purchased (and) ancestral estates,' in which u.ty(a)8o 
appears, is attested in several Egyptian contracts, albeit in the following ab- 
breviated form: J-U> U jl., ._*,, U jlj Q U ji 'if he will, he may sell it, it Ik- 
will, he may give it away, and if he will, he may give it as alms', cf. Diem 2004, 
pp. 30 (1. 11), 38f. (with references). Obviously, we may wonder whether J.u> 
'to give as alms' is just the Islamic rendering of Bact. avoago ^170 u.iy(a)6o. 
u.iy(ot)8o perhaps means 'to make/give as offering, donate, vel sim.', going back 
to a denominative- factitive formation of 'maga- 'gift', OAv. maga-, Skt. magba- 
'bounty, gift* 5 : < *mayya- < *maga-ya-. The vocalism of u.ty(ot)6o would then be 
the outcome of epenthesis, cf. oitta-, txama-, canto-, ocoitota- 'to serve, worship' 
< *spasya-, gi£- 'to be called, be named' < '-'razya-. 

The Bactrian expression can be interpreted as 'to make ,1 (public) offering 
in the land*. Since we arc dealing with the sale of a house, this house could be 
donated, becoming (part of) a charitative institution, not unlike an Islamic waqf 
(or a modern-day trust), to the benefit of the local people. As the statement con- 
tinues with pauago 060 (kcyoXayyo xigSo A.o<xu.iyo 080 ^axpataviyo xigSo 'to 
make a monastery or temple, to make a place of burial or crematorium', a more 
profane use seems more appropriate, e.g. a hospital or school. The preceding 
aXo would then be the conjunction "or', rather than the preposition. The whole 
passage otXo avSotgo Ccxpuyo 0,^(3)80 can thus be translated as '... or to donate it 
within the land'. 


AiW = Chr. Bartholomae: Alttramscbes Worterbuch, Berlin 1961 [repr. of Strass- 
burg 1904]. 

Cheung, J. 2007: Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian Verb. Leiden/Boston 
(Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series 2). 

Darmestetfr, J. 1972: The Sirozabs, Yasts, and Nydyis. Westporr (Connecticut) 
I repr. of Oxford 1883] (Sacred Books of the East XXIII), 

De Vaan, M. 2003: The Aveslan Vowels. Amsterdam/New York (Leiden Studies in 
Indo-European 12). 

Degener, A. 1989: Kbotamscbv Suffixe, Stuttgart (Alt- und neu-indische Studien 39). 

Diem, W. 2004: lime arabische Kaufurkunde von 1024 n.Chr. aus Agypten. Wies- 
baden (Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 16). 

5 On the meaning of Old Avcstan maga- see further Schmidt 1991, p. 220ff. 



Di«WN-MnsTOU»HSr, D 2004: Diction*, of Manichaean Middle Persian and 
Pirthun. Turnhoui (CFM, Subsidia 3/1). ...... 

Emkcui i, Rt 1968: Tbt Book q I Khotanese poem on Buddhism. 

■ ndon (London Oriental Series 21). 

1 Grummai o) Manichean Sogdian. Oxford 1954 ( Publica- 
tions ot the Phi lologit ilSociet) 16). 
Grohm^nv \ 1934-1962: irnbic Papyri in the Egyptian Library. 6 voU. Cairo. 
K.han,G - 1 : :>• [2007-2008]: Arabic documents from tarty Mamie Khurasan. Load* in 

udics in the Khalili Collection V). 
A7>7 _ \\ si mh km anm Mittelpersucbe and partbische kosmogonische und Parabel- 
det Manidm r. Hit i inigi n Bt merkungen /u Motiven der Parabeltexte von 
Gassier. Berlin 1973 (BTTH | 
KT-H.W. Bailek Kbotanese Texts. Vols. I VII. < ambridge 1945-1985. 
LoMMtL.H. 1927: D;t Yast'sdi > lo «w GotrJngen (Quellen det Religionsgeschichte 

I 5, Gruppe 6). 
Mm i ik. VI A A I rejman YH7-WiA:Osetiniko-ruiiko-nemeckijslovar'/Ossetisch- 

nscb-dcMtscl rbach I vols. Leningrad. 

Sb. - M Hi in k: l/.;7,-/> kosmogonmiii Sabubngan-Texte. Edition, Kommentar 
und litemturj>tichiihitiche EinorJntmg det manicbaisch-mittelpersiscben Hand- 
99 / und M 7980-79H4. Wiesbaden 1992 (Studies in Oriental Re- 
ligions 21 1 
v (OUST, H. P. 1991: 'Gathk m^g&i and Vedk m^gfei." In: A'./t. Gihm Oriental 
Institute, International Congress Proceedings (?'' to 8 lh January, 1989). Ed. by 
H.J.M. Dbsju and H.N. Modi. Bombay, pp. 220-239. 

IIDT-Gl i \TZtK, H. 1987: Cbinesiscbe Mamcbaica. Mil n xthntischen Anmerkun- 
gen nndeinem Glossar. Wiesbaden (Studies in Oriental Religions 14) 
Sims-Williams, N. 2000 [2001]: Bactrian document : m Northern Afghanistan. Pt. 
h Legal and economic document* Oxford (Studies in the Khalili Collection I. 

i li, 

- 2007.- Bactrian document* from Northern Afghanistan. Pt. II: Letters and Bud- 
dhist Text,. London (Studies ,„ the Khalili Collection III. CII, pt. II, vol III) 
*v B ,P.O. 2006; Key . -Williams 2000. In: jAOS 125/2. pp. 311-316 

SEE £ "* D " Sm r vom Lkkt - N ™ Ei »< L ^< '« -<- 

(BTrXvlT, faportbucben und soghdtschen Version. Berlin 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" 
(Hunsandift wifrds) 1 

li< is Colditz, Berlin 

The collections of Manichaean Turfan texts contain several h\ nins written in 
couplets, among them the large hymn-cycles Arigad rosndn and Huyadagmdn 
in Parthian and Gowisn i gr«c zindag in Middle Persian, the Parthian Gospel 
hymns and some Parthian alphabetical hymns. 2 Another one has been identi- 
fied by BOYCB (1960, p. 148, no. 56) as the Hunsandift wifrds and translated as 
"The Teaching of Contentment". Three fragments of the text are listed there: 
M98/11/, M99/II/ and M120I(T la). The hymn was intended for publication in 
Mitteliranische Manichaica IV but was left unedited except for some short quo- 
tations. This paper, presented on the occasion of the 60' 1 ' birthday of Professor 
Nicholas Sims-Williams, an esteemed scholar also on Parthian and Mani- 
chaean subjects, is to give an edition of the text together with some remarks on 
its content as well as on the term hunsandift in Manichaeism. 

Parthian hunsandift "contentment, happiness" 
in Manichaean context 

Vn. hunsandift (hwnsndyit, hwnsndyft), MPhunsandi(b){hwnsTidyy, hwnsnd> h), 
is an abstract noun of the adjective hunsand "content, happy", which Hinning 
(1933, p. 220, n. 2) explained as from ''hu-nisand-, but Binvenistl (1933a, p. 243) 
as from ^^'am-sanda- "qui trouve agreable" with reference to Av. *x°ani-saxta-. 
Cantera (2000, p. 44) has recently given a new explanation of the first part of 
the compound and translates 'huant-sanda- "with fresh appearance", i.e. "con- 
tent", on the basis of Olr, : 'huan-, IE 'siien-. The word occurs in the dy.ui wifrds, 
the Manohmcd rosn wifrds and in various other texts as the name of the fourth of 

1 I l hank D. Durkin-Mhs'i I Hi knm tor his numerous helpful and important suggestions 
for the transliteration and the translation ol the studied Ir.igmenls, and also tor kindly 
correcting and improving the I nglishof my article. 1 would also like to thank thcStaats- 
bibliothck zu Berlin - Preuflischer Kulturhesiu und the Ryokoku University in Kyoto 
for their kindly permission to publish the photographs. I .1111 indebted to the department 
Turfanforschung of the Berlin rW.indenburgische Akademieder Wi&jensi flatten tor giv- 
ing me the opportunity to studs ilu originals. 

2 lor the livmns in couplets see K011 1 1968, pp, 74-75, SuNDl km ann 2008, pp. 240-244. 



the twelve Aeons of Light. In .Ke Sogdun I enion W* «r.r tt ' |Ojr corresponds 
„ „ SUNDOMANN MKG. P . 51. n. 6) assumes a general translation of an origi- 
nal Aramaic word bv words meanmg "happiness" in the Iranian languages; this 
is supported bv the and Ch.nese equivalents. The fourth Aeon of Dark- 
■dismrbance" (LN, $*4)»S « intonym. The five characteristics 
ol the fourth Aeon ol I .ghtare described in LN, $$58-62, I bis section is poorly 
• crved. but from the Chinese version it is clear that it deals w ith the qualities 
and bchav bur of the pious Elect. ' These are: patient submission to the rules of 
the pure religion, asceticism, studying the law of the religion to prevent heretic 
thoughts, humbleness towards superiors, impartial affection for both superiors 
and inferiors. The close connection between "happiness" and the clergy is also 
underlined h LN, $35, when- bvnmdyft is also the seventh part of the sec- 
ond cardinal virtue w'vryfl "belief" and is related with mwstyft "profession (of 
unM". m 'fear (of God)*, wygr'Anyft "wakefulness'', 'trwg 'mwxtn "teaching 
(or learning?) of the doctrine"* and srwg sr'uysn "recitation of the doctrine". 
It is in opposition i fbryfi "unfriendliness". The use of "happiness" in 

ConnecttOfl with the Elect can also he found in MP texts. In M380a-b/R/5/ 
\1 KG(2387)) bu tund occurs in the context of admonitions referring to monas- 
cklife.InM221 R 19,21 (KPT(1994, 1996)) hwnsnd is counted among the qual- 
baes of the Perfect Hearer. And in M4l5 + M289b/I/V7ii/6/ (SunDermann 2001, 
iyb is in opposition to "z "greed". Pa. hunsandift, MP hunsandih 
"happiness" denote tfaerefi Hi t be pietj .ind devotion of the Elect, their unanimity 
in religious subjects and their strict observance of the commandments. The term 
designates the mental state of the pious Elect during his lifetime. We may find 
here some parallels to the ideal concept of poverty (MP 's'kwbyb, Pa. 'skwhyft, 
So. frnxu i one of the Manichaean commandments for the clergy 

partly corresponding to thatofrfnjdj'ffcinZoroastrism.' 

The Hunsandift wifris and its content 

rcnT^riT" "T ^ H,mSa " dif ' "** shar " ™™ important charac- 
teristics * „h the hvmn-cvcles. It 1S non-alphabetical, written verse-wise with each 

'vet ^ r I r i i *?*»-** "** is *~ than that of the 

P HH.JM 4 VXi to leafn «tar than of -mwc- "to teach" cf. LN, 

' f " 1, "-^PP^.^5- 2 8;SlM ,W, LUAMs|985 , pp . 574 _ 575 

I he I' "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifrds) 


Differently from the Angad ros'ndn and Huyadagmdn, the Humandift wifrds 
does not represent the lamentation of the soul fettered within the material world 
and calling for redemption. Its main subject is rebirth, exemplified through the 
different destinies of the lucky person and the unlucky person. A man, who is 
a darling of toitum and achieves prosperity and wealth during his life, turns 
into a misadventurer after rebirth who brings about only ruin and poverty. His 
changing fate is associated in the text with the forces of destiny (stars, signs 
of the zodiac) on the one hand, but also with the pious deeds achieved by him 
on the other. That means that the future life after rebirth will be qualified by 
the amount ol the Litter. Interestingly enough, the author's conclusion does not 
consist in the demand tor more pious deeds. On the contrary, he wishes for total 
release from fate through chastity. The author speaks for the whole community 
ol the righteous (i.e. the clergy) when he promises that they will remain without 
offspring through the gathering of the limbs. 

The Hunsandift wifrds is rich in metaphorical expressions. It makes use of 
some well known Manichaean images such as that of the tree, the spring or the 
different roads. We already know the description of the Paradise of Light in the 
Huyadagmin with brilliant trees and fountains with sweet water (H.I/35a,b/). 7 
The image of the tree is to be found especially in cosmogonical contexts. The 
Sermon on the Light Nous contrasts the metaphor of the Splendid Tree (New 
Man, i.e. state of Elect) (LN, §§45-83) with that of the Tree of Death (Old Man. 
i.e. state of mixture) (LN, §§ 84-91 b). s In the Cyan wifrds (GW, §4) we find a 
caption So. wn'r'm(y x)wyck"w'[kj "Explanation of (the parable on) the forest" 
which may refer to GW, §§ 1 19-126, where the five elements arc compared to five 
kinds of trees and men (the Elect being the first of them). Another comparison 
of the clergy with fruit-bearing trees is given in MI l/V/4-6/. 9 The Living Soul 
can be identified with a tree, as in HLS(684-686). There is also a d'lwg 'fryv n 
"Praise of the tree" (M381/R/H/, unpubl.) but only a few lines are preserved. 
Apart from the textual sources, the Tree of Life is also depicted in the famous 
wall painting of a three-trunked tree in cave no. 25 (no. 38 according to the 
modern numbering) in Bazaklik. 10 In the present text, the trees (or: the forest) 
are the objects at which the lucky and the unlucky person direct their actions. 

6 The exact number of strophes cannot be ascertained since in some places the text is too 
damaged to decide this. 

7 Boyck 1954, pp. 72-73; So. version: M17S/R/30-33/, ed. Henning 1948, pp. 307-308; 
Chin. Hymnscroll 296, tr.insl. Si hmidt-Guntzer 1987, p. 47. 

8 For a more detailed description of these trees with their trunks, branches, leaves, seeds, 
flavours and colours symbolizing the five vitiuous and primary sins respec- 
tively cf. LN, §§27-31. 34-38. 

9 \\ \i us, hmidt/Lhntz 1933, pp. 556-557, 592-596. 

10 There is an ongoing discussion on the symbolism and the meaning ol this painting. Cf. 
Sunderm ann 1999/2000. For the latest explanation and a summary ol the previous In 
ture cf. Moriyasu 2004. pp. 15-28. 


I In Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandili a ifras) 


The .mage d the roads mostly svmboli,cs .he dirtercni courses of life people 

go through after rebirth. Some d them lead to redemption some to he I, and 

Le to a mixed state." The text in question speaks about the roads ot exile 

, hn) and the "perverted toadf" .V„ r'Aty where the pious ones shall 

*TWof the five fragments (MM, MW, M770b)'- of the Parthian Hunsandift 
. . edited h. Dompanid by MP cosmogonical test on the opposite leaf 

d the double-sheet, two od which have been connected « tth Mam s .^Wjragan. 
This raises the question of the position .xnd the role d tins hymn within Man- 
ichaean literature. It M9S I and M99 1 .ire part d the Sdbubragan it contradicts 
the assumption that all d Mam's canonical works "have been transmitted in mon- 
iphical books."" Parthian and Middle I' texts are gathered here in one 
manuscript which could accordingly have been an anthology of texts on cosmog- 
onv rather than a miscellanv. Similar arrangements we find in manuscripts of the Pa. 
texts Gym a :frds "Sermon on the soul" and Manohmed robl wifras "Sermon on 
the I i". M But while the hymns accompanying the Gyin wifras are written 

auoash/, those with the hftnobmed tosh -ultras are written in couplets. Si \ 
• \nn does not count them as part of the sermon. But this proves the existence 
d anthologies which contained sermon test as well as hymns, among them hymns 
ihling the In urn-cycles I or the h) mns accompany mg sermon texts Sundi k- 
m ann (2008, p. 227) uses the term "sermon cycles". The hymns of these cycles may 
have treated sek\ ted subjects d the sermons. For example, M7265 + M4526/II/ (not 
written m couplets) seems to refer to GW, §22. The Humandift wifras is possibly 
another case d such 1 h\ ton-cycle which was composed in the context of a larger 
pros* work 1 he language d the present text is very rich and contains a number 
<rds. This terminolog] ii dose to that of the Book of the Giants, the 
■ 7/rjj, the Manohmid > . the Ihtyadagman and the Angad rosndn, 

Mam's Puim, the Pa. Abecedarian hymns or fragments such as M6020. The au- 
thor must have had a good knowledge of these important texts and used them as 
an msp.rat.on t,,r his own composition. The Hunsandift wifras must therefore be 
tiered , n a close connection with a larger prose work. Since a number of special 

. ^""roaJ s -i„Keph.223.27-29..,r,hc-,hr M road S "in,hef,*r»«( e d. I , i 61 I I, 

Zltr ^ bCt " thC J"a '" r M ,:C " " f,Kh " Ji "W""* * dotlble-Aeet, but the 
g~n* <Wl076 i, too smalI ior , 1(emcm on this ma „ er . 

■■•■ -« W2.p. 56). M72M+M4526/I/Pa. A>iwm»« 

hymn. £$££ ftSSStfS P '' ? MP* dK M ««+M4526/II/ Pa. 

P. 12, « | ; , J™" "" * ' >& Afo«. SS40-41,43-44 (LN, 

terms used here also occur in the Sermon on the Light Nous, where they denote the 
Light Elements, the Aeons of I ight, the Aeons of Darkness, the limbs of the soul or 
the cardinal virtues and the cardinal sins or their characteristics, it may be assumed 
that the Hunsandift wifras was composed with reference to this work. 

Fragments of the hymn and their order 

Five fragments of four different manuscripts can be more or less certainly iden- 
tified as belonging to the Hunsandift wifras. 

Ms. 1 

M98 and M99 are two double-sheets and contain MP cosmogonical text on their 
other sheet (I), tentatively ascribed to Mani's Sdbuhragdn (Chavanm s/Pei i jot 
1913, pp. 133-145). M98/i/ directly precedes M99/17, followed by M7980-M7984 
in a different hand with continuous text. The sequence of the fragments ol the 
cosmogonical text is M98/1/-M99/I/-M7984/II/-M7981/I/-M7980/I/-M7980/ 
H/-M7981/n/-M7984/I/-M7982-M7983/l/-M7983/II/. 15 The order of the 
pages of the double-sheets is not clear, but according to a personal communica- 
tion by Chr. Reck M98/1I/ and M99/II/ could precede M98/I/ and M99/I/ on 
the basis of the assumed direction of the fold. The size of the double-sheets ot 
this manuscript can be reconstructed as :: "23x*19cm, that ot a single sheet ac- 
cordingly *ll,5x*19cm (Sundermann 1996, p. 45). The line-length of M98/I1/ 
and M99/II/ is 7,5cm, the line-spacing varies between 0,6cm within the strophes 
and 1,1 cm between them. The height of the script is max. 0,2cm. 

M98/II/"' follows M99/1 1/ directly. The headline is torn off, but that of M98/I/ 
is blue with ornamental dots in blue with red petals. /R/ contains nine, /V/ four 
strophes and the final caption of the hymn hnjft hwnsndyft wyjr's wxs in red 
ink. Then the MP incipit of a hymn(?) to the Holy Ghost / / 'y w'xsywidbr 
nyk also in red follows, 

' M99/II/ 17 bears the headline /R/ 'b(r) gwy(s)fn S-6J fVl f2-3J(.)fJ-Jfn(g) 
ncyh which is possibly MP. It may tentatively be reconstructed as /R/ 'b(r) 
g<wy(s)[n 'y 2-JJ /V/ {2-3f(.)[l-J]'n(g) ncyhfydj and may have been the title of 

15 Edition of M98/1/ and M99/I/: MiiuiR 1904, pp. 37-43; Sali.mann 1908, pp. 16-17; 
Jackson 1932, pp. 22-71 (with comprehensive philological commentary); edition ut 
M7980-M7984; MMi, pp. 177-203; rt-cdititm of the texts: 1 lu, pp. 10--'"; BOYl I 1975, 
pp. 60-76, text y. Edit "I M506 as duplicate of M7981/11/: KPT, pp. 68-69. Photo- 
graphs: Sundi kmann 1996, pis. 64-67, I33b-I44. 

16 BOTC E I960, p. S; /R/7aA cd. 1 (inning 1944, p. 115 (as /'2S.i/). Photograph: Sunder- 
mann 1996, pp. 64-65. 

17 BovcK 1960, pp. 8-9. The fragment is lost, only .in old photograph exists, hi- SUHDI R 
mann 1996, pis. 66-67. /R/9.i.l> : ed. Mi i I ik 1904, p. 44 (as /8a,b/); Sai BMANM 1908, 
p. 17(as99e). 

fcl IrisColditz 

the following chapter <d the book (wbid. is no, preserved). The t^ent n.ust 
have been the preceding sheet of M98/I I . «noe « his imprints i of M99/II/V/ ,n 
mirror script on the Recto. As a further confirmation bumandift is mentioned 
,n ■ R s , n , foundy/l '» A«>rn WjJ oo. M99/H/ has twelve strophes on 
each tide, none seems to be lost. On the Recto there may be traces of a caption. 

Ms. 2 

M770b/II/ ls is a fragment from the middle of I former double-sheet. Only the 
inner margins and parts of the upper margin arc preserved. The lines are torn for 
the most part, only letters or single words of the beginning or the end of lines 
are left One sheet ill) contains Pa. hymn-text in couplets, the other sheet (1) 
an unidentified Ml OtticaJ text For this formal reason it resembles the 

fragments of ms. I. The MP text is ill-preserved but some interesting words are 
mentioned: cbr 'y [grdn'g(t)J "zodiacus" and bwrdmnhmd "carrier of the Nous", 
both also attested in MI0Q7 + MI025 (KPT, pp. 23-24, text 1.5) which forms part 
of a larger cosmogonical text. Also the number //"six" occurs in M770b/1/. 19 The 
icripi is tlighdj different from thai of the other fragments of the hymn. The 
headline is nearly lost except for the first and last letters and the ornamental 
doc R H is red with red dots and blue petals, /V/H/ is black with black dots 
(petals not preserved) For a tentative reconstruction of the headline as /R/H/ 
i(t)J /V/H/ [hv>nsndyf]($d. thecomment.n \ on (I). On Recto and 
Verso M770b/Il/ has traces of inserted captions. /R/4a/ could be an incipit 'w's ... 
*Now..." of an opening hymn or doxology, /V/4a/ may represent the beginning 
of the h\ mn after a further caption. On each side four and a half strophes arc pre- 
Krved The line-spacing ia D f 6cm within the couplets and 1,0cm between them. is C.l-0,15cm high. M770WII/ has been included in the edition of the 
Hunsandtfi wifrii although its affiliation can not be proved. But if this fragment 
does belong to the Hmumiift wfras it may contain the beginning of the hymn. 

Ms. 3 

l I«P is one half of a former double-sheet; the other sheet has been 
torn off except some parts of the inner margin. The outer margin is also nearly 

IS Boyce I960, p. 52 

JcMiiihcSplcnJour RritMinanH u, J n l d Llv,n 8 Ghost ln lhe sun ' 

•pectM* Kcph.92.l4? «d,h r ° xlimh ' rM "* n < h "«"" P lu * "«»" and "answer ' « 
But the number mM77 bT £^t^^ "/^ f**^" "^i 8 " 17 "* 
coined w, t h 'sn\ior»LlZt 'T mple \ C ind may bc i un P" irt " f a ■»■»» 
20 Bow , l%;. P ^ , v/u y ft, Tn " " Unik ' r ot di " Mani *P«« in P— 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifras) 


lost, and also the bottom margin and two strophes (in comparison to M99/II/); 
ten strophes are preserved on each side. The headline in red ink runs /V/ 
(h)wn(s)ndyft /R/ wyfr'(s), the ornamental dots are also red with brown petals. 
The text does not contain the beginning or end of the hymn, it must have pre- 
ceded M98/1I/ and M99/II/ with a gap of unknown length. The size of the sin- 
gle sheet is 9x 16cm, while it is 9x>20cm if the two lost strophes are included. 
The line-length is 5cm. The line-spacing within the strophes amounts to 0,5 cm, 
between them to 0,8cm. The script is <0,2cm high.' 1 From the differing line- 
length it seems unlikely that M1201 belongs to the same manuscript as M98/II/ 
and M99/I1/ but the handwriting looks very similar. 

Ms. 4 

Otanill076 22 is a very small fragment of 1,8 x 1,6cm from the middle of a sheet. 
No margins are preserved. Nothing can be said on the original shape of the 
sheet, but the line-length can now be restored on the basis ot the duplicate in 
M1201 as about 3,5cm according to the missing words. The line-spacing is 
0,3cm. According to the Otani-catalogue it belongs to the same manuscript as 
Otani6214 {RH, pp. 91-92), a fragment with opening verses of hymns written 
in two columns corresponding to Ml/338-348/ ( 1913, pp. 23, 25). Al- 
though both fragments are in similar handwriting this assumption is not com- 
pelling. Otanil 1076 contains 5 incomplete lines on each side. /W is a duplicate of 
MI201/R/8a-9b/, /R/ offers additional text preceding M1201/R/ with cosmo- 
gonical content which shows a certain reference to MP M805a + M2070 + M270b 
(MKG, pp. 95-97), partly a duplicate of Sbrg I (405-419), on the torture of 
the wicked ones together with Ahreman and the demons in the eschatologi- 
cal fire (MP sweysn). Otanil 1076 also mentions Ahreman and the burning fire 
('dwrswg) but other details have no parallels in those MP texts. The writing on 
/V/ is also verse-wise but the strophes are not grouped into double-lines. 

Beside these fragments, no other fragment could be found tor completing the 
text of the Hunsandift wtfras. Nevertheless, there are some fragments which 
share characteristic features of the text. M502P is a Pa. hymn written in cou- 
plets in a hand different from Mss. 1-4. All three preserved strophes begin with 
the letter ', resembling M1201 where some letters (', k) are frequently used in 
this position. But since the fragment has insufficient text to decide about its af- 
filiation to the Hunsandift wifrds, it is not included here. 

Order of the fragments in the present edition: M770b/II/ beginning of the 
hymn(?) - unknown number of sheets missing - Otanil 1076/R/ - M1201/R/ 
(/8a-9b/ = Otanil076/V/) - M1201/V/ - unknown number of sheets miss- 

21 Excluding letters with verticals or horizontals above or under the line. 

22 Ed. Kudara/Sundermann/Yoshida 1997, pp. 213-214; photograph on pi. 117, 

23 Bow 1 I960, p. 35. 


Iris Cot ditz 

Edition of the Hunsandlft wsfris 

Tramliteration and Translation 
ill R/H/ o(hw)[' 
2 (V (.)[ 

- J lines torn off or tell cipiy - 










111 o[ 

III o[ 

"wt '[ 

/5a/ kw [ 

5b (c)[ 

/6b/ d b(x)[t(?) 

/7a/ cw'gwn k[«J 

/7b/ 'wjd wrd[ 

/Say [2-3](.)[ 

\ H/ [ ](t of 

I ]d 

- J /<«« rorw off or left empty 

and j 

so thai [ 


so that [ 

\\ ith for[tune(?) 

as wh[cn 

killed thccaptive[ 



/4 b/ 








](• I 









](v.t)13-4](.) | 

ikfintcouldb, ' e*«iwnua d Two lroer, before rfuncleari 

«f . *«■ Ik- >,cn ;, 5 J£ ^ Umdcm,hiblf '»« «' bn« than vertical stroke 


1 be sliall(?) [ 


] bencficient 
] countries 


l"hc Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandlft wifrds) 




I I 


■• L» 









IMP •*. 



l . 

. Jcr Berlin -BrindcnburRitchcn Akidcimcdc r WifKniduften in dcr Stjjiibibhothek ku Berlin I'm u&uchcr 
Kulrurbcsiix, Orienubteiluflg 

Fig. l:M770b/R/and/V/ 


(1) Supposing M770b/II/ was the beginning of the Hunsandlft uifras the headline 
could have started on the Verso of the lost preceding page with riys'r'd and con 
tinued on M770b/II/R/H/ with (hw)/nsndyftygj "Begun has that (i.e. the cycle/ 
sermon?) concerning happiness". /V/H/ could be possibly restored fhwnmdyf}(t), 
the following page may have continued with wyfr's. The caption would corre- 
spond therefore to that of M 1201. But the restoration is ven tentatively. 

(3-4) Inserted caption in red ink. 

(5-6) Probably the incipit of the hymn. 

(10) b(x)[t(?): This restoration seems meaningful since the word is one of the 

key-words of the hymn and occurs several times (cl, word index). For Pa. baxt 



■fortune fee", Bt "that what is bestowed/apportioned to (somebody)" as pp.I 
ofW,U^,<A,^- tiV«2&d I', ^ -h^ng^Ud fortune un- 
h, PP ud MP«v-u/nf "having good fortune, happy (DM Diet., p. 255). restorations are Af*;/r "share, part", b(x)[f dnyfi disagreement, 
discoid, ichism'ar^xJto^'oppositeness, split, conflict . 

,i2i ■ rf/g "captive, slave". 

17] Inserted caption in red ink. 
(19) "slanderer": uncertain but it may fit the context, cf. (12) 'wjd. 

Other restorations: '/(n)d'y "sorrow, grief ", g}(n)d'y "foul, stinking", 

j: uncomplete word, hapax. Maybe two words written without 
space, with d being the last letter of the rirst word or the first letter of the second 
word. SUXDEBMAHN ! KPT, p. 136; 20CJ. p 21J, n. 28) reads -wxtg and compares 
it with MP VMXlhnxd)) which he explains as a development from Pa. wihaxt 

I" Or should one read t/i.vfg? This can be compared with MP daxtan, 
doz- "to sew, stich; to h\" | M u Ki szit 1971, p. 27), NP duxte "clothing", or 
with MPdoxtan.dos- "to milk; to gain, acquire; to plunder", NP duse "milking 
pail". He- ig "fixed" or "gained; plundered". Less probably is dvxtg as 

an -dta-denvation from duxt "daughter". 

(2i)Jndyb: Presumably of a verb, cf. (33, 68, 127). 


Transliteration and Translation 

(27) /I/ ( 7-8 l(g)[I-2](kw)[l-J] 

: [3-4]wds(')[ fc-8 ] 

fii [•](hr)mn(7v)rdn'nd('g)|4-5] 

(30) /A/ [.](.. .')d(»-)rs-, 

(31) IV [']chnd'[m 5-6 ] 


[AJhreman the hearts' grief [ 

] burning fire te[rrible(?) 
[lr]om thelim[b 


"' rritheT"; NN ^t SH ' DA T 7 ' P ' 2I3 ' rCad ^ but the tra « S 
alter n can rather be read as d . hence W(g) "sorrow, grief". 

M 1201 (T I) and Otanill076/V/ (fig. 2 and 3) 


W /lb/ b m k(s w>g[ ry d(>) Kp , [i(?)]h ( . ?)wr J. d pj w ^^ o 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift mfras) 


a - 

Fig. 2: Otanill076 

(35) /2a/ 

(36) /2b/ 

(37) /3a/ 

(38) /3 b/ 

(39) /4a/ 

(40) /4b/ 

(41) /5a/ 

(42) /5 b/ 

(43) /6a/ 

(44) /6b/ 

(45) /7a/ 

(46) /7b/ 

(47) /8a/ 

(48) /8b/ 

(49) /9 a/ 


(50) /9b/ 

(51) /10a/ 

(52) /I Oh/ 

(53) /V/H/ 

(54) /la/ 

(55) /lb/ 

kd 'w d'lwg '[by] b'r o nzd '(b wr)tyd o rg 
bwyd n(y)s'gyn [o] (')wi pd b'r 'wst(y)[y](d o) 

kd "slwr '[sjtxrg 'w hw kdg v(.)[2-3] 
b(w)[yd(?r l-2](r..')[5-6](.)[2-3](.) wyfr'ynd o 
trg'w wyndyd 'c h(r)w "rg o kd ny 
prm'[y](yd) o kwm '(c) kw "s[yy](d) 

picys r(n)gs o wyndyd syrgfmg'nl 
bndgw(.)'w s o pi nz(')[y] 'wys(t)[ynd] 

frhyfl wyndyd o 'c nzd 'wt dw(r)[l-2](. h o) s 
frhy(d> pi (')sp(')[s 'm](b)r nydf'rynd 
kdys (h)z'r'n k'my(nd) nydrxt o wx(d ')br 
pdrzyyd oo 'wt bwyd 'b[drx](t)'(?) 

drwsi *si(v)d o 'wi drg jvwvd o [']ws 

/!/[ ](w)[ ] 

p'd nxsq o "w(i sxwn 1 w)'wr 

III [p'd nxsq V)(t) sxwn (w)['wr] 
cwnd b(x)t q'myd o hwng'y (j)ywyd 

IV [cwnd b](x)t q'm(y)d h(w)[n](g')[y] M [jywyd] 
'wd k(d) [']b'c 'zw(rtyd) o rg bwyd [d\v](sfr) 

'wd kd '(b'c) k [ 'zwrtyd] IV \ r](g b)[wy](y)d dws(f )[r]' 
wi (h)[w] (c)[ >y(d .)[.](.. x)[ys]m'wnd m m(.)[3-4] 
o kdys bxt wi 'fr(yd o w)ynynd '(.)[3-4] 


(k)j skwh 'stv(d) (o) 'c pr'gyn 

(ky)r(bg) o s 'br s(n)[y](d)(?) (s)[.]» (o w) xtr bzg o 






[us Counts 

, 5 'dr'bgnvnd pi! 'Ml| d) bhr 
[V]s jm*n 'bzwynd Q |i(?l |rwc° n(i)rynynd 

C)[wKi)bwvdmrdwhm dMQydg wiwUhi 

wsbxt ■w(i)['](fr)[vd(?)5-6](,.)[l-: 'slMndyd" 

■ nd /d[v]hvftr'h'n 
k(w hc(wyd)r>-\ir|;|l'b 

[wt bjwyd mrdwhm o d« jydg z'dg kdj 5 
[4-5] 'zwstg [ 1 1 |wi jm'n nfrydg oo 
kd f'w] qw t in) nd\ J k\ cyd wvmhwy 
(oo) ryzynd 's(pr)[h]m'n r (d')lwg (wyd)rynd 

kd 'w I'nyg j (dvdi . kv '(b) s[y](r)yn oo 
(lX*'Kg) zwrtv J W "I cyd hu syd* o 
kd (V) yrpdrfyndyb bjyryn u 'skj ti 
(oo) 'c bwn wnwyd o 'w(i) syg(d) 'zwrtyd 

(kd) w drxtyst'n ks\ n 

[2-3](.)dhungr)hJlt)(?) o 'ndr m'(n)[')h 

rtXn)[o , n]{d)[r](?)'nk[mKb)(y](d) 

i(') 'z'd df)I(w)g oo w(r)gr u ryzynd o 

could also be read n fc| « less likely, b Curved stroke resembles p. 

irred, reading unctrum. d last word written below the line. Of the Erst letter 

OD the line preserved, then there seems to be a horizontal 

«i the lin he next letter exceed, the heigh, ol » smaller letter. possibK i. 

nstead d r also 4 possible. * tt pi „U pmened. f Only diacritical point of r visible. 

-appefpanottbcbeadofihedamagedle.tercanbesecn.possihlv^/vA, h 1 tsi 

.ru^eaam. mdx. the renii blurred, k K, dara/Sunder- 

"<"* 1W, p.:, | RutUKs SuKBEKMANN/YoSHtDA 1997, p. 213: 

iwJl T^Jir T k \° f iht * **■ "" itend '•■ [k rad «* <•* «»d »« »"'v 

lET-S fLl P r m °' rJn , d ,— ' ^ k -"> visible. , Jr. 

■J tTracesofrorJvH.blc. U MLwdfcr. 


f 1 The sermon (on happiness) 

(34) /lb/ 


* hen he moves the ( ru lt [| e ss] tree near the w.ucr quickly 
■ b « ora « splendid and bears fruits q X 


* • 

.^uu^'v a*, vfir^i-,*^ 

*-*Jttf *■,•"• ********* *•**»* **&5£k. 
• « trivial »*.** f»o a*y <' WMu\ 

• v * £ " 

N * 

■-« iaia>*>W*i&lW«i|^ * -**^y 


■\.*i^t •i&eur/ i**»j»s. -pt »yws 

•V * m 

f^ in * 
""A ^ . IT'-. . 

* ** — ^*^* *■ >yv»' 

O Ptpci^itum da Berlin Br jn Jen 

Kuliurhcsn/ . i IricntibreUucf 


„ ,l,i Q i hi Jtt Suiithihlni'ilu-k ;.u iU-ilin Prtuflj 

Fig.3:M 1201 (TI) 



'4 b/ 






(50) /9b/ 


(53) /V/H/ 



(56) /2a/ 

(57) :b 





(65) /6b/ 

(66) /7a/ 

(67) /7b/ 

(68) /8a/ 

(69) /8b/ 

(71) /9b/ 

(72) /10a/ 

(73) /10b/ 


When a horse ??? to that house, [ ] 

it bec[omcs(?) ] they further [ ]. 

He obtains 'gains from each side, when he does not 

think: "Where does it conic from to me?" 

With a little something he obtains friefnds], 

^patient like slaves, [they] stand with revefrence]. 

He obums tove from near and far| ], and many 

hum [*gatkerjing(?) to his ser[vice(?)]. 

When thousands desire to subdue him, he himself 

rises upwards, and he i-. se[cur]ed(?). 

He is well, and he lives long, and he 

remained well and i kept) the belief in the word. 

As much as fate desires (it), he lives blessed, 

and when he is reborn, quickly he becomes ill-fortuned. 

And around hfim wrjathful m[an(?)] 

when hss fortune and blessings they see [ ]. 

(The sermon) on happiness 

Who is poor in previously performed 

pious deeds, and above him [ ] go[es up](?) to the evil star. 

And they throw him down in harsh wrath, 

[an]d thev curse his time, and they bewitch his day. 

And the man becomes unfortunate and unhappy, 

and he (mo]cks(?) his fortune and ble[ssings ]. 

And they bestow upon him the roads of exile, 

where [he] may live, he shall be ^wretched. 

[And] the man becomes unfortunate by birth, when his 

[day] (is) eontused and his time (is) cursed. 

When he would ascend a hill, which (is) always fragrant, 

the tl[ow]ers tall, the trees [wi]ther. 

When he comes ,o a well, which (has) s[w]eet water, 

he makes (,t) [b.uer], and it immediately dries out 

When he storms a hill, hard and harshlv. 
^^akes (tt)t „ (lts)foundationsandturns( . t)imosand 

^ hen he steps forward to a >ung forest 
^re.t s h[al.]stav| ] well projected*?) with,, 
, ™ b J ends J th eWest[within(?)], 
^^<*l^ the leaves faUaW* 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wtfrds) 



(34) (w)g['ryd(?): The context requires a verb. I would propose Pa. *wg'r- "to 

isten, to irrigate", cf. BSo. wy'yr "soaking", wy'yr- "to soak, steep, 
ar. wy'ry- "to drown", < f 'ava-gdraya-} (MacKenzie 1976, p. 138; 




§218; Benveniste 1933, p. 29), < ^atta-garW- "to soak, moisten" (Cheung 
2007, p. 108), cf. also NP (+ a-) dgdr "sinking of moisture into the ground", 
agar{i)dan "to moisten, sink; to cause (water) to sink into the ground" (Stein- 
gass 1892 [1970], p. 76). The image may refer to irrigation on a hillside by flood- 
ing the land so that the water can seep into it, maybe in terrace cultivation. Since 
ova- should become Pa. d- (cf. ava-sak- > osaxt), *wiyar- could be a So. loan 
word. - (,.td)y(f)l(?): incomplete abstract noun of a word ending in 
-tr or -td(f). One may think of *tarrlft "humidity; freshness" from tarr "hu- 
mid, damp; fresh, cool", cf. MP, NP tarr, as the second part of a compound. 
Durmn-Mi 1ST! RIRNst proposes an alternative translation "then he alters it ..." 
(16) pd b V 'wStyyd: lit. "he stands with fruits'*. 

(37) 'fs/txrg: Several explanations are possible: a) istaxrag "strong", from Av. 
staxra- (AiW 1591), Olr. *staxra-, cf. MP Staxrydd (MP sthlv't. Pa. 
sthrd 'tyE, Gr. ItaptaS, $KZ 26/21/50, ed. Huyse 1999, 1, p. 51, §38.1, II, p. 123); 
b) istaxrag "of Staxr", maybe a special race of horses?, from Staxr (Pasar- 
gadai), NP istaxr, setaxr; c) istaxrag "of a cistern" (in compounds), cf. NP sitaxr 
also "basin, pond, cistern", istor istaxrag as the name of a horse used for irriga- 
tion systems? In comparison with the first two strophes, the context requires 
an improvement of a horse's state which is originally in bad condition ("a nag"), 
but this would contradict the first two explanations. 

09) frg V' means "treasure", but with reference to the horse one may think of 
the gains or profit man makes with it, probably from horse-racing. In Mani- 
chaeism "treasure" also symbolizes the parts of the Living Soul which must be 
collected in the world for their redemption. 

(42) bndgw(.)'w: Either two words written without word-space or a compound 
with band "bondage, prison; bond, fetter, link" or bandag "servant, slave" as 
its first part. Traces of the missing letter allow for the readings bndgw(d)'w/ 
bndg(n)'iif/bndg(y)'w/bndg(z)'iL' of which one may consider the following in- 
terpretations: a) "'band-gund-iV "fear of prison?", with *gnn£w as a verbal ab- 
stract in -aw (GMS, § 1075) from Pa. gtfn- "'threatening action of an animal(?)" 
(M229/V/ii/4/, ed. Reck 1992, p. 346 with n. 25), a verb with presumably nega 
tive meaning; the text makes a comparison of this behaviour with that of li- 
ons terrifying (prm'w-) people on the road; from Av. gan- "to beat, to wound, 
to kill" (AiW 490-492); h) battd-goyaw "bound grass(?)" very unlikely; c) 
"'bandag-widdza "patient like a slave", lit. "having the patience ol a slave" with 
wd'w for wyd'w "endurance, patience", which is the 4th cardinal virtue and 
also the 3rd part of it in LN, §37; d) -'bandag-wmdw "shaken like \ slave(?|" 
with windw as a verbal noun from a causative verb windu- "to make tremble. 



dttke" from - *n» - t° wmblt, shake; to shake down, cast out which ,s re- 
cordcdip , -hm|«Mdw with ««-«»« a 

verba! noun from p i diminUk, decrease; <o extinguish . W«««wg «- 

uded- or 'caoonent-, MP wwry- "to impa.r, harm" (tor a d.scussioocr. MKG, 
n 175) Of all these dirk-mit readings *bandag-widaw seems to fit the context 
)/y/: The noun nft'j "reverence" is only attested in MP, but cf. MP/ 
p, ,. honour, revere". Since prefix «i- is often written «-, nizay could 

also be written ray. 

wiblj du-(r)C/(») *dur§n "distance", c£ also Pa, iafrm "depth" 
aduddirin "from near and (from) the distance". 

4-t p| ')/s 'm/(£jr: This restoration seems possible although 'sp's with initial 

would be a MP spelling instead of the expected Pa. 'sp's/sp's. For 'm&r "col 

lection, gathering" cf. Pa. 'nmbr "gathering. collection(?}" and 'nmbr- "to be 

gathered together*?)" (SuHC, p. 1 '•>). The letters in the gap must have been writ- 

igether in this case. Instead of 'sp's also 'sp'w "terror" or 'sp'd 

"army" would tn it 44i alread) anticipates the next strophe. j(b)r could also be 

restored as 'f(b)r in adverbial function. 

bfdrx](t)(f); uncertain restoration; pp.I of 'bdryn;- "to be sure/secure", 
with pair ot intOftj ms rtydrxt : 'bdrxt in this strophe. Alternative restorations 
are 'b(d'xJU) "rescued, freed" and 'b/r'sfd) "lifted up". 

IS) 'wsp'd nxi(j o ; orwn w'vir, In tins sentence it seems there is an ellipse 
of the verb and that a secondp'd should be .iddcd hei .■. p'd, pp.I of ' p'v-, 

is usid t hen m both ot us meanings "to stand, wait; remain" and "to protect, 
guard". L)uRKi\-Mnsn kirnst points out thatpV nxsq 'wt sxwn w'ivt could 
also be compounds; hyd would then serve as the verb for the whole sentence: 
"He is well, and he lives long, and he is well-protected and word-believing." 
(49) Int. cf commentary on (10,52). - hvmg'y. "blessed, well protected", lit. 
"with good supplication", from ng'y- "to pray, supplicate", pp.I bwng'st, cf. (71), 
J also Phi. mgdstdr "guard; protective" (MacKenzie 1971, p. 59). The word 
can be understood as "guarded bv supplicating", i.e. "prevented from harm" 
Also attested m M5993/B/3/ (unpubl.) in a caption or a colophon. Cf. the anto- 
.ursed", lit. "with bad supplication" (77), also MP dwjny'yy 
"♦mocker \dermann 2001, p. 196, n.64). 

xd: s . "he is reborn". I„, "he returns again", cf. 'be m 
Ik did not return again" KPT(1 

(51) MP xysmund "angry, wrathful" ,s a demonic attribute, cf. Hu(1110). 
Durk.n-M, istkr, ks.t restores the last word in the line as m(r)(dwhm(?)}. 

l 5 im 1 k"' ' hyJ \ BO,h f W ° rd L "" USCd t °8 eth " "«" tim « « the text and 
eem to be noons here from the pp.1 of the verbs bxi- and W, forming an 

-tune, fate) and that what has been prayed for (= blessings)". 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifrds) 


(55) s(nyd): uncertain. - 'xtr bzg "evil star/constellation/sign of the zodiac". A 
connection between zodiacal signs or stars respectively and the fate of the sin- 
ners is to be found in Sbrg I (1-16). 

(56) dybhr "anger, wrath" is also attested in LN as the 5' 1 ' Aeon of Darkness 
(§84), the 2 nd primary sin <§§9, 10, 15. 21, 87) and the 3"' part ol the I ' primary 
sin (§27). 

(57) 'bzivynd "they curse", cf. Pa. 'bzwysn "malediction, curse" (BoYCE 1954, 
p. 181) against MP 'bzu- "to increase", MP/Pa. 'bzwysn "increasing". The same 
meaning as nfryn- "to curse", of which the pp.I nfryd is attested, here translated 
as "to bewitch". Dukkin-Meisterernst translates 'bzwynd ... nfrynynd as 

"they confuse ... they curse", 

(58) Possible restoration (d)fit'/(;)ydg t cf. (62). - zvdbxt: -wad-baxt "unfortunate", 
cf. Phi. wtb'ht '(MacKbnzie 1971, p. 86). 

(59) 's](x)ndyd: cf. 'sxnd- "to mock" (MKG, p. 155; Ghilain 1939, p. 54), So. 
sxnd- (BBB, p. 84). 

(60) 'zdyhyft "exile, banishment", abstract noun of Pa. 'zdyh "exiled, banished", 
MP 'wzdyb which is especially used in Sbrg 1 (26, 84, 111) for the condition of 
the soul in the material world. Cf. also L/A/I/ z bym mrdwkm ruin gryw jyndg 
b 'myn ill "z hym shrd'rz'dg f'wdj 'zdyh bwd bym *c wzrgyft "I am the Light 
Man, the splendid Living Soul." (Muller 1904, p. 29; Salf.mann 1908, p. 31) 
and RH (370) ... oo 'ymyn (371) gy'n wdr'y 'c (372) "sm'b yzd'n (373) buq wrd 
'(zdy)b (374) hym wxdwm 'mwrdyd (375) oo pi wxyby(y) 'xsd'g(f)[tj (376) pt 

wxfyby/(b) 0~?7) mybrbf'nyft oo/"This wretched soul of mine was caught away 
from you gods; I am exiled, you collect me in your mercy, in your kindness." 

(61) (wyd)r'ygyn: widrdyigen/ividrdyagen, a secondary adjectival derivative 
from Pa. wdr'yl-wydr'y "wretched", < *vi- + ita- + ray "who has lost his wits" 
(Ghilain 1939, p. 48, n. 4; Andreas *i/W Henning 1933. p. 168). widrdyigen/ 
widrdyagen must have the same meaning. Otherwise zcidrdy could be a noun 
and widrdyigen/widrdyagen a regular adjective. 

(62) dwjydg: duz-yadag "of bad omen", i.e. "unfortunate, unhappy", from duz- 
"bad, ill, mis-" (in compounds) + yadag "omen", MP jdg. Phi. ytk' /jadag/. So. 
yt'kh /yatdk/ < *yataka- (MacKenzie 1985, p. 421, n. 2); cf. antonym Pa. hu- 
yadag, MP hwjdg /hu- jadag/ "of good omen, fortunate, happy". An alternative 
explanation could be do-zidag "two lives" = "rebirth(?)" which would fit (62), 
but cf. (58) where dwjydg forms a hendiadyoin with wdbxt. duz-yadag zddag 
lit. "born unfortunate". 

(63) rwc: Restored according to (57). - 'zwstg: pp.Ia of 'zwrt- "to turn back, 
return; turn into, alter, change; return to the body, be reborn". The word is 
attested in LN, §25, 'zwstg "wrong, confused" (LN, p. 94, §25.2: "(moralisch 
und sachlich) verkehrt"). - nyfrydg: pp. la of nfryn-, pp.1 nfryd. 



(67) b txl -bitu-r water" occures in MI804/B/1 b/ (unpubl.), a Pa. hymn in cou- 
plets of which Wily rive lines are poorly preserved. 

(68) }t. >*ir "mountain" mavbe a loan word from So. jt- < *g*w-, against Pa. kof. 
-for pad> Bonn, attack" see Sundermann 1997, p. 265. - bjyryn "hard", 
lit. •vajri-Iike, like a diamond, of diamonds". Durmn-Meisterernst (Diet., 
p. I08)identihcv h u MP; also attested in So. (for the So. forms cf. GMS, §1058); 
loan «ord from Skt. w/w- "hard, mighty*, also "lightning, thunderbolt" (of 
god Indra) (Monier-Williams 1899 [2000], p. 913). 

(70) .it- ... 'w "to step forward/over to/in front of", cf. u 

\nd ... 'w wbyh ibrd'r "and they step in front of the ruler of paradise" 
' \1 Mui.a (98-100)), as antonym of 'wyst- ... 'c "to keep away, stay away " (M KG, 
p. 153). - ksyn: Probably a. kasen from Pa. *kas "small, little, few; young" of 
which only comp. kasddar and suprl. kastit are attested; cf. Phi. keh t Bel. kas(s)an 
Horn 1893 [1988], p. 196, no. 877), NP kehin "least, less, younger" (Steingass 
1892 [1970], p. 1067). To be corrected in Colditz 2000, p. 93, n. 156, and p. 385. 
"I I •j/#)cf.(49). 

(72)f'nf(d)[r a) suggested by Durkin-Meisterernst. 

'z'dd(')l(v.)g: The "free tree" = cypress (not the elm tree, cf. Colditz 2000, 
pp. 92-93) because it is evergreen. That it looses its leaves shows the havoc the 
in causes here. For an association between the evergreen juniper and the char- 
in and faith of the pious Heara cf. M171 R/9-17/ (Henning 1943, p. 63, n. 6). - 
The ms. has mdgr, bin mis must he i fault for urgr. The word is attested 
I time in LN where the 'brillianl tree" and the "dark tree" are compared. 
The leaves of the former symbolize eternal life {/ywhr y'wyd'n, §83), that of the 
latter the stars ( 5, Vg'», §94a), the five fleshy monstrosities (pnj pdyn zhg, §95a). 

M 99 II (fig. 4) 
(74) /R/H/ [ ](.)[l-3]n(g n)cyb[yd(?)P 

Mj'styd wdcyd ndim)[v](g)(?) 

[3-4](..)[|-2 bx](t)(?) ! - (n)fryiiyd ' ' k^ 'c br '(b)[2-4] 

ydkdjywyd dwjav'y 1ty(d) u[3-4] 

(k)dbuqm\d ryys qryd {.)[4-51 

- unreadable remains of letters - 

iMirv ng oo ' c bxt '(w)d [ ] 

oyihybprywxi OtViline] 

d hw nbrdf h) ■;,:, ■wsqmwygVb 
**hnd'mbsnn 00 bw(ynd) drdj(.)[|-2^ 

(76) lb 

(77) /2a/ 

(78) /2b/ 



(83) /5b/ 

(84) /6a/ 

(85) /6b/ 


• «!. 

f* Br 

- *•• • . t .♦/■ . 

*-- ■ nin imui *Lt~*ry %\. 

'<*»■" w 1 otoiuai U9HUX UAn 

1 ** i *** 

at.. a*"'-*' • rf*" 


. 4.**«J. t«AM o**« —*•«#=>. WW 

«— <m 

' . 

• «■••» .-. »^*»» --«!»•» "S»*v 

yuutujJ^iltddawtUQW*" ****** 

... . . »j ***■»■ ■>. v - * 

<v- »»,»> 

• » v 

ODcpOsmjm.Irr B.rlin hiiin.l. liLurcn. licit Allillrnnc dcr WTutUCblflCO in d« SlJJI>l'illlirlli. k |U H.ili. I'i 

Kulturbenty.. OrieMjibrEiluog 




The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifrds) 


(86) /7a/ 

(88) /8a/ 



(93) /10b/ 



(96) /I2a/ 

(97) ,12b 

(98) /V/07 

(99) /la/ 
(100) /lb/ 

(ioi] :a 


(104) /3 b/ 

(105) /4a/ 


(107) /5a/ 

(108) /5 b/ 

IK '6b/ 

(111) /7a/ 
1112) /7b 

(113) /8a/ 

(114) /8b/ 

(115) /9a/ 

(117) /10a/ 

(IIS) /|0b/ 
(119) ll i 

(120), I lb 

(121 '12a/ 

nv stpdrfn i- fchwyn TgWl W[d] 

n\ /mi "iwnyn ^\ tt hwvn 'stwbC)* 
/vn hwnsndi li « Ins \ n stwbyd oo 
rj h \ It /■'(J qrvd 'c hv\ \ n nydrag 
frvstg 'gd oo c rwsn whyst'(w) 
fryhn'm wjydg ■ "' v/J m'rj tn in 

'wsqyrd /d wiyb) J rd [w]yf[t] 

t hwvn nydrng oo 'wd J ft g '(st)fft] 

pd prhyd 'snwhr oo cy pvdr m(r)y (m'ny] 
Wh'i'p.i it'm 't bin (u .)[ 3—4] 

-. in Va (rr)yd oc 'wd nbyst c (.)[3-4] 
kw bw'm 7dvh oo 'wd [l-3J(. y)[4-5](oo) 

[l-2]{fr)ystg [rw]sn oo h(wyn) x[7-8] 
|3-4](m/s)qyr(d) hym'd oo g( s )[4-5](.g)[3-4]' 

[3-4](s2-3)"zdyh n oo (p)dw/n hvm(')[d 0-2] 
[5-6](cy) q'm wygndg oo qr'm 'w ('.)[! -2] 
(5-6](.) bxt (V m)* oo k(w) bw'm 'd ws'n 
[VS hnc]s'd JO hw(y)n k'm u 'bd\ s 

[n-8](h)ym'd oo 'wd'zdyy (m)[5-6] 
[8-101(3-4) oo Vd ih(r Kwd'vmX}? 
(c)[y](s)pn 'lry)dookwbw , fm..|i. L 

<'w)[l-2](. s/p.V2-3) oo lr(..i[l-21(.r)' w(s)[l-2](')m 
mh (')mwst oo wxybyh hnd'm 
wd y'fwKd'n P d shr : 'by (^hgi m'n'm 
qd) ^ , n fryd oo kw bw'm 'strwn k 
hrwrwcz'ymoozhgw, ir\d 
'* i n br s'n'm - 3 v. win ft rwsn 

cw'gwnys'n 'fryd oo kw bw'm jyr"n 
pdnewn wygndg o ky V tr ,'nn J 
O('b) cyd nhynj'm OO ft aybyh, wy'wr 
[■](•-}[■ J(.)b 'mwrd'm oo ' c p(w)d m u "znn 

b« hym'd ookw bw'm wydr*y 
[2-3]h(.)m gying oo 'wd sxwn 'w'w(r) n ' 
['m](')b bwd hym'd oo wzrg 'wd '(r)e'w 

a Ms. i(.)(l-3} n(gn)cyb. Before the gap a diacritical point of r/f/x or ornamental dot of f org 
\ i-ihlc above the line; instead ul g also ;■ possible, b Horizontal stroke under the line (k/x). 
c Horizontal line of k drawn to the end of the line, d Last visible letter pocsibly w or d. 
e Not enough space for 'stwb(')(dj. f Letter after g could be ntb/q, possibly also t/p. 
g Uncertain, written is one word, h Last two words ver\ uncertain, i Durxin- 
Meisterernst reads the two last letters as (tr), j Vertical stroke of the z faded out. k Be- 
tween » and n some space. I Two dots under d seem to be a correction of -yn into 
-'». m Ms. /(Jr. The diacritical points of/and r could also belong to the mirror-writing of 
M98/1I/R/. The letter in the middle may be or w. n Ms. 'w'wd. a Remains of the first 
^ isibl* lettei pos".iliK m or /', the second one could be s or/5. 


(74) /R/H/ (On the homily of) [ ] is tau[ght(?)] 

(75) /la/ I le is [ |, .ind always sigh[ing(?)] 
he curses [ fat]c(?), which | ] from above. 

As long as he lives, he is cursed, [ 

when fate desires (it), swiftly it makes him [ ]. 

(76) /lb/ 

(77) /2a/ 

(78) /2 b/ 

(79) III 

(80) /4a/ 

(81) /4b/ 

(82) /5 a/ 

(83) /5b/ 

(84) /6a/ 

(85) /6b/ 

(86) /7a/ 

(87) /7b/ 

(88) /8a/ 

(89) /8b/ 

(90) /9a/ 

(91) /9b/ 

(92) /10a/ 

(93) /10b/ 

(94) /11a/ 

(95) /lib/ 

(96) /12a/ 

(97) /12b/ 



Y[ou] beloved, by fate and [ 

you cannot be overcome, [ ]. 

There is no man, [ ], who 

ma) tight with | hini|, and nia_\ destros his wish. 

So that he does not fall rapidly from the heights into the abyss, 
and the limbs of his stature become *pain[fu!{?)]. 

There is no escape from their encirclement, an[d] 
no iron weapon which would defeat them. 

The weapon of happiness defeats them, 

it frees the community of the righteous from their oppression. 

The apostle has come from the Light- Paradise, 
the chosen one of beloved name, god Lord Mam. 

And he freed his own community of the i ighfteous] 
from their oppression and the cr[uel] yoke. 

Through the abundant grace of the father, Lord [Mam], 
we have departed from fate and [ ]. 

How they blessed and wrote from [ ], 

that we shall be exiled, and [ |, 

(98)/V/H/ On the homil[y of ] (is taught(?)) 

(99) /la/ [ ] apostle of light, they [ ] 

(100) /lb/ we are made [ ], apparent [ ]. 

(101) /2a/ [ ] the exiled [ ], we a[re] *followmg/mighty(?) [?], 
(102) /2b/ [ ] of the destroying desire, we make to [ J. 



| 103) /3a/ [ ] bestowed on us, » that we shall be with many 
. 1 1 . ], their desire and command. 

,'4a/ [ ] we are, and banished [ ]. 

'4b/ [ ]. and the lord(?) of the land. 

(107) /5a/ Si|nce thev creat]ed (it), that we ar[e ], 

/5b/ [ |wewi[sh]/sc[nd]/po[ur]/co[ol](?). 

(109) /6a/ We gathered our limbs, 

(110) /6b/ and in the world forever we st.n w ithout offspring. 

Ill) /7a/ When they created (it), that we are barren 

II J 7ht of children (of that kind) that are born in the world. 

(113' Evcrv dav we bear children created by word, 

IN Xb/ and we lead them up to the paradise of light. 

1 1 15 I fan the] created (it), that we are the wise ones 

1 1 hi /9b/ towards the destroying words that lead to darkness. 

(117) /10a/ We always hold hack our utterance, 

(118) /10b/ [ ] we gather | ] from decay(?) and harm. 

("9) ll.i 1 thev bestowed on us, that we are wretched 

11 b/ f ] small, and the unbelief in the word. 

(121) /12a/ We have been great and noble, 
(»22) Hb I ] to all lands. 


(74 98) The MP headline runs /V/ 'b(r)givy(s)[n >2-J//R//2-l/f.j/l-i/ 'n(gn) 
cyh- /R/ presunuhlv has at least two words, but the letters are mostly faded. 
No word space ,s vis.blc II t| m « not a personal or geographical name it could 
be powbl, read as / n( g n)cyl K the first being an adjective in -anag, the second 
presumabb re,,n,tructed U ncyhfydj. It cannot be excluded that h was not the 

"e td : h a rr oug s r e t the verbal cnd,n * -> d ^ <*««*>■ ^ **■ 

s taur-" I " ' lk! ' *? h " '"' -« "*** "° n *■ horn- 

,t ^ 975 of, /! h0m -M ,he tWelf WOrds " ( Sl/8/ > * sSndlr- 

The saving I, hj L v ' g '"'" "^ ' ** 3«* -MM 

IW4, p 89) or "h tea hes , " ' T"* ^ ^ **" CMacKeNZH 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifrds) 


(76) Possible restoration [bj(x)t t cf. (80). - '(b)f2-4J: The line should end with a 
verb in or pp. such as 'bg'm- "to grant", 'bgn- "to through" or 'bgw- 
"to increase, add". 

{77) For dwjny'y „curse" cf. hwng'y (49). 

(78) ry for rg /ray/ "quick, swift". 

(79) The visible remains are unidentifiable. It must have been an inserted cap- 
tion of possibly two lines (first line completely faded) or a further strophe. 

(80) fry'ng'n is otherwise used for the Hearers, cf. Sundermann 2001a, p. 208. 

(81) For prywxtn 'c ... "to be overcome by sb." cf. MKG (876). baxt must mean 
here "fate" and not "fortune", the gap cannot be filled with 'fryd as in (52, 59). 

(82) kyfsj: Sundermann suggests kyfej. 

(85) drdj(.)[l-2J: Two words without word-space or compound. The traces ol 
the letter after / could be w or d. There are only some Pa. words attested be- 
ginning with jw-: *jwxtyft /ioxtifi/ " :: "cruelty(?)" (LN, p. 118, §86.1; but also 
reading *SWXtyfi possible) which is too long for the gap, only unattested *jlt>Xt 

"*cruel(?)" would fit in. CI. MSo. jwy-, CSo. zwy~, BSo. zyw-, Sryw- "severe, 
hard, cruel" (GMS, §410); possibly also hapax (incomplete?) jwgf (HSL (321)). 
Hence :: 'd{trd-jaxt(ag}(?) "with cruel pain", i.e. "painful". Otherwise drdj(d)fe, 
possibly '"dard-zad(ag) "struck with pain", i.e. "hurt", from pp.I zad, zan- 

"to strike, smite; hew". Durkin-Meisterermst prefers the latter explanation. 

(86) pdrfn: Sundermann (MKG, p, 167) has "'fortified", but Durkin- 
Meisterernst (Diet., p. 270): "Perhaps 'place (suitable) for an attack, weak 
point(?)'. This fits the context here and could also be translated as 'point of 
escape*. Only attested here, but certainly irompdrf- 'to storm, attack'." - "gwz 
"covering, envelopment, encirclement; enclosure" is used as a metaphor for the 
body (RH (251)) and the material world (MMiii.g (103)), but also in a positive 
context for Srosahrav as the home and enclosure of the souls (BBB (144)). 

(88) zyn "weapon" is otherwise used as a symbol of the Manichaean scriptures, 
of the Living Soul or of the Sun god Mihr. It seems that it is here a metaphor for 
the teachings of Mani. 

(90-91) This looks like x common introductory verse of a hymn but there is no par- 
allel known to me. The verse must be an original composition based on other h\ tans. 
Similar introductions are: M4b/I/R/l8-19//r7s'rg V whylt 'gd 'zdygr z ihrd'ryft 
"The apostle has come from paradise, the messenger from the kingdom ..." (Muller 
1904, p. 53; Salem ann 1908, p. 5); M64/R/1-3/ gd *c bgn m'ry m'ny yzdfrybnm 
'w whyhwrn "Mar Mani has come from the gods, the god of beloved name, to para- 
dise ..." {MQu-ER 1904, p. 92; Sai.emann 1908, p. 14); M64/V/1-3/ gdyzd 'rd'w 
o c whyst 'w rwin o whyg'r "wxd kyrdyroo "The righteous god has come from the 
paradise of Light, the benericient powerful himself ..." (Mini er 1904, p. 93; Sale- 
mann 1908, p. 14; this beginning of a hymn has a duplicate in unpubl. M5504/A/ 


[ribCoi utn 

„. VHW ,Waeit w 



C*J!£^ir"' k,ll, * ,, "" !l ^ Ak ' J ' mlcd " *■"'■"•' I'""-" <" fa luatAsbliadu I u Hcrlin- I-rcuSuchcr 


* with tunhcr tag Ml98b/V/1/ g«/ f£ V whyh nwiyn "The king has come 

treat the eternal paradiae..." (quoted Boyce I960, p. 14); BBB (90-93) mvrrg 

■■nm rr, /n^ "Buddha Maitwya has com*, the apostle Mar Mani ..." = 

OM25) = P,s IM406 KM (683) W, g r fcj\ i, ... "The mes- 

comc from the great .." = K H l4Ul =HLS{146);RH (795-796) W W 

|" "« trom P*™ii« ..." (melody); HLS (861-863) W 

7" £ ^ ^ H'"i -ho ha, come from ..." (no, an 

HLS(.174) g.Z/^g ... "Theapostle has come ..." 

SlStSJS ni " n ™ "' ' lm leCri ° B lS also to be found i" M8700/II/V/ 
11/20-26/ (Colditz 2000, pp. 98, 389). 

migtaj alternatively; the word ls discussed RH p 179 

S- , tE2i c !! i t?r^- <* - ^ «-4 fa- «- "to 

• i - 0b my* >-> -» coo! ' P ' ' "** ^ ppI 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Himsandift wifrds) 


(109) On the "gathering of the limbs" cf. also MMiii,h(88), Ml/361/, 111 S 
(542-543) and HLS, p. 183, n. 204. It refers here to chastity. 

(Ill) 'strwn listarwanl "barren, childless", cf. Phi. stlwn' htarwan/, NP sitarwan. 

(117) wy'wr. a mistake or because of lack of space for wy'w'r "answer, speech, 
utterance", cf. wy'wf (M7/I/R/i/24/, ed. MMiii,g), or an independent verbal 
noun from wy'wr- "to answer, say, speak". 

(118) The first word on the line could he tentatively restored as ['}($)[qj(m)b "womb, 
belly". -p(w)d as conjecture of ms.f(w)r fits the context since it is accompanied h\ 
"zjtw. The reading of a.' is uncertain; the diacritical points on/ and > ma\ he imprints 
from the preceding puge. pwd is also attested in LN,§98.- "zrm "harm, injur \, lor- 
ment", cf. Phi. 'elm "harm, injury" (MacKenzie 1971, p. 15), MP "zrmgr "injuring, 
tormenting" (M199 + Ml2l7/R/i/19/, unpubl., word quoted in BBB, p. 53. n. (4S3)), 
MSo. "zrmkryy "tormenting" (BBB (603)), MSo. pw'zrmy'b "non-violating" (first 
commandment for the Elect, cf. Sims-Williams 1985, pp. 574-575), from Pa./MP 
"z'r-, 'z'r- "to injure, violate" (the inf. "zyrdn is attested in M199+MI217/R/i/18/). 

(120) Durkin-Meisterernst reads gysng for which one can compare with Phi. 
gsnk' /gisnag/ "short, small". Since the photograph is not very clear, y may also 
be a very small w, and the word could be read gwsng, cf. MP gsng /gusnag/ 
"hungry", Phi. gwsnk'. - 'w'wr "disbelief, non-belief", negative of w'wr "belief", 
besides Pa, 'w'wryft. 

M98 II (fig. 5) 


(123) /la/ 
(124) /lb/ 

(125) /2a/ 

(126) /2b/ 

(127) /3a/ 

(128) /3b/ 

(129) /4a/ 

(130) /4 b/ 

(131) /5a/ 

(132) /5 b/ 

(133) /6 a/ 
(134) /6b/ 

(135) /7a/ 
1 1 36) /7b/ 

(137) /8a/ 
(138) /8b/ 





cyd myn oo (cyd b ")wh bwyndyh oo 'c 
rwmb 'mwst'n oo *wd 'z'd (s)['rd]'r'(n)(?) 
kw byd ny y'd'm oo w hwyn 'skwh(y)[ft] 
cym'n hwyn wdys oo pdycg 'zw'r'd 
C -w'gwnwm rws'd oo 'w "dyng wyl's[t] 
Vtn pd hi J ft v/d'n oo cyd jfr'ndys(')[dl 

bwd hym'd zd g oo 'd br'd wxyb[yh] 
hwydgyft z'dg hym'd oo pd ws hw(b)[2-3] c 
jm'n nyw nxig oo 'wd rwc bjy(d.)[2-3 'gd(?)l l1 
'm'b '"d hym'd oo pd 'ym frw[xyft(?) 0-2] 
qdm'n 1 wvnd'd oo r'b 'v[V* line] 
*wd c 'c qj r'h'n oo 'mw[W line] 

Iris Colditz 

(rgm , n)vdvdoosdv[l. l 'line] 
[ '«line )(t)[ Wline ] 



<.)[7-8] oo (.)[J-4]whlJ (qryd)(?) h 

kv v m rngs sxwn 0(0 hwn)sndyfj (w)sn'd 
i)[w]st h oo , wdnbyst'hMul 

[']bv'syd pd kvrhg 'wm n'm nb\ syd 
U i 11 rsk wd syit) ft : O ny bw' pyd'g 
hnjft hwnsndv ft wvfr's wxs 
- space for 3 strophes left empty - 

|MP| [W line] v w'xiywjdhr nyk 
[Vilioejl | dsw(wm)(?)('yr)[.](.)[l-2] h 



(140) /9b/ 


Nli /la/ 

,144. 2b 


(147) 4a 

(!50) /5/ 


« Supposed traces of letters posjibly only imprints of M 1 ' 1 ' II \ b Letters blurred, eyd 

mini be written vcr\ narrow Alternatively ry. c i h bn "i\[. d The word before the la- 
tum v i us with biy-, followed bv tl or r. of the following letter a stroke below the 
line ii visible [g or i\, t Apparent point tbovc d belongs to the mirror-writing of M99/ 
II \ I Hun/onial stroke of k or x below the line, last letter d or r. g Horizontal stroke 
below the line and .i »erj midII trace of a letter visible, h Uncertain reading. 

023) /la/ [ ] 

(124) /lb/ [ 

f!25)/2a/ [ 
(126) /2b/ [ 

'3 b/ 

(131) /5a/ 



(138) /8b/ 

'Forever amen, forever it shall be!" from 

the mouth of the bdiei era and the noble [lea]ders(?). 

That we may not attain their poverfty], 

which we understo[od] facing its filiation. 

How I faced a pu[rej mirror, 

and 1 alwavs thougfht] deeply about the wisdom of the gods. 

J i have become knowing together with ou[r] brother. 

>»e have been born in happiness, with much good[ ]. 

The good (and) wjpicbui hour and the vajra-[ ] day [has come(?)], 

we are born in this fon[unel?j ]. 

When we found the road to(?)[ i 

and from the perverted roads [ 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifrds) 


(139) /9a/ 

(140) /9b/ 


(141) /la/ 

(142) /lb/ 

(143) /2 a/ 

(144) /2b/ 

(145) /3a/ 

(146) /3b/ 

(147) /4a/ 

(148) /4 b/ 

(149) /4c/ 

(150) 151 

(151) /6/ 

Swift I v jo[\ 

] attains us. 

[ 1 

[ ] 

[ ] 

[ ] he does(?). 

Who compiled this short sermon on account of happiness 
s[o long(?)], and they (= the words?) are written. 

Bear (it) in mind with piety, and write my name, 

so that envy and hate do not present themselves to you. 

Completed is the sweet sermon on happiness. 

] of the good Holv Ghost. 
[ ].Tenth(?)[ ] 


(127) 'wh bwyndyb appears as a gloss on 'myn, This concluding formula is a 
shortened version of the commonly used formulas Pa. 6 yawed ydweddn oh 
baivendeh, MP da 6 fdyddn amen amen oh beh (MMii, p. 40, n. 4). 

(128) The reading (s)f'rdl'r'(n) was kindly suggested by Sundermann, and fol- 
lowed by me (Colditz 2000, pp. 90, 378). But the traces of the first letter resem- 
ble more b or q: (b/q)(2-3JY(n), for which a reading (q)fyrdgj'r '(n) "the mighty 
ones" could be suggested. Both terms should refer to the Elect. For the usage of 
MP s'r'r'n cf. Sundermann 2001a, p. 205. 

(129) 'skwh(y)(ftj: Restored by Durkin-Meisterernst (2002, p. 383) against 
'sku'h(y)fyn) (Colditz 2000, pp. 202, 378). "Poverty" is used here with a nega- 
tive connotation as in some other Iranian Manichaean texts (cf. Colditz 2000, 
pp. 200-204, 207f.). It designates the lack of material goods as well as of spir- 
itual knowledge and pious deeds, cf. (54-55), 

(130) wdys fmdis/ " : sway" < 'dais- "to show", cf. MKG, p. 173 (s. wdysg'r). 
Sundermann translates the related word wdysg'r as "*cautious, *wavering, 
vacillating" The abstract noun wdysg'ryft is the third limb of the second pri- 
mary sin in LN, §28. 

(131) For the mirror as a symbol of gnosis in Manichaeism cf, GW, pp. 148-149 
(§145.2). - wyl'st could be either, "(well) prepared, arranged", from MP ppl 
wyr'st, wyr'y- against Pa. pp.I wyr'st, wyr'z- or "astonishing, wonderful", 
possibly also "wonder", cf. Pa, wyl'stgr "causing wonder, astonishment". So. 
wyS'i- "to wonder". For a discussion of the word cf. MKG, p. 174. Cf. also Pa, 
:. vl 'styft "'purity" (LN, pp. 91-92. §20.1). Because of the close connections of 
the Hunsandift wifrds with the Sermon on the Light Nous I prefer to translate 

"pure, purified". 

g6 IkisColditz 

b)(2-Jf. A poealfc muamaa eo«ld be fofttf V which is attested in 

K H . Ml!, where Rfck translates it as -well protected*.-)", troir ibu- + Jfcw- to 

protect-. It this is right the word could be also a verbal noun good 

protection". Or b^m)[2-}f for cf fernyfe '•WtSsfuJ and .*■"£« 

-sparkling, glittering" < Av. km-m&i- "beneficial, blessed", matta- |oy, bliss 

(LN. p 123, S* S 

.g: quoted in Henning 1944, p. 115 (as 98/99 :8 '). - b)\{d.)i 

id be read *;y,«/jj 1/ XjW Since k is e'ombined with 

das " one expects a word meaning "salvation" or the like but this should 

he b* e£ 'ym rm ft RH (1 56) and 'vm rwcgtfn 'n bwxtgyfi Mo 

(2). The w (tea characterized in Pa. h) mns as '/n-Jg "blessed", wzrg 

"great", VgV "tine" or xrjvdg "chosen". Is it possible to assume an error of the 
■cribf who wanted to write urrdg but had bwxtgyfl in mind and started with 
b- without becoming aware of it? This seem) wer) unlikely. A possible explana- 
tion of the hapa v wou Id be a reading bjy(rz)[ 1 bjy(rg)f as a compound with *bjyr 

"%jira", a loan-word trom Skt. iwr.t- "hard, mighty; undestroyable; diamond" as 
its first part. The adjective bjyryn a alread) attested here in (68). In Buddhism 
v*JM is the diamond sceptre, an important ritual object which symbolizes in- 
destructibtlity, the cosmos, inspiration (Buddhaship) as well as highest spiritual 
power. In mythology vajr» a the thunderbolt of indra as a fighter against the 
demons ot darkness. It is also an essential symbol of vajrayana Buddhism. For 
this reason, va/ra may have found its way into Manichaean terminology. The 

"day ot 7 vajra-[ ]" may be tenutiu-U translated as "day of diamond^ ]"or 

"day of inspiration-! ]". 

(138) Durkin-Meisterernst (Diet., p. 205) reads qjr'b'h, but there is a little 
space between the two words. The expression could also be translated as "perver- 
s.ons". C£ also M P M28/I/V/ii/28-3l/ bm pnd n . ,■ wd phryzysn 

y% prhydn o h r'b'a e m n xwhr'n u zusign "All the paths of ruin and the nu- 
merous courses and the many roads, crooked and misleading" (Skiaervo 1995 
p. 251, as 24-27). * 

»sndyfi seems to represent an alternative title of the Humandift 

■ :tr.,>. smee MM and -,/ware used for the same litem v category. 

■ JBM43 . J nbyit hynd: It seems that sxwn has been understood as a pi. in 

-rdtnthegap I propose VMdyn "so long. 

so much" which here forms a 

counterpart of rugs. 

limb of the first primary sin. 

The author's name is unfortunately not preserved in the text. 
(148) rsk "envy" ts a | so attested in LN, §86 as the forth li 
I W9) The final caption of the Humandift wifrds. 
(150) Incipit of anew section ot the hnnt -,~— i 

the Holv Lost. Thecapt,,, , • ,' ^T" " 'T°° °" ° r * ^ » 

"tenth" I t he correct reaTn, ° "" "" Parth ' an * AttWW 

The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Hunsandift wifrds) 


Index of Words 

(Abbreviations according to HLS, pp. xiii-xvii; numbers refer to lines of edi- 
tion, c before number refers to commentary, p. to page number) 

u ,w St, 

"s-: "syyd (40) 
"swnyn 87 
"z'rm 118 
b*< (50) 
'bd'xt c46 

'bdrynj-: pp.I 'bdrxt (46) 
'bdys 104 
"bgn-: 'bgnynd 

'brc44, (45), 55,6, 76, 

(98), 114 
'br'st c46 
"by (33), (35), 110 
"by's-: 'by'syd 

bzw-: 'bzwj nd: 

c (31) 39, (40), 43, 54, 69, 


93,95-96, 112, 118, 

127, 138 
d 10,83,103, 133 

'dwrswg (30) 
'dyng 131 
'fryn-: pp.I 'fryd (52), 

(59), (96), 111,115; 

'fryd also n.. ct. c52 
'gs 100 
'h-s, 'st 83. B6; hym'd 100, 

(101), (105^ 119, 121, 

133, 134, 136; 
hynd 146 
'hrmn (29) 


'm'h'J.5, 109, (117), (121), 
136; 'ni* (103) 


'mwrd-: pres. 1. PI. 
'mwrd 'm 118; pp.I 

'mwst (18); pi. 'mwst'n 128 

'myn 127 

, nd , g(29),'nd*Ycl9 



'ndys-: pp. II 'ndys'd (132) 

'rd'wyft89, (92) 


'rws-: pp. II 'rws'd 131 


'sqmb cl 18 

w 33, 35, 37, (55), [64], 
66, (68), 70, (84), 87, 
88, 102,(103), 114, 116, 
122. 129, 131 

u \ (5) 



\vjn-: pp.I 'wjd 12 

wl 6, (36), 43, 46, 47, (48), 
51. 52, (58). 58, (59), [62], 
(63), 67, (69); 'wd 50, 77, 
(80), (86), 93. 96, 97, 105, 
106. 110, 121, 128,135, 
138, 146, 148; u 33, 68, 
(95). 104; 'wm 132, 147; 
VI: (47), 56, (57), 59, 60. 
83, 85, 92; 5 43.55. [57]; 
'win 114,(119)1') 

'wyst-: pres 'wstyyd 
(36), 'wsiyd 70; wystynd (42) 

'xtr 55 

/J 89, 92. 128, "z'd(73) 
zd'g 133 

zyh-: pp.I '/gd 95 

skwh 54 

skwhyft (129) 

sp'd e44 

s P V(44)(?) 

sp'w c44 

sprhm: pi. 'sprhm'n (65) 

sift (56), (93) 

strwn 1 1 1 

stwb-: pres 'stwbyd 

88; 'stwb' 

'sjwr 37 
'sxnd-: 'sxndyd 

'snwhr 94 
'st-: stvd (54), 

75,(77),*styd(47); 'st'b (61); 'st'm 95 
ym 136, 145 
'zdyb97,*«dyy 105; pi. 

zdyhn 105 
'zdyhyft (60) 
. u r ■■: pp.11 'zw'r'd 130 
'zwri-: 'zwrtyd 

I 14), (50). 67,69;pp.Ia 


bjyrg[ cl35 
bjyryn 68 
bjyr/[ c!35 


hsn'n 85 

prefJjg. bwyd 36, 

(38)<?), 46, 50,58, > bwynd(85); 

nibjJ^, bw 148; 

subi.l.pi. bw'm<>7, [03, 

(107)i?i. 111,115. II"; 

opt. bwjrndyl 127; pp.1 

b»d 121.133 
bwrz 84 
bus-: bxsynd 


i-t" >, 80.95, 

103, 119; b« abon 



pwn 11; cw'gwnwm 

131; cw gway¥tt%, 

cwnd 44 

102), 112,cl27; 

cym'o 130 
eyd 44, *7, 75,117, 127, 13: 
ryi4i;p| cyi'n(107) 


dru;pl. drst'n 
Jrxtvst'n 70 




dybhr 56 

IrgV 34 




frvhn'm 91 

Irzvnd: pi. tr/ynJvn(for 
frzynd'n) 112 

yr 68 


hnd'm(31),85. 109 
hnjsp-: pp.I hnjft 149 
hrw(39)J13, 122 
hw37,(51), 83; pi. hwyn 

86-89,93,(99), (104), 

129, 130 
hwb's il 34 
hwmy'st cl34 
in n g \ ■-: pp.I a hwng'st 

hwnsndyftcl,(53), 88, 

H45), 149 
bwnudyftyg cl 
hws-: hwsyd 67 
hwsk 33 
hwvdgyft 134 
Kz'r: pl.h?'r'n r4Sl 

i' j'mvd IK, 
jfr84. 132 
im'n5:\ 63, US 
ivr:pl.jvr"n 115 

i>'*-: jvwvd: 


km 104, q'm 83, 102 
km-: q'myd 49, 

78; k'mvnd 

kd(l 1),33,35,37,39,(50), 

64, 66, 68, (70), 77, (78); 

kdys 45, 52, 62; qdm'n 

kdg 37 

qf-: qfyd 84 
qj 138 
qr-: qryd 78, 89, 


102; pp.I qyrd 92, (100) 
qyrdg'r: pl.qyrdg'r'n c!28 
ksyn 70 
kw 7, 9, (71), 84,97,(103), 

107, 111, 115, 119, 129!; 

kwm 40; kws (61); 

kwt'n 148 
kwl 33, qwf 64 
ky (54), 64, 66, 76, 87, 116, 

kyrbg (55), 147 

m'n-: m'n'm 110; m'n'b(71) 
m'ny 91, [94] 
mrdwhm c51, 58, 62, 82 
mry 91,(94) 

n'm 147 

nbrd-: nbrd'h 

nbys-: nbysyd 

147; pp.I nbyst96, 146 
ncvh-: nycvbvd 

nfrj n-: nfrynyd 

76; ntrvnvnd 

nhynj-: nhynj'm 

nkmb-: nkmbvd 


The Parthian "Sermon on happiness" (Humandift uufrdi) 


nxsg 135, nxsq 48 

s'n-: s'n'm U4 

wxybyb 109, 117,(133), 

ny 39, 81,82, 84, 86, 


s'rd'r: pi. s'rd'r'n (128)(?) 

wxybyy 92 

129, 148 

sn-: snyd (55)(?); 

\\ j '\vr 1 17 

nydf ' r-: 

opt. snyndyh(33). 


mill r \ rid 44 

snyndyy 64 

wydrynd (65) 

nydrng 89, 93 


wydr'y 119 

nydi \ ii|-: ml. I nydrxt 43 

sxwn 116, 120, 145 

wydr'ygyn (61) 

nyfrydg 63 

sygd (69) 

wyfr's (32), 149 

nys'gyn 36 


nyw 135 


wyfr'vnd 38 

nzd 35, 43 

sh-: shyh 81 

wyg'n-: subJ.Sg. wyg'n'b 

shr(106), 110, 112; pi. 

83; pp.Ia wygndg 102. 

p'y-: pp.I p"d 48 

Shi n(25), 122 


P d36,94, 110, 112, 116, 


wyl'st (131) 

132, 134, 136, 147 


syryn (66) 

wvn-: wynynd 



pdrt-: opt. pdrfyndyh 68 

t'r 116 

wynd-: wyndvd 

pdrfn 86 

tw (80) 

39,41, 43; pp.II 

pdr?.-: pdr/vvd 

tystyn (30) 

wynd'd 137 



wzrg 121 


pdycg 130 

w'c'fryd 113 

x'nyg 66 

pr'gyn 54 

w'wr (48) 

xwd > wn(106){?) 

prhyd: s. frhyd 

wdbxt 58 

xwmbwy 64 


wdys 130 

prm'yyd (40) 

wgV-: wg'ryd 

y'd-: y'dyd (66), 

prywj-: inf.I prywxi 



139; subj. 1. pi. y'd'm 


whyg'r (24) 


pyd: obi. pydr 94 

whyst 1 14 

y'wyd'n (110) 

pyd'g 148 

whyst'w (90) 


wjydg 91 

\ wg 93 

r'hl37;pl. r'h'n60, 


wnw-: wnwyd 

yzd91;pl. yzd'n 132 

rg 35, 50, 84; tyyl 78 




wrd/wrdg 12(?) 

E*dg62, 134 

rngs (41), 145 


z'y-:, z'y'm 113; 

rsk 148 

wrt-; wrtyd (35) z'yynd 112; 

rwc57, 113, 135 

ws 134; pi. ws'n 103 

pp.1 y'd 136 

rwmb 128 


zhg(110), 113 

rwsn90, (99), 114 


zyn 87-88 

ryz-: ryzyi 


wxs 149 

zyrd: pi. zyrd'n (29) 



Middle Persian 

zystyft 148 

v P . 62; 150 

grdn'g(?)p. 62 

ss p. 62 

bwrdmnhmd p. 62 


u \syw|dhr 150 

chi p. 62 

nyk 150 

sj sm'wnd (51)(?) 






New Persian 



1)1 r. 

Old Iranian 


Buddhist Sogdian 


(Maniehaean) P.irthian 




Parthian in Sogdian So ipt 

< So 

Christian Sogdian 












Indo European 


Inscription ofSabuhrat 


ichacan) Middle Persian 

Ka'be-ye /.irdost 

Maniehaean Sogdiao 





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Echo der iramscben Kultur 12, 6/7, pp. 211-216. 

— 2001a: "A M.tniehaean liturgical instruction on the act ol almsgiving." In: P. 

Mirecki/J. Bedhhn (eds.): The Light and the Darkness. Studies in Manichaeism 
and its World. Leiden/Boston/Koln, pp. 200-208 (Nag Hammadi and Mani- 
chaean Studies 50). 

— 2001b: "On oilman races, semi-human beings and monsuis.' In P. Mirecki/J, 

BeDuhn (eds.): The Light and the Darkness. Studies tn Manichaeism and its 
World. 1 eukn/Boston/Koln, pp. 181-199. 

— 2002: "Das Leiden und Sterben Jesu in manichaischer Deuiung," In: W. Gan i ki 

K. Hoiu isi i./W. Klein (eds.): Religionsbegegnung und Kultiiraustausch in 
Asien. Studien zum Gedenken an Hans-Joachim Klimkat. Wiesbaden (Studies 
in Oriental Religions 49), pp. 209-217. 

— 2008: "Manichaean literature in Iranian languages." In: R.E. Emmerick/M. 

Macuch (eds.): The Literature of Pre- Islamic Iran. Companion Volume I to A 

History of Persian Literature. London (A History of Persian Literature XVII), 

pp. 197-265. 
Sbrg 1 = D.N. Mackenzie: "Mani's tibuhragm" In: BSOAS 42.3 (1979), pp. 500 534, 
§brg II = D.N. Mackenzie: "Mani's Sdbuhragdn - II." In: BSOAS 43.2 (1980), 

pp. 288-310. 
\\ m dm HMini. 1 \\ Li m/ 19.VV Manuhaiichi Dogmatik uts chinesischen und ira- 

nischen Texten. Berlin (SPAW 13). 

Eastern Hill Balochi 

Josef Elfenbein, Papworth Evcrard 

It is an honour and a pleasure to contribute to this volume dedicated to my old 
friend Nicholas Sims-Williams, and to use this opportunity to correct and 
fill out some antiquated information on an important but somewhat neglected 
dialect ol the Baloci language. I begin by mentioning my RAS monograph of 
1966, The Baluchi Language (TBL) which I note with some astonishment to be 
still in print (as is a pirated printing from Quetta in the 1970s, recently noticed 
in the bazaar in Kabul!). 

TBL was the first attempt at a comprehensive survey of all Bal dialects, based 
on fresh field work. It was not bad for the dialects of Pakistan, but less satisfac- 
tory for those of Afghanistan, and poor for those of Iran. Now recent publica- 
tions have helped greatly to fill that gap: I refer to the study (a PhD thesis) In 
Agnes Korn in Frankfurt a.M,, 1 which contains some accurate and up-to-date 
information on dialectology, but especially to Azim Shahbakhsh ,it the School 
of Oriental and African Studies in London 2004, The Balochi Verb (also a PhD 
thesis) which contains a good treatment of the SarawanT dialect spoken in Iran. 2 

Eastern Hill balochi (11 IB) is a particularly interesting and important dia- 
lect of Bal for a number of reasons. EHB was the very first Bal dialect to be 
described; 1 EHB was the object of the hist study of Bal dialects, by Vi 1 1 m i i \i 
Geicer'*; and it was the main study of the work of M.L. Da mi s, the "father of 
Balochi studies" in his many publications from the 1880s onwards, Me tailed 
the dialect "Northern Balochi", reflecting his residence as an ICS Divisional 
fudge in Dera Ghazi Khan in British Baluchistan, a name continued In (>i iger. 
later publications called it "Eastern Balochi" (as e.g. in the Linguistic Survey 
of India, vol. X, of 1921, v, note 5). I had proposed a different system in TBL, 
now accepted by many writers, in which the various dialects are simply named 
without a geographical tag, as being much more accurate and informative; but 
a concession was made to the older system by prefixing "eastern" to the name 
of the dialects of the Sulcyman Mountains in the easternmost part of Balochi- 

1 A. Korn: Toward) a Historical Grammar of Balochi. Siudta ttt Balochi Historical Pho- 
nology and Vocabulary. Wiesbaden 2005 (Beitl&ge /ur Ir.inisiik 26). 

2 Both these works contain good bibliographies. 

3 In 1838, in. i voe.ibul.irv given by R. live h; the short list of words in Lt. II POTTINGER 
Travcli in Hcloochistan ami Sind ( 1X15) is quite useless. 

4 \V. Gbigi k: "Dialekupakung in BilueT." In: SKBAW 1889, pp. 65-92. 


miking territory A final reason for the special status of EHB is that one of its has an .mportant l.reran CuMvtttOO, first in publications by Dames 
(eg PopuUf Poetry of the Btlecbes, 1905) and now continued by e.g. Shi r Mu- 
h smmad MarT (Balochl Kahnen Sbihiri, Quetta 1970). from which many ex- 
tracts were gi\en in mv Anthology ofBdochl (v. note 7). 

To fill out the picture (and correct TBI). I thought it also useful to supple- 
ment the notes on EHB in Korn (2005, pp. 222-239). 


The mam htel of EHB geographv is the separating belt of Brahui speakers, 
rough I \ as given in Z.$r (facing p. 237) which has shrunk somewhat since 1921, 
and is now onlv 50 miles wide it its broadest, but which effectively cuts ofl 
EHB speakers from other Baloeh. This has resulted in a particular development 
in EHB phonology, discussed thoroughly alreadv bj GBIGBR, which makes all 
1 IfH v.u ntially unintelligible to other Bal speakers, and even some 

EHB varieties are hardly mutually intelligible. I shall use "EHB" to mean 
standard EHB, effectively the dialect of I. (v. below). 

EHB has at least 5 varieties or subdialects. Three of them, which can be 
lumped together as "standard" are 1. MarT-Bugtl (MB); 2. Dera Ghazi Khan 
K); 3. Upper Sindh Frontier (USF); these do not differ greatly from one 
another in essentials, are readilv mutually intelligible, and form the basis of 
this description. They contrast with the other two, which differ from them so 
tljf that thev cannot be understood by outsiders from any other area. EHB 
is also the only Bal dialect which can be called "tribal": almost all its speakers 
are members of organised tribes with a chief, sometimes a hereditary aardar - 
except perhaps in Sind. 

It is to be noted that the account of EHB in LSI, pp. 387-432, is very much 
superior to that of other Bal dialects (in part because Grierson was greatlv 
aided bv Dames) and 1 must refer to it once and for all for those details for 
which there is no space here. 

1. is to be regretted that Korns Hutoncal Grammar does not show a real 

understandmg d the nature of Bal dialectology, so that she cannot properly 

discuss the mterrelanonship of the dialects, especially in contrasting the archaic 
ones w, th the , v , M me begjn * 

a ot hV nm h "' r , ' ' T W ? ample ' is an archaic m «*> and 8°£ wlth 

he o t on o^b " CLt ' t COaStai J ° nC m thC ««■ This is to be «*«* from 

Vb d es t °" " UUT "^ ° f Bal ° chi - s P« ki "g ^rritory ("lateral 

areas ), but does not point to an ancient close connexion between them. The 

5 ASSESS *3£&Zf ^' mtm ofUngua&es ° {lhc 

Eastern Hill Balochi 


internal differences of the EHB subdialects, on the other hand, range from only 
minor phonological variation to wholesale borrowings of lexicon, syntax, and 
morphology from Indo-Arvan, who** influence on EHB is marked, much more 
so than in other Bal dialects. This lndo-Aryan influence comes almost entirely 
from Lahnda and Sindhi; there is no important influence from Pashto. 

These are the subdialects ot EHB: 

1. The MarT- BugtT subdialect (MB) is the most important. Spoken in the MB 
tribal territory by members of the MarT and the BugtT tribes and their neigh- 
bours, it is by far the most important of the EHB varieties. It is fairly uniform 
Irom the centre of the territory between Dera BugtT and Kahan, and extends 
from KaccT in the west eastwards to ca. 70° E. long., just short of Bahawalpur, 
where it meets SiraikT. In the south it is spoken from north of the Upper Sind 
Frontier northwards to Kohtu, where it meets Pashto and KhetranT. MB is 
now the written standard for all EHB. 

2. The Den Ghazi Khan subdialect (DGK) does not differ substantially from 
MB. The main difference lies in rather less vowel nasalisation before nasals, 
and in fuller morphology in final syllables. The principal territory of DGK 
lies in the northeast of the tribal territory up to Loraiai in the north, both 
eastwards and westwards of the KhetranT area, as well as in most parts of 
Dera Ghazi Khan District. This variety was that favoured by Dames, and 
does not seem to be diminishing in use, contrary to TBL. 

3. The subdialect of the Upper Sind Frontier (USF). This variety is centred on 
Jacobabad and its surrounding area and differs from DGK mainly in its lik- 
ing for Lahnda in its lexicon; most speakers are bilingual in both languages. 

4. The Kasram subdialect (Ka). This EHB variety was named after the KasranT 
tribe in LSI, and is the most northerly of all EHB varieties. It is spoken in 
a narrow strip extending from just north of Dera Ghazi Khan in the Suley- 
man Mountains to just north of Dera Ismail Khan, by Kasrams and Buzdars, 
the other major tribe, and is slowly encroaching on Pashto and Lahnda to 
the north and northwest (contrary to LSI, p. 331). This variety of EHB dif- 
fers greatly from dialects 1-3 and is quite incomprehensible to them, mainly 
because of its development of a strong stress-accent, whereby unstressed 
vowels are lost, and the resulting consonant clusters give rise to complex as- 
similations and dissimilations. Final vowels are everywhere dropped as well, 
resulting in far-reaching morphological changes. It has rather more Lahnda 
loanwords than in other EHB subdialects, amounting to perhaps a quarter 
of the lexicon; Pashto loanwords or other influence do not seem to be im- 
portant. The LSI description (pp. 405-412), taken by Grierson from a ms. 
dating from ca. 1900, is still quite valid, despite the disclaimer on p. 405. The 
specimen given on pp. 410-412 is also quite valid still, as are the summary 
remarks on pp. 405-409, to which reference here must suffice (but v. below, 
Remarks on other dialects of EHB, 1). 



5 Kacce-jT Boll (KJBl. There * a large colon) of Baloch. speakers living in 
SmJ along the Hah River just north d Karachi. It extends for ca. 75 miles 
norths ards on both sides d ihei.u-r, ami MODI to he a remnant ot ancient 
Baloch settlers in Sind who have kepi their language. Named thus bv LSI, 
pp. 413-43:. b is mother verv aberrant form of EHB, this time stronglj in 
flue-rued bv Smdhi. This sanetv ot fcHB is ven well described in LSI, with 
end »Ud specimens, including a poem. Called the "false -s" dialect by 
\si iihm' because d the form in it ot the shibboleth words pts, mas, 
bras, limit "father, mother, brother, son-in-law" whose -s has been devel- 
oped from standard EHB ". and does not represent Ra Bal -s from Ir. *0r, 
thcdialect also his developed a i from EHB tfas well (v. belowi 

1 I IB has been described W6TJ often and very well, and my excuse for the follow- 
ing notes must be that certain aspects still need clarification and comment. (All 
nl this material comes from my own notes.) 

EHB Phonology 

The principal characteristic of all EHB is the opening of postvocalic stops and 
affricates to the corresponding fricatives: this feature has been sufficient l\ well 
described nianv times, but is summarised here for convenience: 

I'ovtvocalic k p t g b d c / 

Income x f !■ i 

together with a strong tendencv to voice all voiceless fricatives in postvocalic 

x / $ i 
I become z 

except before a voiceless stop 

The origin and s^nih^uKcoi tins development has never been explained. Korn 
p. 2221} mamommd rightly dismisses out of hand any notion that these 

tnca.ivcs culd represent a preservation ot the oir. fricatives which have be- 
come nop ill all other Bal d.alcus One d courae thinks of possible influ- 
d substrate or adstrate languages of the neighbourhood (or possibly more 
anciently dunng m , S ra,,,,„,, - but ho, could such influence come to bear on 
1 IB ., lone- I he influence <,t a presently neighbouring language is also excluded 
evause n, rem,,, likdy _ dkJ * .J~* C£S£ 

inchufa both 8 and ... confirming thai thej form ,„ integrated system ) It is 

also unclear how « kind oi ^ phcnomcnon Jtfg « Stto pi 
'■ J'lv cause ,s , development of the sounds as an .solated spee'eh- 
mow »iun, and why, no one knows - whieh h...~> m „ , l j . 

wnicn became anchored amongst the 

Eastern Hill Balochi 


eastern Baloch tribes and has persisted, despite now constant contact with other 
dialect speakers, e.g. in Karachi, where now upwards of lm. (some say 2m.) Ba- 
loch HOW live, speaking all dialects. In fact nearly all MB speakers, for example, 
use western forms with stops ad lib. in their speech, depending on their speech 
contacts, and the fricative articulation is often felt as an archaism. 

Further notes (for all EHB): 

1) The pre-vocalic voiceless stops pik and the affricate care often audibly more 
aspirated in EHB than in other dialects, but this aspiration is quite sporadic 
and is much less audible than it is in Indo-Aryan. ft is never phonemic in na- 
tive words, but there are a few exceptions to be noted in LWs from Indo-Aryan 
(these examples are all LWs from Lahnda): 

phatar "silk thread for a net" : patar "a letter"; 
than "silk" : tan "up to"; 
fbag "a thug" : tag "a kind ot 
khandh "a wall" : kand "laugh!" 

These oppositions are of course lost in other dialects which use the words. It is a 
matter of dispute amongst native writers whether this aspiration should be indi- 
cated in writing, since it is in the main non-phonemic, sporadic, and its rules are 
unknown. I oanwords Imm Indo -At \ an containing the voiced counterparts bh 
db gh and fh sometimes keep their aspiration in EHB (according to the \\ him 
of the speaker) but always lose it in other dialects: but mostly the aspiration is 
lost in EHB too. 

Initial aspiration can extend to wh- (< *hw < Oir. *xw-, cf. Kokn 2005, p. 22b), 
which in other dialects is simply w-, in 4 words which 1 have noted (the wh- is 
non-phonemic, as expected): EHB whafi( with bilabial /8); whar "wrecked "; whan 
"hay"; who's" happy"; this sound is a voiceless /-ic/, like (probably) Parthian ;. ■/■-. 

2) Final postvocalic consonants are often dropped; in particular the verbal 
ending -iO'is often simply -I- 

3) Final doubled (geminated) consonants are simplified; gemination is in general 
quite rare. 

4) r tends to become f before a dental: war 9a "eaten"; mard "man"; afBa 

5) Inherited H > I as in Co: nl, biBa, diSa, dima, zHK sUi, mid, dix "now, been, 

seen, behind, quick, needle, hair, spindle"; where « appears it has another origin, 
(This is certainly an innovation.) 

6) Oir. haca "from" becomes EHB az/*S and ia/ia (CB ac/ca), sandhi variants 
(with Korn 2005, p. 85). 


[,.vH El MNBE1N 

7) Olr. pp.s in xt- retain -vr- in principle in EHB, as expected; but many speak- 
ers of MB and DGK use forma in -ft- (as in Co and Kc) as well: dxta, atka; boxta, 
botka; brixta, britk ^etka;paxia, patka; sdxta, sotka; etc. "come, opened, 

^tcd. poured, cooked, burned" The choice appears to be a matter of taste. 

, > -V invariably in final position, and often elsewhere as well: ma "I", gU 
*f 'now", go '* ith": the verbal ending -tut > in, -f, -<F; bu "root"; da "a 
tax", etc. 

9) Glides between vowels acquire an -b- epenthesis, often dropped; rareh \ 
(ind m I: aba "the) ". btiihi "calamities"; bdloha "songs"; cebd "win '". 

,. nil "I am not"; nahant, nabd "they are not", grehay "weeping". (V. also 
below. Morphology, 3, and Syntax, I i 

10) A is a stable phoneme, but sometimes dropped between vowels, and the un- 
etvmological b- of some other dialects is mostly absent. I have noticed only 
httitur "camel" and hinjir "fig" (v Koks, p. 235). 

11) There are several cases where inherited intervocalic -m- becomes -w-, as 
in Kurdish. But unlike in Kurdish, I believe, with Korn (examples on p. 232) 
thai this phenomenon is without historical interest, and represents only an oc- 

•nal labialisation, lit is confined to f.HB only.) 


1 1 I be basic nominal ending is -e, but it is nearly always weakened to -a 
.t. The following examples are taken from written mss: 
narde bac - a mard bac "that man's son"; 

- wzirjtnkdr "for the wazir's daughl 

- badidb admiya "the king's men"; 

- sarkdra admiya "the government's men", 

- drewarajinke-af*"%}\t was a driver's daughter"; 

- giidnagward dsidtfay-ant "thev were standing near the tent". 

2) The relationship words "father, mother, brother, son-in-law" show the in- 
hered Ir cas .rec. ri«W*(wkh Co, Ke [and against all Ra 
bw with the duke* of Iran] but v. below, Remarks on other EHB subd.alects, 

2 ! 1 Z'sOn t d l f t? U 2S* bUt - ] ' a! UU ° +* * PrS ' ***> ^^k"; also 
used in some Kurdish diaects") » often used as a plural of nouns, but mainly for 

preserved after n) "women", dnuyal "eggs". ' g ( g 

Eastern Hill Balochi 


The Independent personal pronouns run: 












ma, mi 

... max 

tan, to 

JO .1, sd 


a, aba 


mam, mdl 







/nana, mana 


ta, tahd 

swd, id 


aha, ably a 

Notes: ma is also used after preps; max is found only in classical poetry. The dir. form zib seems to occur only once, in Damks' Popular Poetry, Balo- 
chi Texts, p. 15, I. 75: Ma Rind niydri / Lasdr zib ydn "I am not a Rind / I am a 
Lasar"; one expects here ttdhdn and ma (for respectively niydn and zib); all of 
my informants, most of whom knew the lines, denied the existence of zib. (If 
genuine, it must be a LW from Pashto za.) The oblique case serves as "agent" in 
ergative constructions. 

4) The following paradigms are a necessary corrective to all published tables for 



1. Suffixed Pronouns 






-i8/-0 (classical poetry) 




2. Copula Verb, present 
tense ("suffixed") 






-id, -ay 9 




3. Present- Future Verbal 










5) Particular Verbal Forms: 

- dr-, drda "bring"; ah-, dxta/dtka "come": pres. ka, kd h e, kay(0); kd h u, kd h e(0), 
kd h an(t) 

- aikan-faskun-, askutia "hear, listen" 

- b-, bifta "be": pres. ba, be, bi(6); bu, beti, ba/ban(t) 

- di/e-, ddt)a "give": pres. dia, de, di; diS, de(8), dtm(t) 

- gind-, difla "see"; gir-, gtpta "seize", girt; grch-, grexta "weep"; kan-, 
bulla "do"; raw-, sulfa "go": pres. raw a, raws, ro(0); rdwu, rawe(0), rawan(t) 

7 Unaccountably omitted inj. El.fUNBEW.An Anthology of Cljssuahtn J Modern Balochi 
Literature, Vol. I: Anthology. Vol. II: Cioaary. Wiesbaden 1990. 


|oni Eirontw 

■her Verbal Formation 
There is a causstm ill ,m,-. in all [tspects siimlar ... the -«•- causative o other 
dialects. A peculiar passive formation, uniqw to EHB (and borrowed from 
Siadlu-Sraikr*)cottsiMS in infixing -»> -< >- to the present stem. It a uol exten- 

sisclv used, Examples: 

. irdkigmji", e«J..* /'Wi/i^It that man is caught, he will be bound 

- .; liJbmeTrtfTBatjobwillbedonebyme" 

Sj ntax 

I I he simple present tense is now lurdU used in everyday speech, being almost 
compktety replaced bj a ive continuous constmcrion based on the verbal 
noun plus the copula, is in the bUom bag example (quoted in the Ke dialect be- 
.. the phonolog) is simpler): 

- man gmdag.i-un; to gindagd-e; j gindagd-tnt; ma gindagd-m; sumd 
gtndaga -it, iy/bdn gmdjgd-ant "I am seeing, thou are seeing, etc." 

The crux of the matter is of course the form gmdagd (EHB gmdayd) which is 
formed bv suffixing -d to the verbal noun gmdag. The process is identical in 
the three dialects Ke, Co and EHB. The same sort of construction is used tor .1 
durar which runs (in Ke) man gmdagd-atun; to gindagd-ate; 

etc "I was teeing, etc " where the has no ending.'* There is 
.1 vowel-separating consonant before the copula ending, in Ke -y- or -/;-, 
in Co and EHB -/;-; the -/;- is sometimes dropped, leaving a hiatus. 

Thec«iStnictiofi is confined to the 3 dialects mentioned, and is unknown else- 
where. For this reason it seemed to me in my past studies on Balochi to assign its 
origin to some neighbouring Indo-Aryan languages, all of which have continua- 
duratne constrictions of a similar kind, hut with the proviso that the exact 
details were obscure. 1 am now convinced that this approach was wrong; it seems 
that none of the possible Indo-Arvan languages has a construction of remotcb 
sim.lar type: they all (eg. S.ra.kl, S.ndhi-Sir.iiki. Panjahi or other "Lahnda" lan- 
guages) use a construction ing the historical present or past participles 01 
an" bare-Stem form, which cannot be the basis of the Bal type. Pashto 
does not come mto consideration on M) account. (Balochi has of course a present 
partsop ile m -„„. but ,t is not used in this typed construction.) In any case, the or- 
igin and neamngd the -a hnal vowel is not explained by any of these languages. 

It has been known however for a long time that Brahui has a simitar con- 
srrucnon, but I have always been reluctant to see in it the provenance of the 
Bal feature; but I am no fonge, so sure. The Brahu, facts are these: using the 

?\%W£ ^ *"* ^WtfCe^Adfcuaa, A Reference Grammar. 
* The ...rm^ ,v - J; - „j,h surWJ personal endrn^. 

Eastern Hill Balochi 


standard Brahui example verb fix- "to put, place" with its verbal noun uxing, we 
have the prcsent-durative conjugation: Itixmgati ut " I am putting"; rti 
tixingafi us "thou are putting" etc. 10 There is also a past i tixingati assut "I 
was putting", 111 tixingati assus "thou wert putting" etc. The critical feature, 
ol course, is the verbal noun fixing with the suffix -atr, the whole conjugation is 
identical structurally And syntactically to the Bal one, in every respect. The -aft 
suffix is one of several "locative" suffixes in Brahui (so-called by Bray) which 
denote "rest in or motion into" a place; thus literal lv the construction in Brahui 
means "I am into/in putting" etc. The other main locative suffix ("locative II"") 
in -SJ-al signifies "motion to or towards" a place, and cannot be used in this 
construction (all informants agreed that e.g. 1 tixingd ut is wrong). 

The importance ot all this tor the Bal form is that is makes gmdagd certainly 
a locative; and that is in any case not so surprising, since a main use of the -a 
case in Bal is as a locative. But I am still not entirely convinced that Brahui is 
the origin of the construction. Much more attractive is the possibility that it is 
rather a Bal feature borrowed into Brahui, a notion in itsell acceptable when one 
thinks of the massive influence of Bal on Brahui in morphology and syntax, as 
well as in lexicon. 

I am intrigued by the possibility that at least the idea of using a noun in the 
locative case in this type of construction has been noticed in some other N\V 
Iranian languages, notably Harzani, Talis! and LarT. There is naturally no im- 
plication that these languages can have influenced Bal, only that there might 
be an inherited element in the Bal construction; and it is still possible that the 
borrowing went the other way. 

2) The well-known and described 12 durative/impertcctive prefix a- to verbs (cf. 
Prs. me-) is commonly heard also in EHB, especially in sandhi (as also in Co, 
Ke) but it has no semantic function, in stark contrast to Ra dialects. 

3) Past transitive verbs are invariably construed passively ("ergative" construction): 

- ahtyd kuOa = kuBa-i"he has done (it)"; 

- ajaOa-ii "they struck him"; aha fa(>a-e "he struck them"; 

- rawaydt)anl-i .they were going, they went", a mixed construction using the 
verbal noun (found in one narrative); 

- mardd u<a<)i bac di bddsdha bac di burtia "the man carried off both his own 
son and the king's son"; 

- bddsdhed pol kuOa "a king asked"; 

Another example of a mixed construction: guda su()a-i dhi loyd "then he went 
to his house". Such mixed constructions, common in other dialects, are however 
rarely used in EHB. 

10 For further details, v. D. Bray: The Brahui Language. Vol. I. < lit una 1909, §65. 

11 Bray I W, §66. 

12 E.g. in J. Elfenbun: " (CL1, pp. 350-362). p. 356fT. with biblio K raphy; v. also 

Korn2005, p. 341. 




Remarks on other subdialects of EHB 

I Examples: 










"he goes' 






'he gave* 



J '; ha 6a 












Other peculiarities: te "and"; g~wd- > gua-\ copula -int > -/; prcs.-tut. 
ending MB -;"> Ka -e; MB oSa "there" > Ka 6Si; MB -pt- is assimilated in 
Ka i j Ka katia "fallen", cf. MB k\ipia; MB kan- "do" > Ka kin-; MB 

nemaya "towards" > Ka naya. 
The passive infix -if- (v. above, Morphology, 6) can be used in a complex 
-i ruction with the oblique case of the verbal noun, e.g. guasejayd "in being 
called", c£ MB gw*I-€]-sy~i, 

.^c-ji-B6li(KJB). This dialect can fairly be described as a "Sindhified" EHB. 
a) Phonology. EHB ''and S become everywhere respectively S and z. u Note 
also the forms biu "been", kusa "done", as well as bavoz'j, cf. MB hawoSS 
"there iter the -«- v. above, Hi< 1 1). r invariably becomes r before a 

uh Klbgurk "wolf"),consonanl clusters are opened, usually with i: 
MB it**, uuka "come, run", cf. MB atka, talk* there is much elision and 
WJ»»«»n: MB ilka mi l6ya "I arrived in the house" > KJB mitiki loyd; 

■rpWo^Noteworthv ,s the P ret. copula infix -*,- (common EHB -«*-, CBal 
* note S) S, words are regularly used w,th Baloch, morphology; the 

c) SjnMa. The present tense ,s expressed, as commonly in all EHB by the peri- 
phrastic construction described above in Synta* i T Z ii P 
callv j dnnriv. n ■ , TAX * '• " ls not "suallv semanti- 
cal a Past transitive verbs are always "ergative". 

Bal h.<i> 

CB Common BalocT 

Co Coastal (dialect) 


It, Iranian 

K* Keci (dialect) 

Olr. Old Iranian 

RaxsanT (dialect) 
Si Sindhi 

called this dialctl the -Ul 

aui i 

BOI lor nothing that Morcenstie rni 

J mis juicci the - ri | sc ., £ u \ tc ,. ,' , ,, ' "" "oming that Morcenstierne 

**<> 'Kim TTfcel, u Maair- is ■„ i W^itfccT ^ 2) ' Thc '"' Biv *° b] ' ' 

The Name of Vema Takhtu 1 

Harry Falk, Berlin 

The new king 

This article tries to assemble all the known spellings of thc name of thc second 
king of the Kusanas. For its title "vema takhtu" was selected, the version which 
I would propose to use, since it can be shown to be the source of a wide range 
of variant forms in several languages, including lakho, tako, taktu, takbtuasa, 
taksumasya, TAKTOO and TAKAOOY. 

Vema Takhtu as an individual king of the Kusana lineage became known as 
such only after thc Bactrian inscription from Rabatak was edited by the jubilar- 
ian. 2 Seeing him mentioned as son of Kujula Kadphises and father of Vima K.ul- 
phises the question of his coinage arose. Kujula's various emissions have been 
well known for long, as were those of Vima Kadphises. Since it has likewise 
been known for a long time that the wideh distributed coinage of an anom 
mous SOtertncgas comes in between Kujula and Vima Kadphises, it was natural 
to assume that Vema Takhtu is none other than sorer megas himself. Cribb was 
the first to say so and thus paved the way out of many a calamity. 1 Mac Dowall 
provided a reason for the irritating anonymity, by pointing 4 to thc parallel be- 
haviour of Octavian, who called himself "Caesar Augustus, divi filim, lmpeia- 
tor" after his victory in 31 bc. The title devaputra, introduced in the last years 
of Kujula, also derives from this haloed antetype. 5 The regular succession from 

\ n early version of this paper was presented at a conference i n September 2004 at Worces- 
ter College, Os lord, du riiis; ,u»n ference financed by thc Neil kreiun.iu foundation. The 
discussion involving Sh. Bhandare, O. Bopearachchi.J. Cribb, f I-rrington and 
R. Senior was of great thanks .ire due cojoi Cribb for granting tccessio 
the British Museum < ol lection of Kusana coins and to Michael ALRAM and Osmund 
Bhii \r\, >h hi for providing important literature. The exchange with NlCHOi ssSims- 
\\ i i i iams over the years on matters Kusana has been both a personal ind in icademic 
pleasure. Thanks also are due to the editors tor accepting me in the circle of feliciutors. 
Sims-Williams 1996. pp. 652-654; 1998, pp. 81 B J; Si ms-Wu.liams/Crihb 1995-1996. 
Cf.GoBL.who.uhciw ise saw clcark that Kujula was [In 'grandfather ol Vima Kadphises, 

i in 1976, p. SI: "Since the coins of Soter Megas form the onlj available material to 

fill the numismatic gap between Kujula and Vima [Kadphises 111 |. onk lie can be. in my 
opinion, the famous Ch'iu-chiu-eh'uc-h [= Kujula! HF] of the Chinese source 
Mac Doha ii 2002, p. 167b. 
Mac Dowall, ibid. 


H*RR> 1 VI K 

Vmu Kadphises becomes obvious through a look at the metrol- 
inage, where Vima Kadphises adds his hw j copper issue weigh- 
ing 17 grams to the retained volume of ifSW r megOS, weighing 2.1 and 
8.5 grams in their standard 1 forms.' The coinage of his father and predecessor 
in thus supplemented and not replaced bv Vima kadphises, a tact confirmed by 
numerous coin hoards where the coppers of both kings occurs side by side. 

With the Rabatak geoealog) at hand it was also possible to attribute success- 
ful l\ a series of coins where vima ■ as read before, but where the letters forming 
takho had remained enigmatic. 

The coinage with names in Prakrit 

Light-weight hull-and-camel, reading mabaraja 

Shortly after the Rabatak 
inscription was publish 

number of a new va 
coins was found, 
probably in Kashmir, which 
clearly was continuing the 
bull-and-camel coppers of 
Kuiula, « liu himself had cop- 
ied ismjcn oJ the conquered 
JihoiukaZeionises. The two 
i\ pes measure about 15 and 
17mm in diameter and svci^h 

I average. The bull side bears an inscription in strange but unam- 
biguous Creek letters which cell be dealt with below. On the camel side two 
s- t s of tew, ,n KharuMh, can be found, one shorter and one longer. The short 
^ion on the smaller coins reads: 

nukmtjm ftgmtu^ast devaputmsu vema 

«7< ' k : T U ^ m jt^?y* tHe "^ 0CCUr& '" ** nominative: "of 
'he itm king, the son ol the gods, Vema" and „„, 9emasa - of Vcma » This 
construction eaplan , „ M ^ ^ ,„ ^ ^ ^he'iongl^ M 

«- wnratasa damp**** vvma takho 

"-Tafchu.crftheGmtKing.d.ekingo^ kings, the son of thegods' 

Mai Dovau.20Q2, p , 168b, "SMS' 
!001 d 221 Rl> ■ 

■■■ -- "^ J""- ^.M.W-,996 .p.,,7, variety 7b. 
i.««W! | i UBB 1995-1996. p. 116, variety 7a. 

Pi I l<irv I ilk 

1 >8 I ; idimir" coppers of Vema T.ikhtu, 

Kadi dvema takha 

The Name of Vcma Takhtu 


The closing takho is occasionally followed by a dividing line (fig. 1 left). Only 
with the lull reading do we get a form which can be understood as a genitise, be 
ing takho, Skt. ' t.ikhoh, of a base takbu. 

Species of both varieties continue coming to the market and it is obvious that 
large amounts ol them were once in circulation. With regard to the personal 
name the usual inscriptional flaws can be observed, and so vema can look like 
varna oxvoma, and takho often comes as takha, the small slanting o-stroke hav- 
ing been omitted (fig, I right). 

Heavy-weight Bull-and-Camel reading maharaya 

This Kashmir edition must be contrasted with another series of larger coppers. 
\\ eighing about 10.5 g.'' The full legend goes: 

maharayasa I rayatirayasa devaputrasa vema tako mahatasa 
"Of the Great King, the Overlord of kings, the sun of the ^ods, of VemaTaku the 

The reading tako is justified in only one case, Cribh, type 6a, where an ordi- 
nary ka shows a slanting -o-vowel. The other cases are such that a ko is very 
unlikely, and the respective letter looks like hi (type 6e) or kta (type 6c). It can 
be assumed from these differences that the die-cutter was not very familiar with 
the letter that he was expected to inscribe. A guess at a kto in his exemplar can 
be justified, hut needs a clear example for verification. In any case, none of the 
variants seems to contain an aspirated kha, so thai the "orthography" is closer 
to the Greek versions to be dealt with below. In this one clear case known to me 
again a genitive is required and therefore I lake tako, Ski. 'takob, as a genitiv e i il 
*taku\ for the reconstructable genitive *takto the basic form is *taktu. 

In several cases the final mahatasa is truncated to maba or nj.aa for wain of 

This series of large coppers uses a different language than the small ones; it writes 
maharaya instead of mabaraja and, as we saw, tako or : takto instead of takho. So, 
most probably, the issuing place is not identical with the one of the small variety. 

The odd-one-out 

The legend on the smaller coins from Kashmir was presented above. Errington/ 
Curtis 2007 again speak about the various issues of Vema Takhtu, with exam- 
ples on p. 69, where no. 9 is supposed to show one of the Kashmir copper vai iety. 
However, in fact it does not reallv belong to this group. The obverse shows the 
bull and the legend in Greek letters with a clear Ot >1 I MO below the bull. 

9 Tin variants are dealt with in Sims \\ ii i iams/Cribh 1995-I996,p. I15f., under "type 6" 
with varieties "a" In "c" 


Hakri hu 


Hg. 2: "Kashmir" copper 
of thf Mahaksatnpa 

The reverse depicts the usual camel, but the in- 
Kxiptioa is not one ol those given above, but com- 
pletely different. It read* (fig - 

-hould be restored as makaraja-potra, the 
•grandson of the Great King" This same person 
is also n -tpa. Unfortunately, hi% name is 

onlv preserved in the lower parts of three letters 
and cannot be reconstructed. 

Since the obverse gives the name of the king it is 
to be expected that a grandson of the same Vema, 

tor whom the same coin tj pe was original!) designed, changed the reverse leg- 
end to his own name for reasons unknown to us. There is a long tradition of 
mentioning the overlord on the obverse and a governor or sub-king on the re- 
verse. This seems to be a further case. 

noa Takhtu came to power rather late because his father Kujula reigned un- 
til old .i^c So it is not surprising that Vema succeeded Kujula at an age when he 
alreadv had grown-up grandsons. This coin also shows that some of the persons 
called mahaksairupa in kusana time inscriptions from Mathura'- and elsewhere 
do HOI belong to ousted Ksatrapa families, but could be of pure 
kusana descent. 

The dipankara Buddha 

The Kharosthl forms takho or takoltakto as genitives have a very clear parallel 
in an inscription, known since long, on the tenon of a dipankara Buddha turning 
i he wheel of law (fig, >\. ['resent K. the statue is at home in the Army Museum. 
Rawalpindi, and apart from a short notice in ASI AR 1912-1913, Part 1, p. 33, and 
uv treatment in Kono* 1929, p. 134, is unpublished so far. The text has been ed- 
ited by Kono* from a rubbing as dbivhakaraut takbttdrena karide. rendered as 
Xpankara. made by Takhtidra". « ithout being questioned. " I have referred 
10 his traditu.nal reading before, 1 - which suffers from the fact that the rubbing 
I m was forced to use does no, disclose that a piece of the tenon has flaked 
1 he m* and the Wo are mutilated in the.r upper part, leading to more sepa- 
rate lines at the left end than original,, cut The text reads from the stone as: takhto danamukha 
"(Statue) of the Dipankara. a p,o U s donation of Takhtu." 

10 F*tn2002-: 

■ kU20OUp 134. 

The Name of Vema Takhtu 


The khto can be questioned 
s i ik e the vowel-stroke traverses 
the whole of the fc/w-bend, so 
thai the letter can be taken as a 
khti or a khto. 

Since danamnkbo, "pious 
donation", always requires the 
donor's name in the genitive, it 
must be hidden in what I read 
as takhto rather than takhti. 

For an understanding of the 
inscription we have to sup- 
ply a "statue", pratimd, after 
dhivhakarasa; otherwise the 
person called Takhtu (or Ta- 
khti) would refer to himself 
as "Producer of light* which 
would be in line with sorer 
megas, who shows Mithra \\ nli 
the sun's rays on the obverse of 
his coins, but for such a sur- 
mise the piece's style looks too 
young. At least this inscription 
shows that the name Takhtu 
(less likely Takhti) was still in 
use a century or so later than 
our Vema Takthu. 

I'l...t.. AhJul 

Fig. 3: The dipankara of Takhtu 

Stone inscriptions in Bactrian script 

There are two inscriptions where Vema Takhtu is mentioned in Kusana dynastic- 
records. The first instance is the well-known Dasht-e Nawur inscription, not 
very well preserved on top of a mountain, and reliably edited by Fussman 11 , 
who read PAO OOHMO TAK[PI?] at a time when this king was not known 
otherwise. Fussman looked for a form of Kadphises, as everyone else would 
have done at that time, and guessed, with due reserve at a "metathesc ou errcur 
du lapicide". 14 

The second case is found on the Rabatak stone slab, where Sims-Wii t.iAMS 
could read OOHMO (T)AKTOO PAO, with some letters not perfectly pre- 

13 Fussman 1974, p. 18, pi. 111. 

14 Iussman 1974. p. IS. 


Harr> Fai k 

served. However, comparing I I SSM ^ J M& reading ol the initial consonant 
allowed a restoration to TAKTOO. Due to the comparative research done b) 

WILLIAMS, h il now common knowledge that Baetnan words ending in O 
are pronounced without the -o; and therefore a written OOHMO TAKTOO 
DAO was once pronounced similar to wtm takto ia. 

Coin inscriptions in Greek language and script 

entry, a hoard ot gold coins was tound in Peshawar city, mostly issued 
In Vima Kadphises, with a lew pieces of Kaniska limiting the date of the deposit. 
Amount die Vima Kadphises coins were two types never seen before. Accord- 
ing to their iconography .ind palaeography, the) have very little to do with the 
number ot gold coin types known so far from this king. Part of the treas- 
ure was published by O. Bopearachchi. 1 * On the oldest coins, Vima Kadphises "son ot the king Wemo Takto the kusana", BACIAEQC Ot >! I MO 
rAXTOOi K.OOW>ANOY \ lot , Removing the Greek genitive ending we are 
i with .1 stem takto. On one coin a variant"' "TAKAOGY is found, where 
at first glance the delta looks like just another writing mistake but for which 
it might pav to return to the Kashmir coppers. On most of the about 30 pieces 
which 1 have wee so Ur, the left and bottom pan is off the flan. The top starts 
with a sort of theta, derived from E+l, but often misshapen and used as a text di- 
1 hen follows BACA or BA< tainly standing for BACI AE YC, followed 

d text divider and BAG, standing for BACIAEfiN. Below the animal 
f be expected, hut it is nowhere discernible; on the left side, be- 
hind the animal the text ends in ///AOO, which could be the rest of TAKAOO. 
I he OOis present on several ihe A is preserved just once. This soft variety 
TAKAOO, found in two of our variant groups, seems to show that the dental was 
pronounced with less impetus than the velar sound in tront of it 

The so-called gramaraksaka seal 

Lndealt «,th so far it i our context is , verv peculiar seal lodged in the Brit- 

lv hen* £ ^ f° a '!° PUl>lishcd " "P a » w| V in 2001, reading 

ah I h/ , " 7 /j """;' (/ ' : '/'""" ™s title is sufficient to show 
Ku a n H W t ' Sea ' T* lu wme local offi «*l » *■ name of 

vRachchi 2007 and 2008. 
16 BoPtARACHCHt2007, p. SJ no 5 20011 « t , l 

' "*■ P ''• "* * ,ht wri«B filing is do, BOted on p. 9. 

The Name of Vema Takhtu 


1 i.; • s - il "! i he mahdrdja grdmatakbtua 
(after Cm i 1 1 it i 1997, "Cat U 7.24", courtesy British Museum) 

Tins makes little sense and therefore the seal was absent from the recent discus- 
sions about Ku?ana genealogy. This rather irritating reading deserves a closer 
look (fig. 4). It is obvious at first glace that the alleged ra is in fact a clcarlv writ- 
ten ta. The following compounded letter was taken by Garbini as a ia "in its 
secondary form or simply a horizontal stroke" on top, below which is a kba, be- 
low which is a symbol which "cannot be meaningfully read though it resembles 
a small TRA, Hiking into account the preceding character KA this conjunct 
symbol might be KHSA". 17 

The plate accompanying the Indian publication is not very clear with regard 
to the crucial letter. The plate in Cali.ilri 2001 shows that there is no sa on 
top, but that the kba has a slightly curved upper part. We see also that the letter 
beneath it is not a tra, but a tu. The reading therefore is grama-takbtuasa. 

Leaving aside the grama, we have a maharaja-devapittra, who tomes by the 
name of takbttta, followed In a genitive ia. 

If this seal has anything to do with the Kusanas, then takthua must refer to 
*Takhtu as known from the coinage. But how to account for the gram*-? I pro- 
pose to regard gra as a miscued version of vc, with the va being a variant otva, 
graphically distinguished by a stroke to the right at the foot ol the vei tical, so 
that it looks almost like a ba, tor which it is occasionally mistaken, particularly 
in the coin legend of Vima Kadphises. 

The precise pronunciation of 1 va is not known; the opinio communis is to 
take it as similar to w as in wheel, with a slight » preceding it. This view can 
be supported by the spelling uvima in Vima Kadphises' name, as written in 
Kharosthf at Kalatse, ls and in the Kharosthi letter va being constantly used in 
vima-kalpaa on the same king's coinage. A scribe may have developed the habit 
to write 1 va with a small loop at the upper bend (1); when furnished with the 
c-stroke, this combination t ve looks rather similar to an ordinary t gra, for 
which the engraver took it. 

17 Garbini 2001, p. 1%. 

18 Kqnow 1929, p. M. 


H VRB1 Falx 

I- seems much easier to suppose such a miswriting and end u P with an in- 
m* ukhttum, than to explaiu ■ pww m front ot the takbtuasa m a 
1 d\ oast) personal name, and so I read the seal as: 


of [he Great King, son d the gods, vema lakhtu.i." 

h if evideui from a series d seals d other kings like Kaniska ['", K.miska II 
or HI* or Gondophaws 21 thai this is ooi » personal seal, but made to stamp 
goods and documents in any of the provinces. The governors responsible for 
their production mav not have supervised their production .in carefully as a real 
name-holder would have done for his personal use. 

Startling is the extended form takhtuasa, as if the name takhtu had received a 
thematic ending, m order to allow inflexion parallel to a noun ending in -a. 

Vema Taksuma in Mar 

The family sanctu a r ) at Mat, across the river from Mat hum, held at least two 
statues of Kusana kings, one of them sitting on a throne, sword across his lap, 
ight hand raised and before its mutilation, probably, holding a flower. On 
the flat base between his boots an inscription" is found, saving in the last two 
d the tour lines that an officer in charge of the house for the gods (bakana- 
pati) had built the temple (devakula), furnished with a park (drama), lotus pond 
well (udapdna) and a doorway (ddrakothaka). 
The first two lines describe the portrayed figure as mahdrdjo rdjdtirdjo 
rutro kusdnaputro "the Great King, Overlord ot Kings, Son of the Gods, 
I the Kusana" The line ends , taksumasya. On a partly destroyed 

surface, sdhi can only be read with light from a very fiat angle, with a clear fa, 
and no trace of the -Stroke left Of the two letters vema the lower half is almost 
gone, but the upper part is preserved, showing definitely that vema is to be read 
and not ( 

lUcticalK . these last three words must be joined to the last two lines, mak- 
ing the bakanapat, an officer in the service of „,/„ Vemt ukfmnu , and we arc 
free to guess ,f th.s Vema Taksuma Is identical with the mabaraja or not. In an v 

.seems hazardous to separate vema taksumasya from the already well 
kn„.n «ma takho of the co.nage. And since the bakanapan was appointed 

I' Thahml 1972. p. 43. 

20 $ms-wnLiAMS/TucitfR2005,p 588 

21 Tm.mi 

in 1998, p . 

23 ln M ^HAN (1998 r, *.fl7l II 

The Name of Vema Takhtu 


h\ him, the second of the Kusanas, the portrayed rnahdrdja can either be Vema 
Taksuma himseli or his father, kujula Kadphises. 

This open question has received different answers which need not concern us 
here, since we are only dealing with the name as such. Can taksuma be linked 
to takhu, taktu or takhtu in any way? That a kba, written and pronounced, 
corresponds to a ksa in a more polished parlance is known from a multitude 
of examples, e.g. original Skt. bhiksu turning into hhikkhu in many vernacu- 
lars. The other way round is only sparingly attested, e.g. in Buddhist Hybrid 
Sanskrit, where we find uksa as a "wrong" or hyper-Sanskritic form, "recon- 
structed" from the correct Skt. ukhd, denoting a certain vessel.- 4 Since it would 
have been possible to represent an original ksa in the Gandharan language and 
in the karosthi ^ ript, the ksa in taksuma cannot stand at the root ot the variant 
spellings. On the contrary, it must be regarded as a "learned" derivative of an 
original pronunciation containing a kba. 

It is more difficult to account for the additional syllable ma. There is no third 
syllable in the genitive takho, but there seems to be one in takhtua-ia on the 
seal. However, both in taksumasya and in takhtuasa we have to do with geni- 
tives in Indo-Aryan languages and it seems that the additional syllable was only 
used to turn takhtu into an a-stem for easy genitive formation. The m may be 
intended to bridge the hiatus between the two vowels, as it does occasionally in 
Pali. :s InGandharTspeltings in kharosthi script such a hiatus is rather common, 
while it is dreaded in Sanskritic orthography. Despite the few Pali cases, m as a 
hiatus bridger is not used in Sanskrit, where a v would have been used after it. 
Therefore, another solution might be found in the larger bull-and-camel cop- 
pers, where, as said above, the legend regularly ends in mahatasa, in some cases 
shortened to maha or masa (Cribb type 6c). If such a coin was used to ascertain 
the correct spelling, the final tak(t)o masa could be read as takomasa, brushed 
up to taksumasya. However, such a misreading would presuppose a rather vague 
knowledge on the side of the bakanapati about the name of his master. 

Yen Gao Chen 

For the sake of completeness a word may be permitted concerning the vexed 
question ot Vcma's name in Chinese. 26 In the Hu-Han-Shu the second king, 
succeeding K inula Kadphises, is given as f^-fr^ Yan-gao-zhen, where yan rep- 
resents Vema, as gener.ill\ admitted. Gao-zhen, however, does not represent 
Taktu, for obvious phonetic reasons, and it does not represent Kadphises, since 

24 Edcerton 1953,52.25. 

25 Obiri us 2001, p. 124. §25. 

26 ( I S1M-.AVU1MMS 1998, p. 90. 


Ham» 1*i»> 

ku.ula name is gelled Alt* « d* »«M ^ To ex pet a thud 
Vema would require Utewj « numismatic evidence, which is abscm. 

A look u the Dasht-e Nawui inscriptions provides at least a possible alterna- 
tk Bactrim ten i * HMD lAkli'O KODANO,- ? whereas the 

Kkuoechi parallel on the mat stone has nothing but the genitive t>A<im« taw, 
with no f«*/o at all and no space tor a na between ft and M. a 

[t set na possible that the Chinese envoys heard about the history of the rive 
tribes »l the Vue C hi. including the Kusinas, spelled Kuei-Shuang ("frS), from 
one source and about the ruling king in India, i.e. Vema Kusana, from another, 
without realizing that botirtenns contain a common element spelling variations 
are more or less the rule when it coma to Indian place names in early Chinese 
lure. A further spelling variation in Chinese regarding the Kusanas would 
n.'t surprise given the m.inv ways Kusana names occur even in Indian sources. 
Although fcHj.ou or &/.!«>.! 'i .j iTaxih tifra scroll) is the most common Kharosthi 
spelling for the family name, another informant may have used gusdna, as the 
name is spelled in Panjtar, MamkiaLi or Kamra. Since the form Vema Kusa<na> 
KM actually used at Dasht-c Niwur by the kharosthi scribe, this occasional 
variant address, when pronounced vema gttfina, nuv well have lead to yen gao 
cben. if we presuppose diffent informants with different spelling habits. 


The representation of Kusana personal names in Indo-Aryan languages must 
have been a difficult affair judging Irom the numerous forms of, e.g., the name of 
Kuiula Kadpbises.* In us Kh.irosthT spellings no Kujula "Kadpbises" is identi- 
cal with the canonised katpifa as used In Vims K.idphises, his grandson on his 
coins. With regard to the first name, common to Vema Takhtu and Vima Kad 
pluses, we have at least a hint b] the seal dealt with above that the use of the va 
to start it was introduced «lread> in the time of the father. 

The first part of the name is given in kharosthi as vema on the coins, prob- 
able as vema on the seal; the Brahmi at Mat reads Vtma as well. The Bactrian in- 
scriptions have OOH M< 1 as do the Greek legends of the coins of his son. Evei J 
language and concerned would be able to express an ,, but all cases pre* ,„ 
dung but e, an expression of the quantity of this vowel. Vima Kadnhises. 
however used , on his cou, isistcnrlv From the spelling in Brahmi inscrip- 
tions of bj^jji. and****, wc know lhat both vowds w £ 
used sonsertihl, . , nd most l,keK. some scribes preferred the one and others the 

UXIASU I kibb 1995-19% p 95 

■**« WW.pLV.tenlV.lii 

"•W4.p.l5;M 1996-1997 p 39 

The Name of Vema Takhtu 


For the second part I propose to regard takhtu of the seal as the basic form, 
disregarding the thematic extcntion. Starting from an -«-noun a genitive form 
:: takhtoh would comply with Sanskrit grammar. This genitive was simplified 
according to Prakrit rules to takho, spelled /takkho/, on the Kashmir coppers 
and deaspirated to tako, spelled /takko/, on the larger bull-and-camel coppers 
(Cribb type 6); forms w nli ktu exist but their vocalisation is presently uncertain. 
The phonetically simplified basic form :> takhu most likely was used to create the 
Sanskritic form taksuma. 

The kb must stand for a velar sound, not a laryngeal one, since the Greek ver- 
sions have little means to express the aspiration, but they would certainly have used 
a X (cbi) if a laryngeal sound was to be heard, as in the case of Kharahostes, where 
the genitive is spelled kharaostasa in Kharosthi and XAPAHQCTEIC in Greek. 

The t was preserved on the sea! in Kharosthi, in the Greek TAKTl H >s, -em 
tive and in the Bactrian TAKTOO; the variant TAKAOO seems to be present 
on the Kashmir coppers and on one early gold coin of Vima Kadpbises and 
shows that the dental was pronounced rather weakly. 

We now come to the closing vowel. When we disregard the clear genitive 
forms in -o, we are left with the two thematizations takbtuasa and taksumasya, 
both presupposing a closing -«. 

Since the basic form and the genitive can be so much alike in the North- 
western vernaculars, attempts were made to thematise the foreign word, in or- 
der to obtain a form which could easily be recognized as a genitive by e\ ei \ one. 
So we get takhtu-a-sa on the Kharosthi seal and taksu-m-a-sya at Mat. 

In short, we see three independent developments, all starting from one basic 

a) takhtu — ► takhu — ► taksuma 

b) takhtu -» taktu/TAKTOO — TAKAOO -» taku 

c) takhtu — * takhtua 



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Indogcrmamstik 3), pp. 5S <,;4 

TH «i «L*i ££, s ' w 7 7 A " iU "" lnd '" n StWi A «* J y °f N ™ h '»*« '-'* 

*nd clings from area third cemur, B.C. to mid-seventh century AD. Lucknow. 

Les relations interlinguistiques de quelques termes 
de la pharmacopee antique. II 

Philippe Gignoux, Paris 

Dans une communication au Colloque de Berlin (Janvier 2006) destine a honorer 
le grand specialists des etudes manicheennes, Werner Sundermann, j'ai com- 
mence a etudier une serie de 59 termes de la pharmacopee attestes dans le ms. s\ 
riaque 423 de la Bibliothequc Nationale de Fiance 1 et qui se prcuient a un traite- 
ment interlinguistique parte qu'ils etaient gloses en syriaque par d'autres formes 
issues du moven-perse, du persan ou de 1'arabe. Mais un certain nombre de ces 
termes sont soit simplement donncs en syriaque, soit proviennent dun caique du 
grec qui a fourni, comme on le sait, une enorme quantite de termes en sj riaque 
et pas seulement dans le domaine de la pharmacopee. Je voudrais poursuivre 
cette recherche 2 par une serie d'autres termes, non gloses mais parfois inconnus 
jusqu'a present.' Ce textc de pharmacopee est connu par un autre manuscrit, le 
Mingana 594\ sans qu'il depende apparemment du syr. 423 et qui remonte sans 
doute comme ce dernier a un original perdu, puisque les gloses du second nis. 
ne sont pas presentees de la mime maniere que dans le premier. Ces nouveaux 
textes nous offrent des termes nouveaux, parfois inconnus jusqu'ici, et surtout 
la possibiiite de corriger des interpretations des dictionnaires ou de Bum.i dans 
son edition du Traite sur les medications qui n'a pas ere jusqu'a aujourd'hui suffi- 
samment exploite autrement que dans la lexicographic J'espere que ma modesu 
contribution interessera tout de mime Nicholas Sims-Williams qui, par son 
immense erudition linguistique. est aussi un familier de la langue syriaque. 

I. La violette 

Le ms. syr. 423 fournit pour I'huile de violette un mot ecrit mnysk\ atteste eg.i- 
lement dans le Traite anonyme sur les medications public par Budge. 5 On sait 

Cf. Briquei-Chatonnet 1997. 

En ayant I "ambition de pouvoir, un jour lointain, publicr une edition el traduction de ce 
ms. 42.1 

I'.irmi les so mots que j'ai recenia pour cette etude, 16 oni deja etc traites dans ma com- 
munication de Berlin et neseronl don« pas mention ties tct. 

Que j'ai pu collationner sur un microfilm dc I'lnstitut d'tustoin et de recherche des 
textes. Paris. 
Budgk 1913, 1, p. 39.17 j Et, p. 57.24 


Philhi'i Gicm 

que la forme MP - ' *>one" regulttremeoi en persan banafsc. Lc cor- 

rc> p.w*W rvr a la forme emnhaiicue mjfy/*'poun«l a mon avis s'cxpliquer 

spondint syr. a la forme empnatkroe wiiy/i'pourraii .1 mon avissexpu 
., mm( un doublet. a lire *m*n*Ug, car le - v intetconsonnanliQue en syr. pern 
noier un -m- b< this, le m initial COOStitoenit une vamntc, comparable 

au\ deux formes qui nous sunt comma pour le nam Ju jnsquiame : mang/bang*. 
Aussi It passage de N- a -s- est line evolution qui n'est pas rare en iranien . : 
bin < *fsu-pdn.i- ; as. recent futnm*- > hffm • home, pudeur -\ Mais il 
faudrait admettre que ce changement .1 pu se passer a I'interieui ct non pas set) 
lement a I'initiale, pour ce nom de la violetu 

2. De la courge au cresson 

D'apres Lai t v k , la eourgc est ongmairc de la Chine, mais lc centre dc sa 
culture fut d'abord en tndc. Get auteuren reeonnait la grandeantiquite dans ces 
detts pays. M Candolle note la difficultea I 'identifier en raison des 

aleas de ibnomastique : 

I hi histnr\ ill this [the gourd] and other cucurbitaceous plants requires new and 
critical investigation, the difficult v of whi L h is unfortunately enhanced In imii 
stari' on of terms in all languages 

rsan le nom de la courge est k.idu. mais en s\ r. la lorme courante est qr ",' ' 
qui est aitestec tres soment dans le traite public par Budge. 14 II est a distinguer 
du mot syr. qtnt\ plur. qty' lb , que le Compendious Syriac Dictionary** a tra- 
duit par - concombrc, courge ». Assoc u .1 d'autres mots, lies a la symboiiquc 
imniale, ce mot destgnc plus preciscmcnt la coloquinte : ainsi syr. qtv) d-dbr' 

k MarKswai i*7i.p. 86. 

G " p*ratD«);ClAJ(CACUNl2008 > p.S4 

II Ms. Kin/o 197). pp. |7ctS4. 

>r. F cui dta rasi . qui conqaien U betail . (Kellbns 1974, p, 106) mais ce 

m..t nt wmblc pas amir cu dc defendant. 

tl Lauras I9t9, p. 440, m 

12 t ai par Lauras 1919, p. 44;, n , ■ 

O \U lyr. 423, pp. 48, S3, 67. 

««du.i pa . jottd wj , rtjnl price* de ,v , nbl . Cet.c .nterpmam.n , M n 

rteipe Wi «to«e:etBuDwIM3.I, 

-ITS t" 1 "^ vait 


Relations intcrlinguistiques de quelques termes de la pharmaeopce antique 1 19 

« courge du desert » 17 ; syr. qty hmr' - courge d'ane » 18 , ou encore syr. qtwt frwy' 
- courge de serpent » 1 *. Mais cette courge du desert est aussi appclee dc son nom 
tire du grec en syr. qwlwqwnty 10 . Ailleurs, selon Budge-' 1 , la coloquinte s'ap- 
pelle en svr. gnph'i, un nun qui par sa finale revele son originc grecque-". Mais 
il me faut cornger Budge a propos d'autres noms, qu'il identifie cgalement a 
tort certainement avec la courge. Ainsi le syr. grgyr', atteste de nombreuses fois 
dans le Traite des medications", est considere comme la coloquinte ! Or le mot 
est a rapprocherdu persan jirjir < cresson » (Eruca sativa), devenu en arabe/ir/Tr 
* cresson, roquette » d'apres te dictionnaire d'AL-FARAiD 2,1 . Mais Si tiNGASS 25 
distingue deux termes dirTerents : ar./pcrs. jirjir « cresson » et ar. jirjir « feve, 
vesce ; I'herbe roquette ■>. Cette derniere identification est evidemment une er- 
reur de la part de Steingass, puisque ['alternative presumee etre soit te 
cresson et la roquette, sou la leve et la vesce. Quoi qu'il en soit, la tonne origi- 
nellc MP seratt-elle "girgir ? Mais lc cresson en MP se dit kakizag 11 ' qui .1 abouti 
au persan *kdkij 2 \ et qui est en syr. dans le ms. 423 //;/ '.-' s Steingass cite kakiz/ 
kakis qu'il iraduit par « roquette » 2 '\ Enfin le nom de la coloquinte serait en MP 
:: ~kdv.-ast(ig) d'apres le Bundahisn iC , puisqu'en persan le nom est kabast. yi Nous 
avons done la un bon cxemple de la confusion qui regne parmi les phyton) mes. 

3. Le saule egyptien ou le fenugrec ? 

Lemotsyr. ecritW/j'constitucun probleme important : lesdictionnairesde I'ayne 
Smith et Budge I'ont traduit par « saule egyptien >», doute parce qu'il est 
precede dans le Traite sur les medications ou il est atteste en deux passages,' 2 du 
mot syr. Ibwq \ que Budge a compris comme une ■ branche » d 'arbre. Or ce mot 



Payne Smith 1903, p. 500a. 

Ms. syr. 423, pp. 49, 55 ct 61. 

PAYOT Smith 1903, p. 500a. Amigues 2002, pp. 279-289, a mis en evidence lc role de la 

nuuphore, notamment animale, dans la formation des noms K recs de pl.uites. M en est 

de meme en svriaquc. 

Ms. sv r. 423, p. 67. le Thaaurui Synacus. col. 352 ! , donne une autre forme plus eon), n im- 

i lcIIc du grec : qwlwqntyt, et renvoie a Galen J4r. 

Bi ik. i 1913, passim. 

PAYNI Smith 1927, p. 77 et Thcs. Syr., col. 775, utilise pour designer la pulpedu frun. 

23 Budge 1913, 1, pp. 310.7; 361.4, 21 ; 370.8 ; 372.2 ; 378.9 ; J93.8 ;342.2j S82.10. Dans If 
Supplement (Payne Smith 1927), p. 79a, cette plante est VtTHCA tdtivd. 

24 Al-Fara'id 1955, p. 76a. 

25 Steingass 1947, p. 359b. 

26 Bundahisn, chap. 16.17. 

V Ce nest pas I., forme MP attestec dans le chap. 27 du Bundafain, comme 1 a tptu 

E.W.Wisi.uu ipai I \piik I919,p.I92. 

28 Dcjasignale dans mon article it Berlin sous len" 47. 

29 Steingass 1947, p. 1039. 

30 Bundahiin, chap. 16.13 et 21 

31 Lazard 1990, p. 330. 

32 Budge 1913, I, p. 579.5 et 584 IS. 


PhimppfGk-.m'i \ 

designe pIuv exactement une . pousse -, une - bund, Ik- • OH une - petite hran- 
che -. li peut done s'appl.quer aussi bicn a un vegetal qu a un arbre. U contexte 
dans Ic premier passage est une recette pour eloigner les fourm.s, et associe lc soi 
d.sant saule egyptien a I'amandicr amer. Dans le second passage, Budge n'a ma- 
nilestcment pas compris dc quo, il s'agit : la recette porte un ticre qu'il a traduil 
ainsi -For the < moths -{m c B (thai come forth in the hands and feet, and are cal- 
led • tbisbnumyitb* ■ -. Ccla n'a pas grand sens, et le dernier mot apparait a qua- 
tit r. | us que Budge ait twyt de \t tr.iduire ! Il n'a pas meme rcmarque 

qu'a b derniere attestation'' le mot est ecru foimnyt '. Le Supplement considere 
que le C] r. fl sign i fie plutot une eruption - vesicles », et le mot qui le glose devrait 
a\oir une signification semblable. Or en svr. le mot swsmnyt ' designe la planic 
. Jm , qui Mais |uste avant, ledictionnairedonne lemot 

'j qui j deux sens : I) fourmi;2) irritation. Ce deuxieme sens conviendrait 
bicn pour expliquer le mot a ,cl k propose de trad u ire /uiimwyr (lectio difficilior 
a pretcreri plus precisement par « picotement ». En efret, en francais, lorsque Ton 
ramni comme dc petites piqures. notamment dans les mains (mais aussi dans les 
jamba on Ils pieds), par suited 'une mauvaise circulation, Ton dit que « Ton a des 
lourmis ■ dans les membrcs en question. Cela pourrait expliquer les deux sens, 
mamtcstcment heterogenei ct etranges, du syriaque, et pourquoi la seconds re- 
cette l,. u .lussi le soi-disant - saule egyptien ». Apres tout, cette svmboliquc 
de la lourmi peut bien joucrdans plusuurs langues. Mais revenons au ms. syr. 423 
qui, a mon avis, doit nous taire abandon ner cette traduction du mot hip'. Dans le 

i;ede la page 48 ou le mot appar.iit, il est question d'un remede a apportei m 
mal de tctc. Je traduis I'essentiel de cette recette : 

is soignons par des versementi d'eni douce et chaude sur la tete frcquemmem, 
par 1'huilcdc rose..., on bien de violent .... ou d'eau de coloquintes avec de l*eau 
'urge et de I'eau, et dc hip' et de renouees (syr. Ibtbl '). 

M que ,e n'ai pas tradu.t pourrait etre le - fenugrec *. En effet Lauhk a 
.den, .he le nom dc cette legumineusc en chinois sous la transcription hn-la-pa, 
qui correspond au svnaque, et dans I arabe bulb*, et en persan hulbat d 'apres la 
pharmacopee de Mansur ■ W avons pcut-etre la une identification preferable 
au tat* egj poen dont on « vo„ pas b.en ce qu'il viendrait fairc en association 
.»« la renouee ou chendent. et dans laquelle on attend plutot une petite plante. 

i I I rueou I'harmala 
j* b rue en m «« h forme W > qui vient claircment du grec 

IS Bl m v 1913, |.p. 584.19. 

I u m w»,p . 

^-™ p|4m , |clivrfdch s, tllARTzlm 

Relations interlinguistiques dc quelqucs ternies dc la pharmacopee antique 121 

5. La marjolaine ou I 'origan 

Cette plante est appelee en syr. mrzngws qui est une transcription claire du 
pehl./MP marzangos* 7 deja connu dans Budge, et en persan, ,s 

6. Le thym et I'epinard 

Lethym,sauvageounon,aaunioinstrois nomsen syriaquc : sh '(syr. 423, p. 49) ; 
bi ' (p. 60) ct ftr' (p. 60). Les deux premieres formes sont semitiqucs, la seconde 
ecrite b's'(p. 43) etant la « sariette », mais la troisieme ne Test pas. Comme le syr. 
f peut representer 1'ir. c, ftr' est probablement a expliquer par le persan catrak 
que Steingass a traduit par « herbe a rate - 31 * ( ?) en mentionnant entre paren- 
theses le nom de la classification botanique, soit « ceterach officinarum », qui 
depend du nom persan. La forme MP serait *catrag. LWigine iranienne du mot 
est confirmee par un passage de Budge, ou 1'on a str' prsy\ et que I'editeur n'a 
pas traduit, en indiquant settlement « Persian satbre » 40 . Le ms. syr. 423, p. 60, 
qui associe les deux dernieres formes a pu faire croire a Payne Smith 41 que le 
mot j/r'designait une autre sorte de thym, ce qui ne semble pas ctrc le cas si Ton 
s'appuie sur le persan. D'ailleurs les copistes syriaques, ne comprenant pas ce 
mot, I'ont ecrit soit avec un s soit avec un s. 

Un quatrierne mot pour le thym (ou la sariette) est cite par Payne Smith 4: 
sous la forme syr. zrbwz '. Or le meme mot est atteste sous la forme zrbwn ' dans 
PeditiondeBuDGEetaplusieurs reprises, I " uisant par « epinard » 43 . 
Il est atteste aussi dans notre ms. syr. 423, p. 53, sous la forme zrbwz 1 , associe 
au mot qtp' « 1'orachc », ct il Test egalement dans les occurrences de Budge, qui 
traduit : « ... broth of spinach, or broth of gourds, or broth of orach ». II ne peut 
done guere s'agir dc thym, mais bien de differentes plantes potagcres dont on 
peut faire une soupc. Par aillcurs, comme les copistes ont pu confondre facile- 
ment lezavec le n, je pense que la seconde lecture {zrbwn') attcstee dans Budge, 
est celle que I 'on doit preferer, carelle renvoiede plus a une origine iranienne : si 
tel est le cas, le mot pourrait remonter au persan zariivand Ai qui designe 1'aris- 
toloche, dont les fleurs sont jaunes et dc ce fait pouvait etre appelee - doree ». 
L'antecedeni MP pourrait-il ctrc 'zard-dwand, devenu en syr. sous une gra- 
phic defective zrbwn' ? Mais evidemment ce ne serait pas exactement I'epinard 

37 Mackenzie 1971, p. 54. Syr. 423, pp. 50 et 72. 

38 Payne Smith 1927, p. 200b. 

39 Steingass 1947, p. 388. 

40 Budge 1913, l.p. 162.3 ; II, p. 175. 

41 Payni Smith 1903, p. 485b, qui a traduit le mot par - satureia thymbra. wild thynu- ■. 

42 Payne Smith 1927, p. 115b, qui propose pluaieurs equivalences et cite la formtzrkwn', 

43 Budge 1913, I, pp. 39.19, 231.3, corrige entre parentheses en zrkm' aani la trad II, 
p. 256. Mais en I, p. 351.21, la Lis « dei hSgumea eat encore plus longue:* soupedecourge, 
ou loupe .1 'ipinard, ou souped'oracke, ou soupc de pois, ou soupe d'oseille, ou soupc de 
ehou - (II, p. 400). 

44 Lazaro 1990, p. 217. 



comme l'a pease Bine*. D'auire part, I'aratoloche en sv r. k Jit spfot*.** La 
teale certitude, e'esi qu'il oe peut pas s 'agirde thvm. 

7. Lc lis 

-: i pp. 49 el 58) doit s'apparenter au MP fdoui, avec une alternance j/i 
qui n'empechc pas de les rapprocher, mais sans savoir laquelle des deux Ungues 
est tributajrc do ['autre. 

S. I e jasmin 

1 e nana du lasmm bien connu sous la meme forme dans nos Ungues modcrnes a 

tudie in extenso [ \i HK* k qui a mom re que la plante avail ete importee 

en Chine a partir dc la Perse. Le nom en pehlevi est ydsaman* , mais la forme 

que donne le ms. s\ r. 423. p. 5\,ysmyn est peut-etre issue direetement du grec 

ami non. 

9. Le jujube 

Le nom du |U|ubier en -\ r iyzq' (p. 51 du ms. 423) etait apparemment jusqu'ici 
mu a ma connaissance, en tout eas non repertorie dans les dictionnaires, 
mail il s'agit tlairement dun emprum au MP : en effet lc persan liz-gun a ete 
relew avec cettc signification par SteingasS 4 *. La forme MP reconstruite a par- 
tirdl1 -*g- different^ du persan dont le sens n'est pas cUir, tant que 

I on n'aura pas denm ce que veui dire le premier element du compose. 

10. Le 'lyqbr glose par kyr snbr 

■t ijrr. parait ven.r de I'arabe al ..., g| Gie par un mot arabo-persan, comme 
I indiqucMiiN, WquitournitJeux formes presque idenuques :.v>.Jr-rdmW 
mb*r, tradu.t par Cassia fistuUris. Ce doit etre une sorte de concom- 
bre comme le mggerc \g prcmicr c ]ement bien connu dans tout I 'Orient. 

II. Le nenuphar 
r. d< notre ms. 423 est q ui repreduh c ,. lL[ement U fonM 

" ltn £/ r nUC iUS5 ' d ? U,S bn8tEm|W ra MP " 1™ Mackenzie" trans- 

P a railr t u 7 ^ fT '"A"" * K ~"' « * ^ c est sans dome 
rapport au mmm miotpj,- quc t , tI , (r , nStnpt|tjn ^ propos - e _ 

45 B * I. p. 390.2. 

46 tv "" I9W.PF i'0-I9}«329 I 

« Sins. ^, I'M" p 499^ 

50 Ha.Kivi, 

51 CLLumat919,p 

Relations interlinguistiques de quelqucs termes de la pii.ii macopee unique 123 

12. Le bois de santal 

Le s\ r, sndl vient direetement en r.uson du > initial correspondant au r iranien, 
du MP caudal. 1 e persan a candal, canddn, arabe iandal, arm. candan. Lauker 
1919, p. 552, propose que le nom de cet arbre originaire de 1'lnde soil tssu du 
Sanscrit candana. 

13. Le caraphre 

Ici encore le nom syr. du camphre kpwr est un emprunt au persan et a I'arabe 
kdjur, que Lauffr a aussi inventone parmi les noms tie la pharmacologic pei 
sane ayant des elements indiens. Le mot en Sanscrit est karpiira.* 2 

14. La feve (ou haricot) 

Le syr. gwm' semble etre un mot semitique, puisque le persan gumd a conserve 
un -a final. Quoi qu'il en soit, le ms. syr. 423 nous permet de considered le 
mot comme un vrai legume, et non pas simplement comme un terme image de 
mesure, ainsi que le rapporte Payne Smith qui le traduit par « a bean used as a 
measure »**, ou STEINGASS qui lui donne un sens vague : « Name oi a plant used 
as a topic » s *. Or dans deux passages du ms, 423, il ne pem s'agir d'une mesure : 
p. 53, il est question de « Urine d'orges et de gumd », et p. 72, la chose est encore 
plus claire, puisque le texte parle de « tarine de gumd : dix drachmes ». 

15. Le narcisse 

D'apres les sources chinoises", I'habitat du narcisse seraii la S\ rie, m.m dans la 
pharmacopec persane, l'huile de narcisse etait tres employee. Ainsi le svr. nrqs 
(pp. 53-54 : « huile de narcisse ») peut etre un emprunt au MP nargis, atteste en 
persan et dans nos Ungues europeennes. 

16. Le myrobalan 

Le syr. hlylq' (p. 54) est un emprunt au MP haliiag, de meme que syr. ihtrg < 
MP *idh-tarrag'' i \ 

52 Laufeb 1919, p. 585. Voir R. A. Donkin : Drmgon'i brain Perfume. An Historic*} Geog- 
raphy of Camphor, 1 eideii Un I in Knln 1999. Review by i- . CjURTlM : * Notice sur tc 
camphre en Asic -, in : Studta Asiatic* 7 (2006), pp. 197-205. 

53 I'um Surra I927,p.49b. 

54 Sri 1NGASS 1947, p. 1105. 

55 Commentccs par Lauffr 1919. pp. 427-428. 

56 Gicnoux 1998, p. 730. 



17. L'aloes zyzkg p 

L'aloes, dont lc nom TOM dtl II -un i au bas dc la page 54 de deux mots 

qui semblent le qualifier puisqu'ilsn'ensont pas scparcs par la eonjoneiion - el , 
mais il peut sagtr plutoi d'une autre plante. Cette expression peut s'exptiquer 
par It persan zlzag • oxyaeanth-fruii •*■, pourvu dun second suffixe *-ag de 
dimmutit ( f) et du mot syr. au pluriel paruge - petits oiseaux » : ce fruit aime 
Jo pisilloTO nc me semble avoir rien a fairc am celui de l'aloes dont on utilise 
d'ailleurs scu lenient les feuilles. 

18. L'iris 
Le syr. 'yrs' (p. 55) est un emprunt au grec 'iris, mais il a ere traduit a tort par 

- hi\ > dans Paths Sum 

19, Le borax 

Le nom t) r. du borax, cent p. 66 : 'Iburq est clairement emprunte, en raison de 
I article j/- au debut du mot, a I'arabe burq « borax, nitre » ta . 

20. Le cannabis 

page 64, est attcste le nom ij i. du cannabis : ibdng qui represente le MP 

21. La noixde galie 

Ce parasite du ehene est cite p. 66, sous deux formes : le nom syr. 'ps' precede 
du mot ecril qyqs qui est un emprunt au grec kekis, attest* chez Theophraste et 

22. Le liseron 
Un mot etrange, ecru en , ,, irm , hhM . jneM - plusieurs fois dans |e ms 

traduit par Budge qui le transcrit seulement 
par khebelbele- ma.s ailleur, d la identihe avec I arabe Ibl 'b - eryngium .-.qui 

V MemlfiT "iT". P BrimpaMe ' danS le ^rionnam: cI"Al-Faiia.2« 
« d un tel nom onomatopfique est toutefois loin d'etre assui 

57 ' I'mmuniciiion de Berlin 2006 

>8 S J34 

59 I m 1903, p. u 

60 Ai t uufo l95S,p 47 
11 Mai M ma I971,p, ?s. 
U ' U | Laotdi f*is, p. 367 

« Buoca Wl 3. 1 1, p. 400 (= I. p. 352 81 
M hi do 1*13, U, p. 725. 

«»5 At Fakaid 1955, p. 7|s)b 

j rec. 

Relations interlinguisttqucs de quelques termes de la pharmacopee .unique 125 


Listedcs noms de produits medicinaux dans 1'article; 

1. Aneth : syr. sbt' (pp. 48 et 71) 

2. Metilot : syr. klyl mlk \ litt. - couronne royale » (pp. 49, 50, 72) 

3. Camomille : syr. qwbV (pp. 49, 50, 72) ; syr. 'qrqrb' (pp. 57, 61) 

4. Lin/coton : syr. 'mr gvjpri, litt. « laine des vignes » (p. 50) 

5. Moutarde : syr. hrdl ' (pp. 50, 56, 69) 

6. Anis : syr. 'nyswn < grec anison (pp. 50 et 81) 

7. Tamaris : syr. shy' (p. 50) 

8. Prune: syr. bb' (p. 51) 

9. Raisin : syr. 'pst' (pp. 51, 57, 58) 

10. Belladonne : syr. 'nby t'l'. litt. ■ baies de rcnard » (pp. 52, 53) 

1 1. Orgeat : syr. my 'rsn'fp. 53) 

12. Grenade : syr. rwmn'(pp. 53, 59, 71), cf. arabe mm, rm'n, rm'rit 

13. Mauve : syr. mwlky' (p. 53) < grec molokhe 

14. Myrte : syr. mwry' (p. 53) < grec muria ; syr. V (p. 55), arabe as, cf. LaUVER 
1919, pp. 460-461 

15. Plantain : syr. Isn 'mr', litt. « langued'agneau - (pp. 53, 70, 85) 

16. Althea : syr. ntpt' [p. 53) 

17. Arbrc de chastete : syr. sumy' (pp. 54, 72) 

18. Olives : syr. zyt'(p. 54) > MP zayu cf. Laufer 1919, pp. 415-419 

19. Glands : syr. blwt' (pp. 5' et 69), arabe balut 

20. Dattes : syr. tmr' (p. 54) 

21. Oignon : syr. bsl' (p. 54), arabe bassat 

22. Absinthe : syr. psntywn (p. 54) < grec absinthos 

23. Sel ammoniaque : syr. nilh ' 'munyqu-ri (p. 55) < grec ammoniakos 

24. syr. s-wpr' ( ? ?) < arabe safarjil « coing » ? 

25. Caroube : syr. qyr-wty (p. 55) < grec keratea (= syr. qrt 'dans Payne Smith 
1903, p. 518b) 

26. Cyclamen : syr. 'rtnyt' (p. 55) 

27. Nitre rouge : syr. nytrwn swmq' (p. 55) < grec nitron 

28. Saponaire : syr. 'dry' (p. 56) 

29. Oxymel : syr. 'kswmly (pp. 57, 64) < grec oksumeli 

30. Origan sauvagc : syr. qw rnyt ' (p. 60) 

31. Storax : syr. 'stwrk'(p. 61) < pers. istarak < grec stnraks 

32. Gommc ammoniaque : syr. 'wsq (p. 62) ; arabe 'i'qlwiq : Payne Smith 1927, 
p. lib 


Phlf ll'I't GlCKOOX 


Ai-Fara/id al-dabrhai 1M5> Al-frwdArabe-Fnmcais, Beyrout. 

S - v :32 : Etudes de botamque antique. Paris (Mcmoires de I 'Academic- des 
Inscriptions « Belles-Lcttre- \ N 
Briquei-Chathsm i. F 1997 : Manmcrits syriaquet de U Bibliotbeqne nationals 
de France (noi 3M-43S, eittm depm> 1911), de la bibliotbeqne Meiant , d'Aix-en- 
■ .•,.,. di U bihliotbeque municipale de Lyon ft de la Bibliotbeqne nationals 
ett rt de Strasbourg. Paris, 

Budi.i .1 AW 1913 Tbt Syriat Hook of medicines. Syrian anatomy, pathology and 
therapeutics in tbt 2 vols I ondon reimpr. Amsterdam 1976]. 

Cian< aci im,C.A.:200R: Iranian Loanwords in Syriat Wiesbaden. 
CfUDTlN, E. 2006 : « Nonet sur te camphrc en Asie. - Dans : Stir 7, pp. 197-205. 

\. 1883 : Ongmc despUntes atUivees. Paris. 
DoNKtv, R. A. 199V : Dragon's Brain ft 'fume. An Historical Geography of Camphor. 

den/Boston koln. 
Flatters. D.S M. Schwartz 1989 ; Haoma and Harmaime ; the botanical identity 
the Indo- Iranian sacred hallucinogen • soma - and its legacy in religion, lan- 
guage, and Middle- Eastern folklore. Berkeley. 
Gignoiix, Ph. 1998 : - 1 _c tr.utc tyriaque anonymc sur ics medicaments. - Dans : R. 
L*vi kai Symposium Syriacum VI I Uppsala University, Department of 

Asian and African languages, 11-14 August 1996. Roma (Orientalia christiana 
analecta 256), pp. 725-733. 
- (a paraitre) :« Lea relations interlinguistiques de quelques termes de la pharmaco- 
pec .unique. - Dans D, DurX1N-Me15TERERNST/ChR, RECK/D. Weber (edJ 

/ iurmrisebe Stoffe undihre Gestaltung in mitteliranischer Zeit. Ehrencolloqumm 
anldsslich des 70. Gebun stages von Prof. Dr. Werner Sundermann, JO./ J I Mar/ 

Gicn. < .JuitiN IJr.uis, Vomspropressyriaauesd'oriinne 

iramenne. Wien (IPNB VII i. 

I ns.J 197* Its noms-radnesdelAvesta Wiesbaden (Beitragezur Iranistik 7). 

I a, B I4iv : Sino-Inauet Orinest contributions to the history of civilization 

m Ancient Iran uith special reference to the hmory of cultivated plants and 

products. Chicago. 

d. G. 1990: Diatonnatre Persan-Francats. Leiden/New York/Kobcnhavn/ 


P^r' K,t l ^V Ca »™ P ' hUv,D ' a »">^ ■■> «*" l-.mpr.i986]. 

u £ ' rH ' J " * * C °T nd r V* Dur '""" r y *-** *■■ *< Thesau- 
rus Syriacus of R Payne Smitl r 

■<inn msSynact<sofRP Smilh 

d»u|hterJ.P.MA«coL,o U TH.Orford 
•< -A AMW Dictionary. 3" edition. London. 

4 Quatre,,k ( G.H „ :7W*Syr,««.2tom«.Oxonii 

An Etymological Trifle 

Jost Gippert, Frankfurt a. M. 

With the decipherment of the "Albanian" palimpsests from St. Catherine's 
Monastery on Mt. Sinai, Iranianists have pained one more Nvbeniiberlieferung 
that witnesses to the spread and use of Middle Iranian lexical material in the 
Southern Caucasus in the early Middle Ages. As in the case of Old Georgian, 
many of the items concerned pose the question whether they were borrowed 
into the Caucasian "Albanian" language directly from a Middle Iranian ver- 
nacular or via artneniaca, i.e. with an Armenian loan as an intermediary. The 
latter assumption seems all the more probable since there is good reason to be- 
lieve that the Biblical texts contained in the palimpsests were translated from 
Armenian models. 1 Nevertheless there are clear indications that the Caucasian 
"Albanians", ancestors of the present day Udi people, did have direct contacts 
with Middle Iranian languages, too, given that some of the Iranian words they 
used differed considerably from their Armenian equivalents (such as margaven- 
"prophet" vs. Arm. margare) 1 or had no matching counterpart in Armenian at 
all (such as hamgeu- " blessed " vs. Arm. erani). 3 

One of the less clear cases is the equivalent of the Armenian verb xortakem 
'to break, crack, grind', w Inch has for long been regarded as a denominal forma- 
tion built upon an unattested adjective *xortak, in its turn related with MPers. 
xwitrdag 'something small, particle', NPers. xioJa 'small, fine, minute'. 1 Arm. 
xortakem does have a counterpart in the "Albanian" palimpsests, in the forma- 
tion xartak-htyesun, which occurs three times in Jo. 19,31-33 rendering Arm. 

Ci, GiiM'i ri 2007.indCjippERT/ScHin zt 2007 tor dec uls .is iodic palimpsests and their 
contents. The editio princeps is at present beinfi prepared hy /.. Ai i ksi <i (Tbilisi), | 
Gippert (Frankfurt) and W. Schulze (Munich) in cooperation withJ.-R Maui (Paris) 
and will be published in the icriea "Monuments Pakeographica Medii Acw" (Brcpok, 
Turnhout) in 2008. The edition project has been supported l>\ the Volksw.igen Pound a 
tion since 2000; cl. http://arma/i, him. For preliminary re- 
ports cf. Ai i ksi 'i 1997,2001 and 2003, and At .BKSI3B/M a he 2001. 
1 i I rlPPl m 200") and below lor details IS to tins word 

I i Gippert 2007 for detail* a* to this word 

< I I [OBSi MMANN 1895, p. 57, no. 507 (contra Horn 1893, p. 112) and 1897, p, 161, 
mi 286, lor details; lor the MPerv lemma ef. M.\< KiN/n 1971, p. 96, for the NPers. 
lemma, STBWGAM 1977, pp. 454.1 (s.v. khurda) and 484j (s.v. kkwurda). 



Mm (Greek itartdyvuui 'to break, smash? and once in Mt. 2,16 in the po 
rition of Arm. tororem 'to sky' (Greek tenglu "to remove'). As a compound 
verb, "Alb." xanak-btyeiun contains, besides the otherwise unattested nominal 
ba» the usual transitive auxiliarj biyesun'iodsH make', thus matching 

ormation ol NPers. xurda kardan.' The present-day meaning "to change 
mone\ " ol this latter compound must have derived from a less specific "to make 
small", cp. German klannuubcn used in the same sense to denote the chang- 

I banknoi. >ins. The same meaning is also conveyed by Georgian 

■ ;-\urda-v-eb-, a denominal verb built upon the noun xurda- which is pri- 
marily used 1 n the sense of "small change, cash money" toda\ 

re an be no doubt that the Georgian noun directly reflects NPers. xurda. 
This » dearl) suggested In its late attestation, none of its occurrences preceding 
the I5 lh ccnturv, even though the original meaning of Georgian xurda- is hard 
10 ascertain from the Few instances we find in the literary works of the Middle 

;ian period." The least problematic case is met with in the so-called Saa- 

rrium, which is a I5' h -16' h century prose derivate of the Persian epic tradition 

on Sam son of NarTman and part of the Georgian Sdbndmc adaptation. 1 * Here 

the word is obviously still used as an adjective denoting something "small" or 

"minute"; d 

Saam. II (p "OS, II. 5-6): 

oVvjnepo od (job;]UoM6, cnagnbn (jb^oibn (jno^pVwbn £)(f> < bo bgeipcai iocjn 
g^npngai <po qpicoo juQmn {poJjrns o9 ^ohob jarVjob, Aro8 bao'bau^oco b^)6rjpi 
bar'>oV>< t Ki gyabatpa. 

"He, Pridon ( Pers. Fin-dun) went to thai casde, took up his 900 litre cudgel {gurz-i. 
Pen, gurz) with his hands and stroke such a blow at the gate of that castle that he 
turned it into a rocket plant (?) la , minute lake a poppy {xasxas-i, Pers. xasxdi)." 

Unfortunately, the Persian model of the given passage has not yet been deter- 
mined" so that the source for the wording remains uncertain. 

The other NT vm« containing xorMtrm (Mk. 5,4; Lk. 9,39; 20,18; Rom. 16,20) are not 
iincd in the Albanian" palimpsest*, nor is any one of the 147 OT attestations. 
6 Ct.. e.g., StUMGASS 1977, p. 484a s.v i^Wj kardan. 

' Ct LJ " 7 *.P-2«Q;RAYPTELo2006,p. 1709 

8 The Middk Utr,,, per .od extend, from about the I2' h to the 18'" century ad 

1 'V f' """ ^ Kl ?;i l '»** »*-♦* The teal j, no, called SaamJ, but "Cigni 
SsamPaWw . ,. t . Hie Book of Saam IK Hero- in the edition. 

Georg. gmgo/.. Ul , R m ,, , „ ,- „ f - ' 

2;; m ~ d ,kr «• of Geor 6 : JL" L„ra. 

rcla„>clv,U, tothrpr , iv,,,:;;^: ,** '"« Georgian**.,* 

An Etymological Trifle 


In a verse of the poem on "the customs of Georgia" (Sakartvelos zmubani) by 
the 17^ century king Arcil, part of the so-called Arciliani, 11 xurda- is used with 
a totally different meaning, in a context which obviously refers to polo or an- 
other game with horses but is quite obscured by several hap.tx legomena. Here, 
Gcorg. xurda- might reflect NPers. xurda in another meaning still persistent 
today, \ iz. denoting "small stones" or "gravels"; 11 cf 

Arcil. Sak. Zn. 27 (vol. I, p. 6, II, 5-8): 

fsn 6oli SnbflA;)^' Hnbabcjc^a, b^eimob o^jftmoba g^an^Aa, 

o^jfoenmoob rjprnmba abdat^'bb 3ofo9bo5ri^)<m603 a8n#<*K>, 

(jbgbob 9mb(J)r>9a ^jbgrmmrjo, o9ob qpf'irob ojoybrn'acjp jsafotpflr'j.Jfta, 

Opa 8m3;>o l y f >r<}&.s. bab9nonb i3o(*>co9j, b^fnapob aOoiJrta. 

"Perforating the stick, wattling it, forming a smooth ball, 

dashing out happily on the playground, in the time of the ball-game, 

leaping Up On the horse without using hands, at the same tunc cutting swiftly 

and acting as a horscshocr(?)'\ taking (it) out for drying(?)'\ cutting out the 

gravelf?) 1 *." 

The least comprehensible attestation of xurda- in the Middle Georgian period 
is found in the poem on the "Seven Planets", also called the Baramguriani, i.e., 
the IT 1 ' 1 centurv adaptation of the Persian story on Bahram Gor and the Seven 
Princesses by Nodar Cicisvili.' 7 Here xurda occurs in an idiomatical combina- 
tion with hila, another hapax legomenon obviously representing (Pers. hila «— ) 
Arab, hila' 'trick, stratagem, ruse'; 18 cf. 

Sv.Mt.XIX, 1 192 (p. 147,11.9-12): 

y9a9 cn^a: "30633c™ cn£)9oa 83^6, 8360 b<£>3&a marjp 9n3b£)6<pa? 
cuogb 9jm6coa 93 336301*10 batirnrjpci. 93Bo>3ob afta 69^)f f ><jgi; 

12 Cf. the edition Barami3e/Ber3ENISviu 1936-1437 

13 Cf . CtKOBAVA ?t 4/. 1964, VI11, col. 1529 s.v. xurda: "cvrili an namtvrcvi kva; xmaroben 
kedlis asenebisas savseb masalad, - gorgi" ("a little or crushed Stone; 11 1- used as filling 
material in the construction ol s will, -grit"). 

14 The hapax legomenon mopaitroba- is not accounted for in Georgian lexicography (the 
Usuon provided in Barami3f/Ber3ENiSvili 1936-1937, p. 183, lists the word bui 

no explanation); the proposal to interpret it as "acting SS 1 liorsethoer" is budt upon 
Arm. pay tar 'horseshocr' (— • mo-patlr-oba-). 

15 Georg. saxmob-i usually denotes a place or area where something 1- dried (sa-xmob-i); a 
<.coiid meaning "ethmoid tunnatoma" is given in Rayi tsi n 2006, p. 1177. The ethmoid 
bone (of horses) itself is usually nam, d CJM U sval-i, i.e. "sieve bone" in Georgian (tp 
German Stebbvin), so that rhis cannot be meant here. 

16 It is hardly probable that Georg, xintl.i might match NPers. xurda meaning "that part ol 
a horse's leg round which the letter passes" here (cf. Steihcass 1977, pp. 454a and 484a). 

17 Cf. the edition Ki m i mi 1930. 

18 KtKELtjE 1930, p. 246, proposes the meaning "s 1 1.1^ >b.i, xrikebismiHi|,.b, 1,1 111 n^anoba" 
("perfidy, performing dirty tricks, intriguing") for bita xurda, without referring to the 
Arabic word. 



"The knight said: 'If I had known you earlier, why should I have wished to 

be with \ >'U V 
If I had had the same nourishment M * OU, I should not be envious of you. 
We ate and drank mine together, il was exhausted, now I am hungrs ; 
ami I was trulj close friends with sou, I could not imagine your being so 

trlvks <?)." 

■ exact model oi the giscn passage has been found in NizamT's Haft Paikai 
or anv other Persian adaptation ol the Bahrain Got Story," it must remain un- 
certain whether xurda is at all related to NPers. xurda (in the sense of "mean"?) 
in this idiom. : 

these problems notwithstanding, we ma\ safely maintain the assumption 
that Georgian xurda- is .1 rtlatiVel) recent borrowing from NPcrs. xurda denot- 
omething small" such as "pebbles" or, later, "coins". In contrast to this, 
Arm. xortak- and "Alb." xartak- must represent an older stratum, and it ts bv 
no means certain that thev represent the same formation as the NPcrs. (and 
Georgian) word and its alleged MPers. ancestor, xnurdag. The problem consists 
in the vowel ol the hrst syllable. It was Paul Horn who first drew attention 
to the tact that the NPers. word contains a n vowel as its rh\ ming behaviour 
show s: he therefore read its M Pers, cognate as/urtak, too, and proposed to sep- 
arate the word from the root ,/ at to eat, drink with its full grade a. 2i In spite 
of the different vowd, both 1 [oRJN and HtiHse h\i w\--' seem to have regarded 
Arm. xortak as a direct representative ol MPers. *xuruk. While the vocalism of 
the Persian word is now confirmed, at least tor New Persian, by the e\ idence ol 
the Georgian loan, "Alb." xartak can hardly be assumed to represent a MPers. 
\unak, and even its derivation via Arm xortak- is anything but probable, given 
'h-n the la d possess an rowel which regularly occurs in loan words; 

■igeloi- 'angel' — Greek lyveXosot beUnos 'gentile, heathen' — Arm. 
Greek s»vo;|. This 15 also true for Armenian words for which an 
Iranian origin can be assumed. 

19 Thrpa, ,.cd*,.h.n,hcM.„v t „ldln ,lu ms.I, pnmess. eh. 37 in d* edition bv 
Rrrrwa Rt«a mtot the Hal, Piikmr, in general the Georgian ten shows , "remark 

mem Niaimfi in thii dupm sxo 1975, P . 37: 'pnmoHoc 

"ICT»0 ). r 

20 w7rV ib!C T a5 n"°' mf, ; , r d /*?" ' '■'■ "" '" ta ""«"* '" r p "— Arab. 

Lchk.1 ."^i' \ f d ^Sil^ A f C !! faa l958 'P 2,ft ■l--" t -lehen;Set,rut") 
jrciik.u 10 be derived from NPm umL themselves 

21 HoftNl993,p. 112, no. 507. 

L^i " P l,a, ' V dem " " Brt * k -« B ' *** «"■ "UU pieces' ,rom M,d I 

li sea. 'zz&jsszt ' ■ — ■»- *- ^ - 

An Etymological Trifle 


One example is Arm. xonoi "tabernacle, hut, tent' which is rendered bv the 
totalis identical stem xoran- 1 * in the "Alb." palimpsests in Heb. 9,3.6. and 13,10 
(Gk. rjxrrvr}); additionally, "Alb." xoran- occurs in Ps. 83,2 (84,l) 25 as the equiva- 
lent of Arm. yark 'tabernacle' (Gk. ny.vpupv.). 1 * 1 It is true that for Arm. xoran, 
an Iranian origin seems not to have been proposed so far, different from its 
two quasi-synonyms, vran and tatavar which have for long been derived from 
Parthian sources: tatavar, which is also mirrored by "Alb." tatavar- occurring 
once in Mt. 17,4, reflects Parth. talavar <tlw'r> 'hall, tabernacle',- 7 and vran, 
Parth. n'loan <wd'n> "tent V" Considering the similarity of xoran with the lat- 
ter, both containing the element -ran, there is good reason to assume an Iranian 
et\ mon tor xoran, too. Starting from vran *— wiSdn-, Koran might well reflect 
a compound with the same second member, !t -Sdn, which can be deduced from 
an Olr. *ddna- meaning "construction, building" or the like (Ilr. vdha); the 
same element is also present in Avest. uz-dana- 'rack, stand", lit. 'superstructmn' 
(Vd. 6,50 and 8,74) and OPers. apa-ddna- (— * Arm. aparan) 'palace'. In xoran, 
then, '-ddna- might have been composed with ''xua- 'self',"' thus denoting 
the "separate" or "detached" construction of tents or huts. With its xo-, Arm. 
xoran would show the regular outcome of Mir. *xwa- as in xortik-k' 'food' «— 
*xwarttk (MPers. xwardtg), Avest. x'araiti-, or xost- 'confess* «— *xw£st- (Parth. 
wxastwdnift, MPers. xwastug); "Alb." xoran would share this development. 

A slightly more problematic case is Arm. xorsak 'heat'. Different from xoran, 
this word has an exact counterpart in Georgian, viz. xorsak-, which is attested 
several times in NT and OT texts, e.g. in Lk. 12,55, Is. 49,10, and Deut. 28,22. 
In the "Alb." palimpsests we meet a word xo*ak in jac. 1,11 in the position of 
Arm. xorsak and Gk. xauocov, which obviouslv represents the same etj mon and 
is identical with its Arm. counterpart except lor the medial consonant. 

24 At ARYAN 1973-1979, B, p. 406b, mentions an Udi word xoran 'sanctu.ov Ylhu. xoran 
-eketec' 1 soran-") which he regards as a borrowing of Arm. xoran. This word may well 
continue its "Alb." predecessor. 

25 In the "Alb." lectionarv, Psalms are numbered according CO the Scptuagint model, the 
present Psalm being introduced by no. "83". 

26 xoran has no counterpart in Georgian, its regular equivalent bcin^ ('.iwr-i. I he place- 
name xoranta mentioned m the old Georgian chronicle KtrtUs Cxovntm (1, 5, II cd. 
Qauxcisviu 1955) may well reflect the "Alb." word, given thai the Down in question lies 
in hercti, i.e. "Albania" 

27 Ct . e.g,, SCHMITT 1985, 452a; the Parthian svord is attested live times in the Parthian 
Manichaean texts contained 111 BtWCB 1975, vi?.. at (2), as (3), be 1 1), bh (3), and bp 1 >). 

28 Cf., e.g., Schmitt 1987, p. 452a, and Bah 1 1 1987, pp, 463a and 465a, who further refer 
to MPers. wiyin, NPers. gayin, and Judeo-Pcrt. by'n. The Parthian word is attested 
in ac (I) of Bovi \ 1975, the Middle Persian word, in the lyidgdl 1 /.a re ran (32H . ,! 
JamaspAsana/Orian 1992, p. 2041'.). Cf. also Sogd a r 'n (1W from MP", cf. SiH) 
Win iams 1985, p. 58) and Bal. gidin (Korn 2005, p. 98, after Morcenstm km t l >\2. 
p. 44). 

29 Cf. already Gippkrt 2005. p. 163, tor this proposal, 



As a matter oi tact, a similar constellation - Armenian and Georgian -(r)l 
•Alb»niaii"- f — occurs in nroother words rhatareshared by thethree languages. 30 
One of them is "Alb i* 'cerecloth' occurring injo. ,20,7 as the equivalent 

•!. verumsk and I While this triad can be established 

with oo doubt, the second one is less certain as far as the "Albanian" partner is 
he word in question appears two times in Mt. 20,1 and 2, and in 
[-.nth cases it has not been preserved entirely due to damages of the manuscript. 
What we can read is <mo-^ in the latter and <- v ak->, in the former verse. Taken 
together, these scraps permit to reconstruct a word <mow~'ak->, i.e. mu ! ak-, " as 
the equivalent of Arm. msak and Georg. mn.^ik-i Worker, labourer'. 

Nevertheless the correspondence of "Alb." < s >and Armenian and Georgian 
. mains hard to account for. It is true that the "Alb." letter here transcribed 
< v > (the 14 lh letter o) the "Alb." alphabet, with a numerical value of 50) bears 
the name id in the alphabet list contained in the Armenian ms. Echm. 71 17 3 ', a 
name which suggests a ) -like articulation offhand. In thethree words discussed 
above this would well match the corresponding Armenian and Georgian forms. 
In the (few) words that have clear equivalents in modern Udi, there is no such 
correspondence though. Instead we find pharyngealised vowels where "Alba- 
nian" words have a sequence oi id plus a vowel tetter; vp.. e.g., "Alb." v\ui ~ Udi 
tyM vou (pi,)' or b f eg = Udi beg 'sun*. The only exception seems to be "Alb." 
t'u "near" which is ob\ iously reflected in Udi ;>j, i.e. a constellation with both a 
pharyngealised vowel and a sibilant." The letter <S is therefore likely to have 
represented a sound with a pharyngeal articulation or, at least, co-articulation. 

For the three triads discussed above, this docs not help very much, given 
that neither the Armenian nor the Georgian equivalents have anv pharyngeal 
features. 1 lovever, starting from xo*ak I xorsak and va f amak / varsamak, one 
might consider such a feature to have developed from -r- in the sequence -rs-, 
l suggestion hrst made b\ WOLFGANG ScHULZE* As there are no words with 
a consonant cluster -rs- in the whole "Albanian" corpus and plain -I- seems 
to have been preserved in loans of the same sphere in "Albanian" - cf., e.g., 
aiarka 'disciple, pupil" = Arm. asakert - this would imply that mu*ak would 
have CO be derived not from an older *mui*k as underlying Arm. msak and 

30 J , ldir '" loniw « cd '«"«=dindeta.lbvj.G.PPEi.T 1 ndW.ScHUL Z Ein 

the source ..I the edition of the palimpsests 

^rrin^ 1 ^ 'n./r"^' tht V0Wel * ' S ilWiy$ de "° ted b >' J di ^Ph <°w> as in the 
Armenian and Old Georgian scripts. 

» U theiaes.rmleottl, &dinS«J3l |938, tab les between pp. 16-17 

t 'tT m Tt « ■■" K *» 'rue for "Albanian" <7i 

-ich arc clearly J: ,| t, v different I, i banian «,*, 

inal communication of Oct 19 2007 Fur tk» -„k i- • ■ rr , 

£2 !S5£".SE£222r E "' * Mi «*- c ""»* *- 



Georg. musak- but from a preform muriak- not attested otherwise. Such a 
preform is - as a local variant of the same word - all the easier to argue for as at 
least for one of the terms in question, viz. Arm. varsamak, there is good reason 
to assume that its -ri- is due to a secondary development, given that the word 
was obviously borrowed from an Iranian model which had plain -s- instead 
(cf. NPers. bdsdm(a)/udsdma, Khwarezm. v'i'myk and Sogd. v's'my). 1 * Even 
though the inner-Iranian etymology of this set of cognates remains unclear, its 
distribution among both West and East Iranian languages excludes the alia tia 
tive hypothesis that -i- was reduced from an older -rs- here. 

Unfortunately, neither for r 'mu(r)iak- nor for *xoriak- there is any reliable 
etymological perspective. With their common suffix -ak-, both words suggest 
an Iranian origin offhand, and for Arm. msak and Georg. wtoak-i an Iranian 
cognate has been suggested indeed; the connection "with Khot. missa- 'field,' 
later musa-, base maiz- "to cultivate'" proposed by H.W. Bailey 36 is anything 
but trustworthy, however, as there is no trace of the interna! -i- of that root in 
the Caucasian words 37 and both the word formation and the semantics would 
remain doubtful (both Arm. msak and Georg. musak- denote a "labourer, 
worker", not a "farmer" as Bailey claims). The proposal to join the word with 
NPers. mtisaq 'servant, domestic' and Kurd, miidq 'house servant, worker' dis- 
cussed in H. Acaryan's etymological dictionary' 8 seems more fruitful then but 
only if these words can be proven to have been secondarily influenced by the 
Arab, root iar/q and formations such as maiaqqa* 'pains, difficulties, troubles' 
or muidqq 'schismatic' pertaining to it,™ the attestation of the Caucasian terms 
being much too early to admit the assumption of a direct Arabic loan here (see 
below). In any way, the origin of ^miiiak- 40 remains doubtful even under these 

Tor Arm. xorsak and its counterparts, the etymological prospects are not 
much brighter. H. Acaryan was certainly right in drawing our attention to 

35 For the Pers. word el. Sihngass 1977, pp. 147.v'1451a; tor the Khwareim., Hf.NNINC 
1956, p. 432 [= 4%); lor the Sogd. word, Sims-Willi ams 1985, p. 229a. Cf. Gippert 1993, 
p. 300ff„ for details concerning the etymology. 

36 Cf. Bah fy 1987. p. 461a. 

37 For the s.ime re.ison we must exclude a connection with Av. miida-, MPers. mud 'sal- 
ary, wages", which would also be' hard to argue for because of the consonant cluster 
involved. - The "very doubtful" Av. adjective miiik- (Bartholomai 1904, col, 1187: 

"Sehr Wort"), which probably pertains to the root myas- 'to mix', must as 
well be kept separate. 

38 Cf. At a in an 1973-1979, G, p. 335b s. v. msak. 

39 Cf., e.g., WfiHR 1958, p. 435f., for iaqq and its derivatives. - Note that Pers, mmaij is 
marked with an "a" denoting an uncertain relationship with Arabic in Steingass 1977, 
p. 1243a. 

40 None of the three Caucasian languages distinguishes long and short vowels a/a and u/u, 

41 There is but a vague chance that the word might be derived from Ptr. *mii "mouse' (-» 
'muscle worker'?) or Ironi the MCOntkry "root" "mui- "to rub' as present in Balnei (d 

■ Korn 2005, p. 92). 


|osi (iirrbKt 

Hcbr ntrm ..e. I: i umng is a hapa* kgomenoo to Jon. 4,8 together 

with r»* q tSI « .nd' where the Arm. Bible has Wm xorj** tapaxarn, i.e. 

-j hot combusting manor, matching Gk. itvttipa Kdummnc. ooyxsuov; i I 

Jon. 4,8 

... mi' vm^y oowti Tn> nisnn Dtp nn dti^n |0<i ©own mra Til 

... iviTEilat t6v Vjaiov xott jtyooiha^Ev 6 &s6; nveuiaaxt XCCQCA) (0 
, xeifaXr]v luva- ... 

"And it happened (together} with the rising of the sun ( God gave order to a 
hot burning wind, and the sun tell upon Jonas ... 

At ttYANS proposal to further connect the Hebrew word with the root brs'to 
cut. engrave' anJ us Semitic cognates (Syr. brt, Arab, brt)*'' remains more than 
doubtful, however, all the more since the Sv riae OT has only rub' d- izib', i.e. 
'hot wind' in the given passage. And ol course it would be more than hard to 
assume that a Hebrew hapax legomenon might have been hot rowed into Ar- 
menian (and other languages of the Caucasus) on the basis of but one OT verse 
and become the general term lor "heat" there. Instead, textual attestations like 
the one treated above suggesi a connection of corsak with the Iranian word tor 
"sun", MPers. twar, and its derivatives suJi as MPers. Parth. xwtt rasan 'East' or 
d sun (light)'.* 4 If this is right, the word would be another example tor 
the regular substitution ol Mir. xwa- by Armenian xo-, in this case shared by 
both the neighbouring Caucasian languages, and the -re- cluster would have to 
DC assumed tO be genuine. 

An alternative solution as well suggested by the attestations would consist 
in connecting xorsak with ManMlVrs. biiig 'hot, parching wind* 45 , with -rs- 
having developed secondarilv as m vmruuruk. Tempting as it is, 4 * this solution 
is problematical as it would presuppose Mir. ho- (root r 'hus- "to dry') to be rep 
resented bv Arm. xo-, which is not what we expect tor early (Arsacid) loans in 

1 1973, p. 410b i 

bid) parUMBl to another Hcbr. root hrs 'to be mute' instead) 
irid not Arab. ~\)it&' = h>' RYAM,L< 

■.LlI966,p.a,2,., whl ., t „HKUs(,e,.r u ., -liNPerv 

sun dra».nj:ii f K»nthedKti»nar*B..rliai.-et,)au-. Jkt ,.rilingtoSTiiNCASSl977 . p. 455a, 
ihi ) aiurmua with - ■■ , I". "in /..ut and Pizand" 10 

J" ™ *"*"' Ir " m •<* remain* doubtful. - Should xwarfxiiid be 

'lived Jirrctb in Hehr A.o 

+S fSr^" A ' N " K " KS ; u,r *« "*«■ -*ord cf. Boyce 

i'", p. * 4 

An Etymological Trifle 


Armenian.' 17 It must therefore be stated that the actual formation of the etymon 
of xorsak remains unclear for the time being. 

Returning to the divergence between Arm. xortakem and "Alb." xartak- 
btyesttn, we must now take into account the question of different routes of bor- 
rowing. For one of the items treated above, Georg. varsamag-i, I have argued 
elsewhere that it is likely to have been borrowed via artntniaca, not only be- 
cause of its shape but also because ot the distribution of its attestations in the 
Old Georgian literature which show a clear affinity to Armenian sources. 41 * Ap- 
plying the same criterion to Georg. xorsak-i, we may at once state that this 
word behaves quite similar as varsamag-i in that its appearance within the NT 
is limited to but one attestation (Lk. 12,55) in but one Gospel manuscript, viz. 
that of the so-called Adishi redaction (C), 4 '* whereas both the older Khanmeti 
redaction (represented in the VI th century palimpsest A-89 of Tbilisi) and the 
so-called Protovulgatc(the X' h century Gospel mss. ot Ks.ini, Bert.i, Jruci, ,\m\ 
Parxali) use the genuine Georg. word sicxe- 'heat' instead; 50 and it is the Adishi 
manuscript (of 895 ad) which shows the most notable coincidences with the 
Armenian Gospels in general. In Jac. 1,11 where the "Alb." palimpsest hasxo r rti|?- 
agreeing with Arm. xorsak, the Georgian version has the genuine ricxe- in all 
its redactions, none of which shows any striking affinity with the Armenian 
tradition. Other occurrences of xorsak-t in the Old Georgian Bible are confined 
to a few verses in the OT that may well have had Armenian models, viz. in the 
list of plagues in Dcut. 28,22 (where the word occurs, as the equivalent of Arm. 
xorsak and Gk. &veu,o'.pdo{jta 'blasting', side by side with sicxe- rendering Gk. 
Ttufjetdg and Arm. jermn 'fever', but also with the rare stem gain- in the posi- 
tion of Gk. &xt? a 'mildew', which clearly reflects Arm. goyn 'jaundice' and thus 
speaks in favour of an Armenian source for the given verse), Is. 49,10 (in t in- 
version of the so-called Oski Bible of the XI ,h century; the text of the XVll ,h 
century Mtskheta Bible has sicxe- instead), and in Hiob 15,30 (where the Arm. 
vulgate text has not xorsak but holm 'wind', obviousk remodelled after Gk. 
5veu.ocJ. In Jon. 4,8, the Georgian Bible text has not xorsak-t but kar-i cxel-i 
'hot wind' (in the Oski Bible; the Mtskheta Bible has s»l-\ cxel-i 'hot breath'); 

47 (t is true thai New IYrsi.inhasx<J-in*os7</<in'todry lip' etc, (cf. StBIMGASS 1977, p. 487b 
s.v. kil„ihiJ,in). The change from h- to x- might have emerged earlier, but we would ex- 
pect the preionic -6- to he reduced to -u- in the Arm. loan. The proper name Xasrav is 
hardly comparable here (<- *kon»W-} But cf. NPcrs. ttunw). 

48 Cf. GlPPBRT 1993, p. 30QrT. -The form v*riarrHWg-i (with n i noted m ROOM duiionar- 
les is .i %ci oiul.m variant that emerged « nhin Georgian (cf. ib.). 

49 Tlu I.UMinile edition ol the as. in Takajsvili 1916 (tabl. I.V2) clearly thowi thai the 
verse in question must h.ive been added latei (fcj the tame hand?), possibly tftei erasure 
of a previous text. 

50 Cp. the occurrence of variama^, in Jo. 20,7 C where the Protovulgate texi uidar- 
(«— Gk. aou&dgiov). 


JostGipci ki 

xoriaki does occur in a lectionarv ( anant oi ih.n rerse, however." Besides the 
noun xoritk- itself, us derivative Wf&*eW- burnt by' is also preserved tn 
the Old Georgian OT tradition where il coincides with Arm. xorsakabar (Gen. 
4I.6.7.23.J - rue tor Pro?. 10,5 where the equivalent of the noun 

xoriak is replaced b\ siexr- again. All in all, there is thus a clear preponderance 
■.tk- to have been borrowed via armemaca; this assumption is not 
disproM'd bj the fact thai the word is also attested in a few autochthonous texts 
ln>m the XT centux) on. M 

The case of Georg. muLik- is verj different from this. This word is already 
attested in the Khanmeti Gospel ms. A 89, in Mt. 20,1 where the fragments of 
"Alb." *rr>H , ak are found as well. Here il is the Protovulgate redaction which 
has mniak~ too, while the text of the Adishi ms. uses the genuine formation 
mokmtd- 'active, working (person)' corresponding to Gk. §QyaTr|c. In Mt. 20,2, 
it is the Khanmeti text again which has musak-ta mat "to the workers' (Gk. 
(uv, Arm. miakac'n) while the two later redactions have only the 
pronoun {mat 'them'l. In Mt. 10,10, ho wev er , the Khanmeti text agrees with 
the latter redaction in using mokmed- while t he Protovulgate alone has musak-. 
All in all, the distribution of mniak- in its earliest attestations does not speak in 
favour ol its having been borrowed via trmetlUh 

It goes without saying thai the philological method of distinguishing lexi- 
cal layers according to their textual distribution cannot be applied to "Alba- 
nian", given that the text corpus we have is much too small and homogeneous. 
i tin len the phonetic peculiarities of the words discussed above admit of 
In potbesising a scenario. Taking into account thai an Armenian background is 
Like!) lor Geoi \ and varsamag- but not for musak-, we may assume 

the same for "Alb." xo f ak- and vJamak- on the one hand and "Alb." ''mutati- 
on the other; in the case of the latter, the assumption agrees with the necessity 
onstruct a preform *muriak- which cannot underlie Arm. miak (or Georg. 
H *nd which must have developed independent m the vernacular the 
"Alb.* loan was taken from. 

51 Ih^d^ " " ' '^ Pi " "i!^ 1 ' 0r ' ' llII ' 1,ir> ^'i*<'<<'/lW.p.371.Thisw. 

l^lSSftS "■«»«• -'P^.i-IW'«i n(A B .thu,„,, 4 p. -, 

'.'I. '; J ;; !( " I "oi 'he cd.ABu LA 3 £ 1963) with ml-i 

WK I wnh kue q *n*. xoriak- "ho, Und'. The onlv occurrence « a Middle 
«fen»d ,n A, w «lled A WW****, u ode to r)avjd Soalan (husband 

13 5££^*sa ^z:: r^ itcd r ? r rr beW thc beein « 

shc»a vowel wh^h m ,.l Ik '"! hcr " " th f rcsul ' «f 'he Armenun syncope was a 

An Etymological Trifle 


For the pair of xortakem vs. xartak-biyesun, all this suggests that these two 
words were as well borrowed independently. On the other hand, they may 
nevertheless have had a common source, viz. a Mir. preform -xwartak-; in 
Arm. xortak-, the *xwa- would have left its usual trace, i.e. .to-, while in "Alb." 
xartak- the initial consonant cluster *xu-- was reduced to x- as clusters of this 
type do not exist in the "Albanian" language. 54 

It is clear, then, that the Mir. preform reconstructed here cannot be the ances- 
tor of NPers. xurda and (Sasanian) MPers. xwurdag as there is no reason to as- 
sume that an older *xwa- should have developed into x(w)u- in this word while it 
remained stable in, e.g., xwardan 'to eat, drink'." However, Mir. '-xwartak may 
well have been a dialectal (NWIr.) cognate of (SWIr.) *XWH1Ttak, provided that 
both forms derive from an older stem with a syllabic -r-. *xwartak- vs. +xwurtak 
would then show the typical divergence we also find in other doublets such as 
MPers. murw vs. NWIr. *mary 'bird' 56 «— : 'mrga-, with the latter form being 
represented in Arm. siramarg 'peacock' (*$enamary-, vs. MPers. sinmmw 'fabu- 
lous bird'), Georg. parsamang-i 'id.' (^frasamary, MPers. fras(a)murw 'id.') 57 or 
Arm. margarc and "Alb." margaven- 'prophet', lit. 'augur, Vogelschauer'.*" 

On this basis we may lastly give an answer to the question first raised by 
Paul Horn as to whether NPers. xurda and MPers. xwurdag pertain to the verb 
xwardan 'to eat, drink' or not. 59 The difference between the stem of the lattei 
infinitive form (together with derivatives such as *xwarti- 'food' — > Av. x : 'ar,iti-, 
MPers. xwardig, «* Arm, xorttk-k') and the ancestor of the former (together 
with the unextended MPers. <hwldy> = xwttrd occurring in the Pah I. Psalter in 

54 A sequence of x + v does not occur in "Alb." words, neither initially nor in other posi- 
tions. - Note that the development of Mir. *xw to plain t is met with in Armenian, too; 
cf., e.g., xah noted as aflaicr?) variant oixoh "food" Av m u iftra in f Iubschmann 
1895, p. 160 (no. 279) or, word-internally, kaxa rd "si wcerer' Av. kaxvanfia- (ib. p 1 62 
no. 291) or rtaxarar — NW Mir. n.n^.nUr.i- (cf. GlPPBRT 1993, p. I52rf.) Il this is not 
due to a special inner-Armenian development (cf. Be*N i WtSTI 1929, p. 5rT. who argues 
that a Mir. sequence '"axva- is always substituted by -axs- in Armenian loans) it might 
reflect a dialectal divergence within the Northwest Middle Iranian dialed (.oiitinuum 

(cp. the development of *xwV- to vhV- in Parthian, matched bv *xwV » wV- in Za- 

zaki; cf . Gippbxt 1996, p. 151 f.). 

55 The modern pronurii uiion which IS |\ord-| in both words has ol course developed 
secondarily; the rhvming behaviour in the Early NPers. period clearly shows the di- 
vergence. -The reading x*art*k proposed foi \wrdg> 'small, insignificant' in 
Nyberg 1974, p. 221b, is as unjustified .is the notation x'ardah lor the NIYrs. form (ib.); 
note that Nyberg himselt men is ilu Pazend form utrdak. 

56 It must remain open whether the NWIr. idiom in question was "Median' .is proposed h\ 
Gershevitch 1989. p. 118, n. 10. 

57 Cf. GlPFXRT 1993, p. 190rT„ for details. 

58 Cf (jii'i'iKi 2005 K,r details. 

59 Cf. Horn 1893, p. 1 12 (no. 507). 



h 123 [12*1?°) akmousU consists ol mcrc.iW.iut (zero-grade -r- vs. 
;.,- mav mil represent the original past participle "eaten" ot the 
Roc the wmaniu - Wt .an then compare the derivation of words 

tooting "trifles" like Engl, bit. Germ. facta from a verb meaning "to bite"." 


Abulj't, I- (ed.) 1957: Balavarianis kartuli redakciebi. Fbilisi (3veli kartuli enis 
leglebi 10}. 

- ( t , k*radi agiogmpimU literature \eglebi. Vol. I. Tbilisi. 

- (ed.) \9ht>: Salxan-Saba Orbeliam. Txzulebjm. Vol. IV. Tbilisi. 

— (ed i 1967: JtWi kartuli agiograpiult literature ytglebi. Vol. II. Tbilisi. 
Ac arias, H. 1973-1979: Hayert n grmatakan bafaran. Vols. A-D, Erevan. 
AiikMti., Z. 1997: Albanun mcerlobts ygfi sin.i* mtaze da mis mniivnebloba 

kavkaswtogi < tbnaruiena pis'memost' kavkazskoj Albanii / A Break- 

through tn the Script of r Caucasian Albany / Preliminary Account an the Identi- 
fication and Deciphering of the Caucasian Albanian Manuscript Discovered on 

■ Sj;i,i; Tbilisi 

— 2001: "Albanuri enis gramatikuli da leksikuri agcerisatvis (cinascari senisvnebi I, 

In: Enalmecniertbn sjkitxibi 4, pp » .24 

60 In .he tyntagmatic combination with bid [<bwrdy bwty>, cf. Andreas/Barr 1933, 
P 104a) rendering the (passive} concept ol "(the snare) it broken'; note th.n the Svriac 
uses the same verbal root (tb> 'to break') .is in Jo. 19,31-33 where the 
*ABj " pilinip^csi his th<. [active) verb tarttk-biyesmn. 

■< the alternative proposal b) Mohoemstieiuvb 1927, p. 92, to derive Bal. bun 'tinf 

(and, consequently, the Persian « ,,, underlying ku-na- well around' d 

• 2005,p 122,0.246. 6 

62 h would betempiingioaJJ ik- Old Gec^ designation of the "bridle bit" {also "iron 

ring ),x*ri*k-i, to this Iranian lemma. The word occurs, e.g Lnli V9 IV Rce 19 !8 

"^V ttobviouslyqnotedintheVIir'centiirv legend of 

eh. 1; p 54, 1. 28 of the ed Abo. a ,. 1963; the reference to Ez. 29,4 ib. 

n ism.sle.dmclns,, ^ ** find the wort spek™^ imtead; this is 

true or At long vcmon of the Georgian legend on Barlaam andjosaphat, the so-called 

J ', " A '° d *«J L A " -veil, s t he Mtskheta Bible cd.tcd 

, XV II ,-u,rv,ho| J ,Sulklun.S. 1 l,aVbeluniand..Heord,n,K, l hed 1 et,onarv 

J K h "TV" : M -V " f V" ^Awmj. L966).*« M *. „u,s, 

o/ b r^; n T r , VH T 1 J " f * lht WOrd m '^' therefore rather 

l- 'pVudenc 7 , •"'";" ^ a Jeriwive '• , ^"- -"- intellect" 

Vd £ find V: r 7 T " TS " VV r" * ""^B '" «™ «>* double, ol 

.he une.tended NVt | r , PP .„,„,,,'"" £ £ U ' ?° uld h ««"«r 8 ed in 
~ -ens, no, .fc. J^ Z2itt!S " ~ ""'"'^ ^ 

An Etymological Trifle 


— 2003: Kavkasus albanettt damcerloba, ena da mcerloba. Agmocena sinas mtis cm. 

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ni|atniki pisWnnosri vostoka 50). 
>. 1938: "Novootkxytyj alfavit kavkazskix albancev i ego znacenie dlja 
nauki." In: Izvestqa tnstituia Jazyka, Isionu MateriaVno; kul'tury 4, pp. 1-68. 
iTT. R. 1987: 'Armenia and Iran. iv. Iranian Influences in Armenian. I. Gen- 
: " In; EIr II, pp. 445-459. 
S|V ^ * ! ' '985: The Christian Sogdian Manuscript C2. Berlin (BTT XII). 

English Dictionary. 6 ,h impr. London. 
Taeajsviu, E.S. (cd.) 1916: Adyiskoe Evangelic Moshva (Materiah no archcoloeii 

hcMM1 orgtsch-deutsches Worterbuch. Vol. III. Zurich. 

Wkhr, H. 1958: Artbadm WSrterbucb far die Schriftsprache der Gegenwart. 3 J 
impr. \), icsbaden. 

Worn f 1933 Glottal u Firdow Scbabname. Berlin [repr. Hildesheim 1965]. 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance 
of the Rabatak Inscription 

Gherardo Gnoli, Rome 

One might wonder whether after G. Fussman's considerations on the paral- 
lels between Surkh Kotal and Rabatak referring to the dynastic temples and 
the religion of Kaniska 1 there is any point in dedicating any new notes to the 
historical-religious significance of the Rabatak inscription, which was so mas- 
terly studied by our colleague. 3 However, the relatively large number of objec- 
tively obscure or unresolved points, which were honestly not concealed in his 
considerations, and the uncertainties inherent in the interpretation of a partially 
incomplete and difficult text, as emerged from the comparison with the edi- 
tion by B.J. MuKHtRjtE 5 and a recent contribution by M.L. Carter 4 , perhaps 
justify and render of some interest the attempt to present a few supplementary 
notes dedicated, as a token of friendship and deep-rooted admiration, to N. 

1. The dynastic sanctuaries of the Kushans in Bactria 

Although it is a quite current idea that the sanctuaries of Surkh Kotal and Ra- 
batak are to be considered dynastic sanctuaries, some clarification is required. 
The actual adjective "dynastic" has often been used to define also the art or 
the worship of the Kushans. This is probably inappropriate, as has been cor- 
rectly pointed out/ .is far as both art and religion are concerned. The images 
of kings present in the bagolango in Bactria and in the devakula in India, such 
as that of Mat, do not prove the existence ot their actual worship as gods. Ne\ - 
ertheless, the definition of dynastic sanctuaries may be retained, but onl\ in 
the sense suggested by Fussman, namely as places of worship "consacres aux 

1 Fussman I99K, pp. 582- V 

2 Sims \\ 11 1 [AMS/CRIBB 1995-1996; 1998. 

3 MUKHERJEl 1995. 

4 C\\rtkr2006. 

5 Verardi 1983, in ptrriculai pp. 225-228, 234-235, with relevant bibliographic refer- 


Ghi-rardo Gnoi ; 

dieoj qu. prorfgeaieni la faille rovalc, representee pat les anefcres masculws 
npereur donile temple contenait les portraits . 

The comparison with Surkh Kotal is eniighteimig. The Rabatak inscnp 
doa refers to statues of the gods mentioned in it - Nana, Omnia. Aoromozdo, 
Moadooano, Sroiardo, Narasao, Miiro' - and to statues ot km-, mentioned by 
name Kuiula Kadphises, the great-grandfather ot,, V ima Taktu , h.s 
grandfather, Vima Kadphises, hii father, and Kaniska himself. In this context, 

t Aw c laims thai the presence c*l Iranian deities at Surkh Kotal is not certain, 
bui thai \elle de dieux indiens, appaneiunt notamment a la mouvance shi- 
vaite avail ete suspectee, toot comme « Mat"'. ' k infers ,rom this th ' u kaniska, 

rince the earl) J ears of his reign, was wont to build sanctuaries that were 
probabb present, as well -is m Surkh and Rabaiak, also in other sites in 

ia, such as Airtam. where I Hadrian inscription was found containing the 
o, and perhaps also on one of the tepe or hills on the right bank 
ot the Qundu/ib. He actually bonders whether, in the toponym Baghlan, ex- 
plained bj H inning, we do not see the trace ot a further bagolango located 
3Ckm from Surkh kotal, rather than a "lointain souvenir" ot Surkh Kotal. He 
concludes that nactna "pourrait avoh ete couverte d'un veritable reseau de tem- 
ples dvnavtiqut 

In anv case the Rabauk inscription lends decisive weight to the definition 
given by Fussman ot the "dynastic sanctuaries". The deities named in it, in ad- 
dition to Nana, Omma, Aoromozdo and Mozdooano- to which we shall return 
below -, are obviouslj protective divinities ot Kaniska and of the Royal House- 
hold. The presence ot Srosardo (Av. sraoioauio, MMPers, srwshr'y, Sogd. s> ;. 
Narasao | ,\\. 'uiriid.sarjhd; MMPers. nrysb) and Miiro (Av. miOra, MPers. mibr), 

n 1998, p. 589. CI... j '4 ?}; I9S8, p. 199. Seealso Huyse2003, p. 184, 

■ and, for the Armeno-Arsacsd and kushan correspondences, pp. 178-183. 
And dm aba Ptuiro,as Munmjn claims (1995, pp. 9, 15. 1 7. a , (!. 9) should 

probably be interpreted not as a proper noun but as part of pi..a[j]zooo, a compound ad- 
icvtuc, cpitheiot Omms, seconding to a propi Sims-Wiu iams/ 

»■ 1995-1996. p. 92; 1998, p. 82) which FusSMAM (1998, p, $86, D, 30) u inclined 
CO icccyl And therefor ,ihcr. wuh reference to the presence of the latter 

among the Rabat A divinities (L Ity.SlMS-^ ILLIAMS himselt, who had postulated "par 
pae par com iction" ( I »B, p. 586) as being a "less liketv alterna- 

o^fto instead of Woojao^o, is "Fire (and) Maada" or perhaps "Fire (son) of 
da referring to Kr.iurt ibmbt maidi), subsequent rejected ,. .is - j, i. highb 
hwbitul whether the pregnant us, d the S cn,nv c would has, survived into Baetrian" 
T *,p. 336, . 
na Taktu and Soter Mi hom see also MacDo*all 2002) sec FUSS* I H 

*». p.*i*. and ma BoraaaACHcm 2007, who showed that the two chara< 

terx arc not the same. 

v4 '" * «*«h "'mains a refer, b me ot his contribu- 

mt ,h as ,h '"" ' »««'***«*■' "83. p. 152. point, out that 

in rvoih cases the evidence is still weak. 

10 Fiwman 1998, p. >s)0, 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance of the Rabatak Inscription 143 

often associated with each other in the Avesta, as has alrcadv been pointed out," 
reinforces the purely Iranian (and more exactly Zoroastrian) nature of the Ra- 
batak pantheon. However, even more may be said in order to appreciate the 
possible reason for their presence in our inscription. Indeed their presence is no 
coincidence. It is quite significant, in fact, that a sanctuary housing the images 
of three deceased kings and of the living one should be characterized by the 
presence of deities linked to the post morion period, to the final judgnu ni .ind 
the re\ ere nee owed to the souls of the deceased ot to tin w frauua$is, which is so 
important in the Zoroastrian tradition in all its manifestations and during the 
various periods of its history. Sraosa, the yazata of religious obedience, is the 
guardian of the soul after death and " le psychopompe par excellence" 12 ; Nairyo, 
sarjha, the messenger of Ahura Mazda, who in Mibr Yah is associated precisely 
with Sraosa and Mitbra (Yt. 10.52), is a yazata of prayer, wIiom s.uious func- 
tions include that ot cooperating with the future saviour Pesotan, of helping 
Wistasp to carrv out his journey to Paradise and to protect the jraituasi ol Zo- 
roaster; Mithra is the great Judge of the souls at the Cinvat Bridge. It is therefore 
not without a specific reason that these divine images are present in a place of 
worship where the statues of kings are present, ihe frauuasis of which cooperate 
with the divine beings in protecting the reigning emperor. 13 

2. ta altera vava 060 ia otLiaa o|j.fxo£ 

The goddess Nana, who appears also as vava pao "Nana the ruler" in the mon- 
etary legends, 14 is the great goddess who, together with "All-the-Gods" (see 
below), invested Kaniska with his regality. The inscription presents her in .i 
close relationship with Omma, probably Uma, the companion ot Siva (op.[ao 
on a Huviska monetal series). Sims-Williams, in endeavouring to explain the 
presence ot the group mm- in hei name, suggested nisei pre ting it as an assimi 
lation from fi . comparing it with Av. up.ima- "highest". He pointed out 
that the identification as Uma "fits the context", aptlv adding that, as the name 
or epithet of a female deity, ou.(ia/oji|io "was perhaps conflated with Uma on 
account of the phonetic similarity of the two names". 15 Fussman accepted S)MS- 
Williams's regarding the possible Iranian etymology of ou.p.a sug- 
gesting the con suki.u ion of a name that was believed to coikv.iI that ot Ardoxso 
"absente de R(ab.u.ik) bien que tous les souverains kouchansdepuis Kaniska aient 

11 Fussman 1998, p. 586, n. 32. 

12 Grunkt 1986. p. 106. CI. km vi HBROHK 1985, pp. 133-134, 180. 

13 Carter (2006, p. 356), on the other hand, sees Sroiardo, and Miiro as being the 
"guardians and personifit ttionj ot sacred tire" and the "warlike protective deities «uid 

communicators between heaven and earth". 
M Gobi. 1984, p. 43. 
15 Sims-Wi 1. 1 1 ams/Cribb 1995-1996, p. 84, 9. 


karoo Gnoli 

frappc des *», partes ires abondantcs. 1 son cffigie «*. MuKHi -RJ. - . for his 
part, identifies Omma * ith the Indian, and Sivaite. Amba Arnma > Ommo)," 
'hat he had ahead) identified with Umi, 'mother name of Durga or Amba , 
„ , limon J N ma of the above-mentioned Huviska com series, in 

which the pair vr^i-orpo appears, 

The Rabatak inscription is decisive proof of the close connection between 
, and Omnia. The fad that Nana is the deity mentioned at the outset as i Ik 
l of k.umka's regalitj and the tact that Omma seems to appear in this as 
>lu who leads thesei the gods "here" (paoo)- namely in that sanctuary - 

oh ioutry means that they were considered to be equivalent, and among other 
things interchangeable in their relationship with Oeso/Siva, as may be inferred 
from the above-mentioned numismatic evidence. This is perhaps precisely the 
interpretation to be given to the phrase Wtauou W* 080 ta otuoa ouu.a (II. 9-10) 
which Sims Wii 1 t.wtN proposed to translate as "the above-mentioned Nana and 
the above mentioned Umma" 14 , and which could equally be translated as "the 
same Nana and the same Umma". 

In anv ease, there seems to be no justification lor the customary claim 2D that 
Nana is the principal deity in the Kaniska pantheon except in the sense that she 
probably the deity to whom the Rabatak sanctuary was dedicated thanks to 
her I unction of regain v -dispensing goddess and her special nature of regal deity 
poo). Such a claim would not he less incorrect than that in which Anahid 
is considered the principal deit\ oi the first Sassanians on the sole basis of the 
OCCUar) located at Staxr, in the centre oi Persian power, is dedi- 
cated to her as Anahid 1 b.viug, "Lady Anahid" :i . This parallel is particularly 






s 1998, p- 592 . i . ibterves that Sims-Wiixiams un 

JK accept! o-^i jnd ojijio is being ihe same, without considering that Gobl 

sto ltd:, p. 249) preferred to read o»](io rather than oufio (but see Banerjka 

Ros t nm ti d 19fc7, p. e.4, w „h valid argun 
although comparison with another Huviikacoui (G6lJ t9S4, p. 43. series 167, tab. 14 1. 
in which the pair «w-oi)bo ocean and the unlikely nature of the interpretation o>i|io 

wume a whoUy improbable deification of Vim* 
tKidph.sesi, a, R<,v, Nnu d(1%7, p. 94) correctly objected, suggest that the identifics- 
'(iji j-ojino should certainly be retained 

P 41.Pibbh*j( disagrees also owing to the fact that the form that 
would be expected should he -j»imj in his opinion 

the Nana-|)ur K i relationship new see also GHOS1 2006. 
pp l - . 

S 111, il 


".'■ J™ "' " "? in l tr *r J * ^ "£ "I »*u(*) Y o "same', i.e. 'abov,'*™ W „ , , AM sl998,p. 85),.,shcludaban 

* previous Opbuuu v ' 

cl^^T^T" '!!*' PP585 - m ~™' 591; D, Joac 1997. pp. 273-274; 

Jf,, pp 97 102 

5, 5* C r » ,,„, pp. 59> w and „. ,33 See a]so Gnol , 
He'v " nWi " lnd M f ° r lht P' 1 "^ 1 t»blio g references, and 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance of the Rabatak Inscription 145 

significant in view of the well known relation between Anahita and Nana,** 
the goddess of remote Elamite origins,* 5 which was recently incorrectly ques- 
tioned. 1 * It is not by chance that, at the time of the Sassanian Kusans.ihs, Nana 
was identified (fayo votvat on a Peroz I coin), depicted a> the huntress Artemis, 
with "Lady Anahid" (MPers, 'n'hyt ZY MROTA on a Hormizd II coin). 25 

3. oiaTToavo \xi potY avo 

Kaniska claims to have received regality (botoSavo) "from Nana and from A. II- 
the-Gods" otoo v-avot 080 otoiroavo ut potyotvo (1. 2), Our "All-the-Gods" trans- 
lates what Kissman apiK defines as a "formule-iype" corresponding to the Ved. 
r devah (in Rabatak in the oblique case). With reference to Nana, it is be- 
lieved to indicate "unc masse collective anonyme" of deities that would later be 
mentioned by name (lines 9-10). 2<, This, however, is not certain. 

This formula actually dates back to early times and survived in the Iranian 
world with the normal replacement of damn- with baga-, both in Old Persian 
and in Bactrian, or with yazata-* and may sometimes simpK refer to the deities 
in general, without a specifically technical value. 27 In a Persepolitan inscription 
of Darius I, for example, the expression bada visaibis bagatbn "with All-the- 
Gods" - "a transformation of Proto Indo-Iranian nicttai daiijtis" 1 * - referring 
to the deities from which the king is imploring protection, requested in the Inst 
instance from Ahura Mazda, occurs without any reference to a specific deity. 
The same may be said for the phrase, reported here in Middle Persian, of the 

12 Gkim iMarshak 1998. p. 8. See also Bovcf. 1982, pp. 29-31; 1985, p. 1006; 1988, 
p. 280, n. 10; Chauwont 1985, p. 1008; Russkll 1987, pp. 235-260 (on the Kushans: 
pp. 239-240). 

23 Potts 2001. On Nana see also mure recently Grlnkt/Marshak 1998, pp. 7-9, lOrT.; 
Mode 2003, pp. 150, 152-157. 164; Ghose 2006. 

24 The negative position of Kbixbns (2002-2003, in particular p. 318) i>< this connection 
should be discussed in detail elsewhere. In an) ease, it should be noted thai ihcrc is 
no doubl the Persian goddess possesses regal and warlike characteristics (< 
1971, pp. 245-248; 1974, pp. M-36). As for the quest for a proper name for the goddess 
(disregarding for the moment the hypothesis of a western *Aftihiti: Bon i 1982, p, 29j 
1985. pp. 1005-1006), i honestly tail to see the logic or the utility of considering Av. hi- 
(Pirart 1997. pp. 156-159) or Av. ip. 

25 Grenitt/IvIarshak 1998, p. 8 with figs. 4 (Hormizd 11 gold coin) and 5 (I'cmz I bn 
coin) and with references (ibid., p. 17, n. 4) to the numbers 25, 17 and I* of Gum 1990 
for Anahid on bronze coins. See Criiib, Aid., pp. 184f„ n. 5, 186. oos. 16 and 17, 187, 
n. 25, and tor Nana p. 188. n. 31 (again made ot hron/el. 

26 Fussman 1998, p S85, 

27 Cf. Renou 1958, p. 6; Gonoa I960, p. 99. Scheerath 1968. p. 153 detects an echo of 
this formula in the Cathie dm "bo of Y. 32.3 (cf. also Y. 34.5) which would refer 
to (bad) deities in general. 

28 DPd 14,22,24 See Si osiii I 2000. p. 59, and ct. /c/ 1987, pp. 138-146; 1991. p, 70. 



Paikuli inscrwMo(SJ9): p*d Obrmazd nd a ispin yasdan ud Anahid i banug 
nam -in the nunc ofObrmwd, ..I AJJ-the-Gods. and of Anahit the Lady - . It 
should be noted that here, too, the great Persian goddess who, like the Bactnan 
Nana, performs an obvious function ot dispenser ot regality has a special rela- 
tion with 'All-the-Gods" (albeit ot course uaturallj secondary with respect to 
the one Ohrmazd has with them). 

Line 2 is therefore believed to contain a reference to Nana and to "All-the- 
GocV in general, as dispensers d regality to the reigning king, while in lines 
9-10 it is thought that onk those deltas to whose worship the sanctuary was 
specifically, dedicated are mentioned: "these gods" (tpapatUOlXVO P«Y otvo of ll,H ' s 
S-9; o of I. II), which onls partially coincide with "All-the- 

4. [io^6ooocvo 

Credo goea to Sims-Williams tor a new and plausible interpretation of 
o (I, I3i. the presence ot which in the kushan pantheon is thus no 
I limited to a group ot rare K.iniska gold coins 13 : no longer 'Mazda the 
victorious*" nor 'Winner ot Wisdom'" (*mazda-wana-), but *miidwan- 'the 
ious one', a name "virtually synonymous with that of Siva (Ved. iivd- 
kind, benevolent, auspicious')" , related to a 'Bactrian Rudra" closely associ- 
ated with the figure of the Kushan god, the male counterpart of Umma, that 
is of Urna HaimavatT, the benevolent spouse of MTdhvan, as J.C. Wrich i m 
proposed in his wake. This identification, which Sims-Williams quite hon- 
cstk terms "speculative", ai the current state ol our iconographic knowledge," 
wou l d , a mon g other things, sohe the problem of the absence of or}ho/$iva in the 
Rabatak inscription. 

However, the interpretation proposed b\ Sims-Wii i iams is fraught with 

problems ow,,,, to an implication that, on closer scrutiny, is seen to be by no 

rv and that is due solely to the tact that, on the one hand, he 

i with Ht MUCH'* hypothesis of Bactr. orjbo (Av . MPers. way, 

: " " 1,'m^A'M i da-uutteipmadwvawAw. 

■ av. <> n rfoM-ACH/S^ ave 1983. P . 53), dechiringtha, it was not clear to him what 
Heknikg implied, considered i meaning such as "all ,|... .,),'. 

? £ B-Oandpl VI I. 132 and 133; Gobi 1984, p. 42 

l ' ,l '''iKM"Ml%0,pp 211-114 Cf MiJKHmni (991 Z, ai Ar A I I 

Mak IP *i«.v.i.MUkHiHiu 1495, pp. 41-42. and already 

\\ " ' .M».Seeal»DAVA»l982,p.234 

pp "», B3.9J. ieealti. lb i 2003 n 186 

* ii mams 1997a, p. 338. 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance of the Rabatak Inscription 147 

Sogd. wyiprkr)^ and, on the other, in his opinion, the portrait of fio^oooocvo 
{holding a trident, the symbol of Siva, and riding a two-headed horse) 

could possibly be related to the dual nature of the god Vayu, the way i weh "Way 
the better' and way i wattar "Way the worse" of the Pablavi texts, and more 
distantly [mj italics] to the three-faced wylprkr of the Sogdian VessantaraJ,ii.ik:i 
and the three-headed or]bo/Siva portrayed on certain Kushan coins. 17 

Sims-Williams also points out, at the suggestion of Gri nit, a convinced and 
staunch supporter ot I Ihmiim h's thesis concerning or]po, ,K that "the third face 
of wyiprkr may correspond to a third 'neutral' aspect of the god"- 1 ' 1 . However, 
this is not convincing for two reasons: 1) the three aspects ol Vayu imagined b) 
Humbach actually do not exist; 2) the identification of or, bo with ''wesoi Sogd. 
uyiprkr is probably incorrect. 

The first of these two points is based on an arbitrary interpretation of a pas- 
s.tge from chapter one of the Bundabiin which reads: U-san mayan tubigih bud. 
Ast kc Way gowi'd, ke-s nun gumczisn padis "And between them (= Ohrmazd 
in the light and Ahreman in the darkness] was a void (Some say 'Way [Atmos- 
phere]'), in which (there is) now the Mixture". 40 Clearly the alleged triple aspect 
of Vayu is merely the product of an unjustified inference: the Mixture is only 
the place in which Way the better and Way the worse coexist Therefore the idea 
suggested by to Sims-Williams, precisely on the basis of Humbach's 
assumption, 41 is not acceptable, in my opinion. 

With regard to point two, there is objectively no reason except pure linguistic- 
coincidence (see below) to link the Bactr. oiqpo with the Sogd. wysprkr, which 

36 Humbai n 1975b. pp. 402-408. Humbach recognized Av. vaiiui Hpara.kairiia in the 
Sogd. wylprkr which appears in Manichaean (M I78A/9: Hi nninc; 1948. pp. 312, 317) 
and Buddhist {Vtaantan fitaka I. 9iQfT.: Benveniste 1946, p. 57fF.; Sogdian texts 
8.41-42: BSNVI mSTl 1940, p- 10?) texts. Subsequently, the Sogdian god ».is .ilso rec- 
ognized in 8 ,h century Panjikent mural paintings (Marshak 1440, pp. 307-309 and 
fig. 16, with the name read bv I IVSH . GkHNI I 1994, pp 43 44; I995-I99&, p. 278; ,d. 
in Grinh/Marshak I99B, p. 10, MODI 1991-1992, pp. 182, 189, n. 29; 2003, pp. 151, 
156-159, (95, fig. < , Marshak2002, pp. 110, 119). 

37 Sims-Williams 1997a, p. 338. Willi reference to |aoC6oo<xv<> see .ilso < vrter 2006, 
pp 353-354, who sees in it rather "an royal hero ol the Kushan clan", also 
citing Humbach 1975a, p. 139, and pointing out that, in hei opinion, the "trident' of 
poCoOoavo is difFercnl Irom thai <>1 Siva and similar instead to the staffs of the figures 
nl Zeus on lndo Creek and Indo-Scj tlnin coin reverse! -nut alio of jome figures of 
Kushan kings on their coin obverses. However, she tails to take into account the article 
by Gam (1993) as well as that of GlULIANO (2004). 

38 See Grknft in note 3S as well as /(/. in LaZAEB/Gri m I I am hi kti rii 1984. p. 218; 
andirf. 1995-1996, p. 277; 1997. 

39 Sims-Williams 1997a, p. 338, n. 18. 

40 Bd. I, 5 (but I, 4 in Humiiai ii 1975b, p. 405) in the new edition ..I the text in Cereti/ 
Mackenzie 2003, p. 33. 

41 See Humbach in the previous note and .iIsoTaisabk 1991-1992, p. 56. with reference to 
an alleged "Zoroastrian notion of three kinds of wind: good, bad and mixed winds". 


Ghjrardo Gnoli 

is also extent likened to Siva, but appears nvanv later It II 

qu.te possible that a three-headed Siva influenced the sonography of onbo (al- 
beit only partially, as it is found in only 7 [7-8, 10-14] oi the 21 types of com 

tes distinguished by Gobl) and to a much greater degree that of 'Vayu' in 
Sogdian; il is also possible that the iconography of the latter possesses some ele- 
ments that mav be suited to a pod of the atmosphere and -we might add - to 

j such as Way i weh, or Ram, who as a psycJaOpomp 41 could easily blow 
the trumpet (A ol Vtma and SoSyanS ; but it is unfounded that or^ho, 

U the various considerations made bj TaNABE* 1 and GRENEr 15 has the 
typical features of a wind-pod. It is therefore preferable to rely on Marsh \ks 
correct conclusion: "as far as iconography is concerned, Bactrian Vesh [which 

is in anv cave for him] is undeniably Shiva himself and, judging by the at- 
tributes, there is no evidence ol his connection with Iranian Vayu' Mh ; the same- 
conclusion is reached by Cribb, who nevertheless agrees with the identification 

That the Iranian Vayu (in the nominative case Av. vaiius) is the origin of a 
Bactr. tvei, represented bv oijpo, is a hypothesis therefore based on an exclu- 
sively, and it might be said, abstractly, linguistic argument. In actual tact, both 
the Sogdian deitv and the Bactrian one might have in common only their spe- 
cific links with Siva which developed in several different religious and cultural 
context! \. 'thing excludes the possibility that orjbo was the name or epithet of 
a proto-Siva figure characteristic of the Gandhara region and deeply rooted in 
a lomplex and composite religious world that v tttially Indian, in which 

(/jwJ/'.rrj and Gandhari were respectively the names of Siva and the Devi, as 
Mgmficanr the god called Tavdaoos which Hesychius glossed 

»*' ' indeed, above all in the light ol the masterly 

•3 O wesson! f*4i, ; v in m\in 1982. pp. 456-457. 

43 I): ' ^ M1N 1*80 I" ■ aiddgiki j /.utspram XXX, 20, there il a parallel 
between d» golden born of Yima and rumpct, which had a similar function to 
thatol i he Judgement Di) trampei played b] tin- ., in Muslim eschatology. 

44 Tana.» ]99l- m: Fentothehair-rryU of oijbo on several coins of VimaKad- 
ph.sesandSo ideebeb. ,] Kushano-Sassanian coins, 
in h,. opinion. « "de, .iher s.-nd.nR on end or dishevelled-. But see G6» 
l»>4 N u ,Uder Kopfciw unkLr". with reference to his tvpes 1 and 2. On this 
n*l«i*eeal«oLoM - 19%. pp 16f,-|70,n. 18 

W4 'f' f ^JJcprewdontheKushano-Sassanuneoms 

- i txxe) w, t h dishevelled hair on ,he top d In, head", that is, with a detail 

one that the Indian Vayu. the homonym ind connterpart of the Iranian 
\ . »d«cnbed as dw. , , hjir - Thc ,„,„ ,„ ^ J 

!i:r 7 " t" ,UM " Plim tk ' «'»«■««' * ..ographk from 

4sj kLuuasaa 19 305. 

47 Cam 1997. p. ii 

:C^' P 2 ' JSeCBAN,K " ' "**«*-*•*«" m-, P .,35,n,5 ; 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance of the Rabatak Inscription 149 

analyses made by G. Tucci of the spread through Gandhara and adjacent coun- 
tries of the worship of male gods later identified with the polymorphic Siva, it 
is quite likely that orjpo should be viewed precisely as the result of a long evohj 
tion, which made Gandhara a Sivaite centre and Swat, in particular, as later also 
Kashmir, the environment in which some peculiar Saiva schools {like Krama 
Sh aism) 49 developed. 

Despite the occasionally unconvincing Indological etymologies given for 
otjdo, such as that of Prakrit >y haveso or *haveso {< Skt, bhaveia 'Lord of 
being')* and that of vi$a (< Skt. vrsa 'bull'), previously shared also by the 
present writer 51 , a fresh proposal seems to approach the solution of the prob- 
lem. A.J. Gail has indeed shown how or]bo may have reflected the name un- 
der which Siva was worshipped at Mathura: Bbutesa, for Bhutesvara "Lord of 
the demons".'' 2 This proposal, duly deemed by Fussman as phitologically and 
theologically plausible'', was rejected by Grenet solely on the strength of the 
conviction that it was not possible, neither linguistically nor iconographicallv, 
to separate OT]bo and wySprkr}* This is not enough as, on closer scrutim. it 
seems to be zpetitio principii. 

So leaving aside the alleged distant relationship with the three-faced uysprkr 
and the three-headed orjbo/Siva, we may return to ptoKooavo and his two- 
headed horse. The latter may reflect the dual nature, benign and terrible, of 
a deity of the Rudra/Siva type, and it may not be necessary to involve the 
Iranian Vayu. 

49 Tucci 1958, p. 283f.; 1963, pp. 160-163, 171, 177-179; 1968, p. 292, with reference, among 
other things, to several works published bv M. Taudi- i in the early 1960s. For these and 
later studies see nowTADDEl 2003. pp. 3-31; 159-164; 255-264; 271-287. 

50 Rapson 1897, p. 322. Cf. Banerjfa 1956, pp. 126, 135-136. 

51 Maricq1958,p. 425;MiiKHKRjtE 1969, p. 14; Gnoli 1980, p. 82, n. 128. Not to mention 
that of Dafhna (1977, p. 194: vifa as a mctathetic form of the name of Siva). 

52 Gail 1991-1992, p. 44: "Bhuta = middle Indian hua or hua I •■■) When combined with 
Isa, which survives in us ancient Indian form, it results in huesa". Gaii (ibid., p 4X1.. 
n. 6) docs not stop short of challenging Hum bach's thesis concerning the identification 
of oribo with ♦Wei m wytprkr. fax challenges it also with regard to the interpretation of 
the latter in Vestantara jat.d-.t ( \ nvakarman for Bi-su mm i and 1 h smn>-: Nee above, 
n. 36), without however addressing the problem from a linguistic rtandpoini [wyip bv 
stead ..i .-. ysp ., yiflj prince' idduced by Henninc. I94S, p. 317, <s in an) east ex 
plained bj assimilation of the first to the second /in Gershivitch 1961, p. 68, n. 450). 

53 In a letter, a portion of which is presented, sec Gaii. 1991-1492. p. 49, „ IV The possible 
correspondent (Ol pO Bb&tti*) still needs to be explained, a problem already per- 
ceived bv Rapson (1897, pp. 123-324}and recentlj raised bj ( mbb{1997, p. >l),-siiic* 
the three ( 'I.I Indian sibilants an alreadj included among the "archaismei ipecifiquw" 
m GandharT (Fussman 1989, p 441) 

54 Grsmst 1994, p. 42; 1997. I lowever, h is noi deal whj Gai nri clauni that Gah was 
careful not to propose nice i dissociation (on the other hand, see what the lattat ob 
serves on p. 43 and in n. 6 of the cited aftkk i 

15; GherardoGmh i 

5. Final considerations 

Bearing in mind that much remains to be clarified and much is uncertain and 

tactical, an attempt may now be made to bring these notes to a conclusii in 
with sevenl final considerations 

The Rabatak inscription displavs a mainlv, and more specifically Zoroas- 
trtaa*, Iranian pantheon. There is no reason to believe that Nana dethroned 
Ahura Mazda simplv because she was named before him, in her function of 
dispenser of regality. More S lido, N.irasao and Miiro are three typi- 

cally Zoroastnan divine beings, both in their specific individuality and tn their 
recipr.»cal connections, which are particular!) significant in a "dynastic sanc- 
tuary* in which a vivid memory of the ancestors was retained {see above). The 

flip practised in the sanctuarv was characterized to some extent by Nana, 
the protagonist, associated with L'mma, both of whom, one Iranian and the 
other Indian, are aspects of the Great Goddess. 

MoxdooUkOk whose name immediately follows that oi Ahura Mazda, proba- 
bly reflects a separate divine figure called "Muzhduwan", from tmzduan- "the 
generous, the gracious one', probably linked to Rudra/Siva, with a Bactrian 
name that evactiv reproduces the Indian term Mldhvan denoting the god whose 

jn spouse was Lma Haimavati. Behind Muzdhuvan and behind Umma it 
is perhaps possible to discern the couple Oeso-Ommo, name I \ Siva-Um.i (see 

Rabatak inscription has an Iranian pantheon which, presumably to s.u- 
ist\ the requirements of religious policy, does not however exclude several in- 

TUttima tndtcae. One of them, which refers to the Great Goddess, ma] 
be considered explicit t \ana-Umma); another, regarding the supreme god 
(Aurmuzd-Muzhduwan or, if one prefers. Ahura Mazda-Siva or Rudra/Siva), is 
also comparatively explicit if it is true that in this case the Bactrian name faith- 
tullv duplicates the Indian one. And several mterpretationes, probablv dating 
to the Huviska era (see below), occur also outside the main text of the inscrip- 
tion. In particular, the Indian names Maluscna and Visakha appear in Bactrian 
transcription in the interlinear text inserted between lines 9 and 10, at the level 
d the third letter from the end of the name VOOOOBO to the third last letter of 

oOoprifr "...and he is called Mahisena 

and he is called Visakha 


7mJ n VTT'L ; ' "" ,htri » "" doubl th " 'Zoroaatrian' * 

,L Tw7 h " C - "" """" " T**" K - ,nilka " 5 rcli 8- " « Ionian 

d more recently by Cws. (1997, p 28). The aid de&utL P u„ In 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significant d the Rabatak I 

nscription 151 

Here Mukhi rjm-'s interpretation seems highly feasible (regardless of his in- 
terpretation of the name Kumara, xop.ago, not read by SlMS-WlU.IA.MS), link- 
ing these names to a single divine figure, Skanda oi Karttikeya, 5 ' correspond- 
ing to the Iranian Srolard. 51 Among other possible hypotheses" the one that 
Maaseno and Bizago are names denoting a single divine group should not be 
disregarded. It is possible, again quite hypothetically. to conceive of in integra- 
tion of these two names with reference to the Skando Komaro-Maaseno-Bixsvgo 
group, which appears on the Huviska coins, perhaps postulating that the inter- 
calation actually dates back to the era of this king. The interpretatio indka with 
these war gods might in this case refer solely to the figure of Srosard, following 
Mi khikjii's proposal, and such an integration, [oxav6o>]o, would be 
feasible in view of the amount of space it occupies as it possibly begins at the 
verj level oi the name anobao6o, which is perhaps the least comprehensible to 
non-Iranian subjects. It is not in contradiction with Fussman's considerations 
concerning the period in which it was carved, subsequent to Kaniska's reign. 

In any case the intercalated line confirms the impression that the Rabatak 
pantheon was fundamentally Iranian in view of the fact that someone subse- 
quently felt obliged to interpret it in an Indian way. Moreover, it is believed to 

clear to which Iranian god or puis the names fiaaonvo 'Mahascna* and PtCotyO ', I , 
arc intended to refer" (Sims -\\ n i i wis/Cribb 1995-1996, p. 85). Mukhi-rjii (1995, 
p. 9) reads a longer phrase, with the name (ko)ma(ro). Both GRBNBT, in a letter to Sims- 
WtLUAMS dated 28 January 1998 (el. FUSSMAN 1998, pp. 581, 588) and I i ssman (ibid , 
pp. 588, 5951'., n. 56) do not consider it a matter of mterpretatiaites. The former, pointing 
out how, in his opinion, i in text no mention is made ot the Iranian deities (loi 

him: Oeso an J I Vlagno) to which (ioraorjvo and - possibly refer, believes that the 

intercalated phrase actually represents the trace oi a palimscst; the latter, regarding this 
proposal with some skepticism, is more inclined to see it as an addition, in any ease sub- 
sequent to the carving of the main test and the actual reign ol k.iniska. as being contrary 
to the 'intentions profondes' of this king as "On a clairement I'impnssioo d'un refus 
de tout ce qui ne pent Etre rattache aux religions iramenncs (bactnenne?!, bouddhisme 
execpte" (Fussman 1998, p. 594). On the problem of the interlinear texi sec also Huyse 
2003. p. 187, n. 28 

57 MiiKiii kim 1995, pp. 9. 15, 17. 42. For Maaseno, Skando Konwra Bizago and Skando 
Ki>maro-Maascno-ni/,igo on Huviska coins cl. ROSBNI ii i o 1967, pp. 79, 99f.; Cow 
1984, pp. *1,4S i ta Mahisena, Skanda Rumira/KSrtakeya and Visakha see Banbkjba 
1956, pp. 85, 106, 117, I40f.. 146. 200, 265. 338, 362. J64f. 

58 Mukiii Kjn 1995, p. 42. Fussman (1998, p. 588, n. 43) is about this proposal, 
pointing out how Sraosa "esl cllc, inemcnt liii dieu des mais Join I'.ir i li paratl 
ctre la priere plus que la glaive (Boyce 1975, 61 et 1991, 252-253)". However, Sraosa's 
warlike charactet is cei tamly confirmed, among other things, bv his epithets 1 1 i sasj 
CoLPr 1982, p. 437), bj the "sharp edged weapon, -ood to thrust ag.nnsi the evil heads 
ol the demons" (Y 57.31: Kri ■ i MBROi i 1985, p 15 and d pp. 77 and 166), In the cock 
(i I the ooek or the peacock ol our Indian war gods: Bam hj i v 1956, pp. 106, 1401., 156, 

Rosi mum) 1967, p. 7 1 '] and b\ the figure ol Sn*oi*M**rn abut, p, I60f.). 

59 IntheoryuaaoTjvoandflisiVOCouldreferlotwodistiiKi deities, loi example. Mahascna.' 
Siva and Visakha/Skanda (thus I i ISM is 1998. p. 588, who aetualh does not believe in 
this inuTprcuitm imhut). On this point, set a 56 'I 


Ghbhaboo Ghcm I 

show how the ident.fieations with denies belonging to different religions or 
rations among them, were essenriallj dictated by the Similarity of then 
ipecific and principal functions in their respective pantheons. 

The latter point is of particular importance and is itself confirmed in a later 
kushan era. when Ardoxso *?«**). » Bactnan Great Goddess 

and a Kushan Wjpj.* 8 ultimately absorbed other female deities,'*' with which, 
,-h Nana, Sri Lakaml, relatively obvious associations had already 

. kmcvoo I »C«8o 1 Pahl. burzauand yazd) "the ex- 
alted gpd" of the Knthano-Sassaatan coins* 1 is significant in this context, as 
n proves thai a kind ot convergence occurred between Oeso/Siva and Ahura 
Ma/da, as supreme denies of two different pantheons, associated by obvious 
reasons of a political-religious nature in an "oherster Gott eines synkretisti- 
schen Pantheons"* 4 . The Iranian god, in view of the adherence of the Sassanians 
and of the kushano-Sassanian kings, to Mazdaism, could only be Ahura Mazda 
himself.*^ The existence in the eastern Iranian world of an ancient worship ot 
\avu "Hochgott""* or, more generallv, of a Vayu that was originally a supreme 
dcitv,'' which are arguments in a complex discussion, hS was revived ad hoc by 
Humbagh*'* for the sole purpose of enhancing the credibility of his theory on 
the Sogdian Wis-fwrktT and on the Bactrian \\ is. A different case is that ot 
wysprkr in Buddhist Sogdian texts which, in Vessantarajataka, name him after 
Adbvagb, the "Supreme God", corresponding to Saka/Indra and Ohrmazd, 
or in M a nic ha e an Sogdian texts (M 178), which identify him with the Spiritus 

60 Gnoli 1963, pp. 33-36. 

6! G&Bl 1984, p. 19; Bussagli 1984, pp 124, 1 )2 u Will as p. 268, citing other studies by 
■■ the importance Foi the relations between Nana, Uml and Ardoxso. 
■ •'<. 166,246-24 

63 Boar 1956, pp 20-21 (with HiVNiNcs opinion); 1968, pi. VIII, 1,2. Cf. Davary 1982, 
p~ 179. 

64 HtnOACtt W75t>, p. 407. ,nd cf. id. 1975a, p. 140 and „ 21, Sec also LutONIM 1967, 
pp^20. .6;BfihNiTSki Maeshas 19-1, p 1I ; Brunner 1974. pp 148-149 

65 while u a not impossible that this syndetic phenomenon is not completely extraneous 
» the h^ure of Kushan Mrthra. .Ih beCSMe ot the ample space that Miiro (or Mr., 
had on Kushan cmns'BrVAS 1979. pp 745.747. cf. GKtNET 1991, p. US), the idea that 

Kali, „, see the alle, d ^ " , ££fl, ',; f "*■»* W < ««. - 

_,l, , ould bt ,hc r «son for sueh a new denomination, 

l'.^l».U|. or Pahl. ubm^riM legitimate 

66 Wmtnlwip.K 

«FHMK 1955, pp. 821, 90, 1251 » ZANDER mi. 

'■■". r *48^Pahaiko2002 
tSta^e^ «*'»W«mi- W 2,pp.«-64. 

Some Notes upon the Religious Significance of the Rabatak I ascription 153 

Vivens, Parth. Wad ziwandag. n If it was possible to recognize Siva against the 
background of this divine figure, it would nevertheless always be a dcitv that 
belonged to a Buddhist or Manichaean environment. He would not be a su- 
preme god, as Oeso/Siva of the Kushans certainly was, and who, together with 
his parcdra, was placed at the top of a true pantheon of the Sivaite type, in the 
Indian component of their composite religious world, ~ } in which also Buddhism 
naturally had its place. 7 ' 

The Rabatak inscription, with Nana as dispenser of regality, associated with 
the parcdra of Oeso/Siva, with Ahura Mazda, 74 probably associated with a Bac- 
trian Rudra/Siva, and with Sraosa, Nairyo.sarjha and Mithra, three Zoroastrian 
guardians, protectors, escorts and judges of the souls of the kings depicted in 
the sanctuary, thus clearly shows Kaniska's intentions of referring to Iranian 
religious tradition. II n is thus viewed in the more general context ol the substi- 
tution of Greek with Bactrian, as is explicit in 1. 3 and has its exact parallel in the 
coin legends, 7S and of the foundation ot a new era (lines 2, 4, 19, 20); 7 * and it it 
is compared with the gold coins, having a more evident political content, 7 ' one 
gets the distinct impression that, as far as the religion of the Kushan elite is con 
cerned, at least at the time of Kaniska I, it provides the most satisfactory con 
firmation of the thesis of the "renouveau iranien" in the Kushans, so brilliantU 
taken up again on several occasions by Fussman starting from the 1970s. 78 


Banerjea, J. N. 1956: The development of Hindu iconography. 2" d ed. Calcutta. 
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71 Sundermann 1979, pp. 100, 121, ns. 82-84. 

72 Humbach himsell actuall) showed he was well aware of this problem, wonderine, 
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"Hochgott" 'sec above and cf.n. 66) or from the Indian <>,■..■> (Humbach 1975b, p. 407). 

73 < 1 among others: I mmiru k 1990. p. 4921.; FUSSHAW 1994; 2003-2OO4a. pp. 929-933; 
Trembi ay 2007, pp. 82-88, to mention only recent studies. 

74 Present in an archaic spelling, aooofiotfio compared with wOfK>|>" ■•'"■ OB I Hmisk.i 
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76 In particular sec Fussman 1998, p. 595f.; 2003-2004b, p. 510. 

77 Fussman 1998, pp. 590-594 . 

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/U*a (Jjs** -2^-v JV^' 

The Pahlavi Text Mab l Frawardin roz i Hordad 

A Source of Some Passages of BlrunT's Chronology 
Frantz Grenet, Parts 

For a long time the Pahlavi pamphlet Mdh TFrawardm roz i Hordad has received 
little attention. In 1892 James Darmesteter first published a translation of its 
final,, paragraphs, as a footnote in Le Zend-Avesta} In 1900 Kai- 
khoshrooJamaspjiJamasi'Asana produced an annotated English translation,' 1 
which, considering its date, was fairly reliable, and in 1913, his father. Jam asI'ji 
Minochehrji JamaspAsana, published (posthumously) a full critical edition. 1 
This was reprinted by Said 'Orian 4 who also provided a supplementary tran- 
scription, requiring only minor corrections, which conformed with the system 
used in D.N. Mackenzie's A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary (Oxiord 1971). 

This text presents, in a condensed form, what purports to be a full account 
of events which have and will happen on the sixth day of Nowruz, from the 
creation of the vital souls (gydn) till the end of Time. In the form in which it has 
come down to us, it seems to represent a sort of aide-memoire, on the basis of 
which priests could extemporize during popular gatherings at New Year. On 
further scrutiny, however, the composition appears quite balanced, with Zoro- 
aster's vision set exactly in the middle (paragraph 24 of a total of 47). Moreover, 
on some points it departs from accounts in other Pahlavi texts, and for a few 
important details it offers precise (and so far unnoticed) parallels of contents 
and wording with BTrunT's Chronology of Ancient Nations'', each text helping 
to understand the other. This suggests that BTrunT, who also attributes an im- 
mense importance to this particular day, had access, probably indirectly, to this 
text or to a close variant. 

Darmisti iik, pp. 640-641, fn. 138. 
K.J. Jam \mv\s.\na 1900. 

J.M. Jamasi'Asana 1913. This edition uses the four extant manuscripts, all more re- 
cent that the archetype manuscrit MR (J I), copied in 1322/1323, in which this text is 

'Orian 1992, pp. 102-108 (text), 321-326 (transcription). 

References are given to Sai KA1 1878 (edition) *nd 187S (translation). The recent edition 
by Azka'i 2001, which supplements SacHAU's text with p-Msa^es MilnequcmK disio\ 
cred. does not -aid anything new lor our specific purpose. 1 wish to thank Yuri Karfv 
for ait help in checking the hnhit text 


Fbamtz Crknet 

I gne here the transcription based OH J.M. Jam am'Asana's edition, with 
a translation and a commentary limited to those paragraphs where the text 
presents some originality. 


1 Punid abtaw Zarduxit at Obr- 
mard kit ce ray nurd urn. in ■ 

fi) Frawardin roz i Hordad 
abdrig razihd pad meb ud web ud 
grdmigtar ddrend? 

2 Ohrmazd passox dad kit Spitdmdn 
Zarduxit mdb ■dm TO! 
i Hnrddd gydn i gebdnigdn ddd 

bt ■ 

! \fdb 1 Frauardin roz i Hordad 
£r-u ud Aner-iz bun payddg bud. 

4 Hit ill rmwi w roz I 
Gayomard andar gehdnopayddgib 

5 Vib .: ! '., r.. .trdin roz i Hnrddd 
Gayomard Arzur be *ozad 

6 Mdb ft/ Frawardin TOZ 1 Hnrddd 
Mihuh inuhKh) ud Mihryinib 
(myhly i\\\\) az zamig frdz run. 

' Mdb fi/ Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Hoiang i Pesdad andar gcban 6 
payddgfih/ mad. 

8 Mdb fi/ Frawardin roz i Hnrddd 
Tahmorub Abreman i druwand 
pad bdrag grift 30 sal. 

'tab fi/ Frawardin roz i Hnrddd 
Jam gi'bdn abe-marg kard abe- 
zarmdn kard. 

10 Mdb fi] Frauardin roz i Hordad 
jam paymozdn az duiox be awurd 
ud andar gehdn o payddgih mad. 

I he blessed Zoroaster asked Ohr- 
ma/d: "Why do people hold the day 
Hordad of the month Frawardin as 
superior, better and dearer than other 
da\ i 

Ohrmazd answered: "Zoroaster the 
Spit amid, on the day Hordad of the 
month Frawardin, I created the vital 
vim U of the wordly creatures. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, both Iranian and non- Iranian 
raeet appeared. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Gayomard appeared in the 


On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Gayomard killed Arzur. 

On the da] Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Mihrlh and Mihrvanlh sprang 
up from the earth. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Hosang the Pesdadian ap- 
peared m the world. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Tahmorub took the cursed 
Ahriman as his mount for 30 years. 
( )n the da) Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Jam made the world deathless 
and ageless. 

On the d.i\ Hordad of the month Fra- 
w.irdlii. Jam brought the measures 
foom I Ml and appeared in the world. 

The Pahlavi text Mdb i Frawardin roz i Hordad 


11 Mah jij frawardin rnz i Hnrddd 
Jam astoddnibd^kand, 6 mttrdo- 

min framud kandan, ka-idn 
framiidag i Jam did rnz pad nog- 
roz kard ud Nog-roz nam nibdd. 

12 Mdb [i] Frawardin rnz i Hordad 
Fredon baxstin 1 gehdn kard. 

13 Hrbm 6 Salm ddd ud Turkestan 6 
Toz dad, F.rdnsahr 6 Free ddd. 

14 Ud se duxtar [ij Boxt-Husraw 
Tdzigdn-sdh be xwdst ud pad 
zanib be pusardn ddd. 

I 5 Salm ud Toz andar pidar a-burd- 
framdn sud bend ud Free i brad i 
x wes ray be ozad bend. 

16 Mah jij Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Manuscihr abar ken i £ree beron 
mad ud Salm ud Toz raj pad ken i 
I re 1 hi ozad 

17 Mdb jij Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Sam i Nirimdndn ''Sndwizag 
(sn'yck) dew ray be ozad. 

18 Mdb [i] Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Sam i Nirimdndn Az i Dahdg ray 
be ozaned(Y KTWNyl) « 

19 Mah jij frawardin roz i Hordad 
-l Gayomard Arziir ft/ Abreman 

bjumiak be ozad. 

20 Mdb ft/ Frawardin roz 1 Hnrddd 
Kay-Husraw jij Stydwaxidn 
Frdsiydg i Tur pad ken i pid ixwes 
be ozad. 

21 Mdb fi] Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Kay-Husrati jij Siydwaxsdn pad 
skoh 6 <i> garodmdn sud. 

22 Mdb fi/ Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Manusitbr ud f'.ro 1 >jejbdg-ttgr 


On the da\ I lordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Jam razed the bone-containers, 
he ordered people to raze them. When 
they saw |am'\ order they made (this) 
dav the new vear and named it "New 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Fredon made the partition of 
the world- 
He gave Rome to Salm and Turkestan 
to Toz, Iran to £rec. 

And he asked for the three daughters 
of Bcixt-Khosrow, kint; oi the Arabs, 
and he gave them as wives to his sons. 

Salm ud To/ became disobedient to 
their father and killed their brother 

On the day Hordad of the month 
Frawardin, Manuscihr came out to 
avenge I rei and killed Salm and Toz 
to avenge Free. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Sam son ol Nlrim.m killed 
the demon Snawizag. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Sam son ol Niriman will kill 

On the day Hordad ol the month 1 ra 
wardln, Gayomard killed Arzur, Ahri- 
man's offspring. 

( >n 1 Ik da\ 1 lord.ul ol the month I 1.1 
wardln, Kay-Khosrow son of Siyawaxs 
killed Frasiyag the Turanian to avenge 

his lather. 

On the day Hordad ol the month 
I rawardin, Kay-Khosrow son of Siya- 
u.i\s went majestically to Paradise. 

On the day Hordad of the month 
Frawardin, Manuscihr and F.res the 




FhantzGrim i 

The Pahlavi text Mah i Frawardin roz i Hordad 


zamig at Frduyig i Tut abdz Had. 

Ifdk (TJ FrtmrJin roz i Hordad 
K*y-Hmsrmm fij Siydua< 
p~ 9 Ldhrdsp abespurd. 

xvad pad perbzgarih 6 garodmdn 

24 Mdh /;/ Fraurardin roz i Hordad 
Zarduxil i Spitdmdn 6 uenisn 
ud ham-pxnagih fij Ohrmazd i 
xwaddy rased ( YHMTWNyi). 

\fdh fij Fra~j.ardin roz i Hordad 
Zarduxil i Spitaman Den i 
Mazdesndn az Ohrmazd ixuaddy 
be ; 

26 Mah fij Frauardin roz i Hordad 
Kay Wiitdsp sdh Den az Zarduxil 
he padirift. 

27 Mah fij Frauardin roz i Hordad 
18 cis pad 18 id! 6 Husraw fij 
Ohrmazddn ««</(YHMWNyt). 

28 Mah fij Frauardin roz % Hordad 
Wahrdm i warzdwand az 
Hindugdn 6 payddgih dyed. 

29 Mah ft tin roz i Hordad 
Payotan i Wtiidspdn az Cangdiz 
6 Erdniahr dyed ud Den i 
Wjzdetndn raudg kuned. 

iah fij Frauardin roz i Hordad 
Xwarsedar i Zarduxstdn 6 
wemin ud ham-pumin i Ohr- 
mazd fij xwaddy rased, ud Den 
i Mdzdesndn az Ohrmazd fij 
'day pad ew-hdr he cased ud 
*m be kunind, ud xwarsed 
} pad mayan i asmdn bar rtem- 
I 10 rdz-iabdn abdz g. 
ud mardomdn rd^ pad Den i 
Mdzdetndn abe^gumdn be kuned, 

swift-arrowed took back the land 

from Frasivjg the Turanian. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, K.n -Khosrow son of Siyawaxs 
entrusted the kingship to Lohrasp, 
while he himself went victoriously to 

On the day Hordad of the month 
Frawardin, Zoroaster the Spitamid 
reaches the \ won and conversation of 
Ohrmazd the Lord. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra 
wardln, Zoroaster the Spitamid re- 
ceived the Mazdaean Religion from 
Ohrmazd the Lord. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardTn, King Kay Wistasp received 

the Religion from Zoroaster. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, eighteen things will reach Khos- 
row son of Hormizd over eighteen years. 
On the day Hordad of the month 
Frawardin, Wahram-with-miraculous- 
power will appear from among the 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Pis votan son of Wistasp, com- 
ing out of Gangdiz, will go to Iran and 
make the Mazdaean Religion current 

On the day Hordad of the month 
Frawardin, Xwarsedar son of Zoro- 
aster will reach the vision and con- 
versation of Ohrmazd the Lord, all 
at once he will teach the Mazdaean 
Religion (received) from Ohrmazd the 
Lord and they will memorize it, he 
will hold back the Sun in the middle 
of the sk% u ,ts zenith for ten davs and 
mghts, he will make people without 
doubt concerning the Mazdaean Reti- 

ud hazdrag i Xwarii-dardn bun 
hawed ud an i Zarduxstdn pad sar 

31 Mah /if Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Sam i Nirimdndn Az i Dahdg 
ri$_be bzaned ud xwad pad haft 
kiswar xwaddyih be niiined, cand 
Kay Husraw pad diddr dyed ud 
Sam pddixsdyih 6 Kay Husraw 
abes pared. 

32 57 sal Kay Husraw baft kiswa r 

j day hawed ud Solans mowbed 
i mowbedan hawed. 

33 Ud pas an ka Wistasp idh ray 
kdlhodomand kunend, Kay Hus- 
raw pddixsdyih 6 Wistasp sdh 
abes pared ud Sosans mowbedan 
mowbedih 6 Zarduxil pid i xwes 

34 Mah fij Frawardin roz i Hordad 
Ohrmazd i xwaddy rist-dxez 
ud tan fij paten kuned, gehdn a- 
marg ud a-zarmdn ud a-bei ud 
a-petydrag be bawed. 

35 Ahreman abdg dewan ud druzdn 
ud hunuiakdn ud sdstdrdn ud 
kayakdn ud karbdn a-kdr be 
bawed, Az dew dewdn ud 
druzdn ray hamdg be xwared ud 
Sroi ahlaw Az dew ray a-kdr be 

36 Ohrmazd i xwaddy Ahreman ray 
be zaned ud stard ud a-kdr be 

37 *ki (AMT) ne pas az an Ganndg 
Menog neaz an toy dam ud dahisn 
abar zamig pddixsd ne bawend. 

38 Ahreman pad an ham surdg ka 
andar dwdrist dnoh nayend ud 
sar be brinend ud duiox pad 7 
"'ayoxiutt be hambdrend. 

gion, and this will be the beginning of 
the millenium of Xwarsedar and the 
end of that of Zoroaster. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Sam son of Nirlman will kill 
Azdahag, he himself will sit in the sov- 
ereignty of the seven climes, for some 
time Kay Khosrow will come into 
sight and Sam will entrust him with 
the kingship. 

For fifty- seven years Kay Khosrow will 
be lord of the seven climes and Sosans 
will be his mowbedan mowbed. 

And after King Wistasp will be made 
corporeal (again), Kay Khosrow will 
entrust King Wist.isp with the king- 
ship and Sosans will entrust his fa- 
ther Zoroaster with the dignity of 
mowbedan mowbed. 

On the day Hordad of the month Fra- 
wardin, Ohrmazd the Lord will make 
the Resurrection of Corpses and the Fu- 
ture Body, the world will be deathless, 
ageless, without pain, without adversary. 
Ahriman together with the devils, the 
demons, (their) offsprings, the tyrants, 
the kayaks, the karbs, will be power- 
less, Az the devil will cat the devils 
and demons, all of them, and Sros 
the righteous will make Az the devil 

Ohrmazd the Lord will smite 
Ahriman, he will make him stupefied 
and powerless, 

so that subsequent K neither the Evil 
Spirit nor any of his creatures and cre- 
ation will have authority on the earth, 

Ahriman will be led to that same hole 
through whicFTie had burst in, his 
head will he mt oil and 1 lei I will be 
tilled up with the seven metals. 



l«VM/ (.KIM I 

M Sa zamsg «**« o star-pdyag 

, J hJ garodmdn az at. 

*ki(A\ >bdz 6 star-pdyag 

dyed ud hamdg gydg garodmdn be 

ha u id 

fgrdom a-marg ud a-zarmdn be 

i nd ka pas az an xwariin >ic 

41 Ud ka gost xward ested pad did 

,dlag abar hangezind nd ka 
gost ne xvard ested pad dad i 15 

sdUg ai hangezind 

42 < *.in az an gydg ul hangezind 
ku-idn gyan az tan be sud. 

43 hfar^mard ke zap. nest Spandar- 
nd'd urn dahid nd bar zan ki 

I Obrmazd soy dahid. 

44 Andar 57 sdlag awesdn rdy fra- 
zand zdytsnih bawed 

45 An mard rdy ke bagrtz zan ne 
M Zdn ray ke bagriz soy 
ne hard, pas .[/ in a c> bagnz fra- 
zand zdytsnih ne baued. 

46 Ward ud zan ek abig did asdyend 
be-idn frazand zdytsnih ne 

47 (J d pad hamdg gab sagr ud padix 
be bawind ud cis-iz 

drzog ne bazted ud gehdn abizag 
be hawed ud mardom a-peiydrag 
ti hamdg nd hamdg ravisnih abas' 

This earth will return to the star sta 
tion and Paradise, from the place where 
it is, will come to the star station, and 
the whole place will be Paradise. 

Men wilt be deathless and ageless, 
when thereaftei they will have no need 
lor food. 

And when thej wiLI have eaten meat 
the> will be raised up at the age of 
forty, and when they will not have 
n meat they will be raised up at the 
age of fifteen. 

And the} wil].he-««ed.up in the place 
where their soul had left the body. 

To each man who has no wife Spandar- 
mad will give a wife, and to each 
woman who has no husband Ohrma2d 
will give a husband. 

At the age of fifty-seven a child will be 
born to them. 

Afterwards, to the man who never had 
taken a wife (before) and to the woman 
who never had taken a husband (be- 
no more children will be born. 

The man and the woman will sleep 
together, but no child will be born to 

And in everj place they will be sated 
and flourishing, and there will be no 
desire to eat anything, and the world 
will be pure, and people, without ad- 
versary, will be immortal in the eter- 
nal course (of time)." 

The Pahlavi text Mdb i Frawardin roz i Horddd 




§5: Ahriman's son, killed by Gavmnard, cf MX 27.5 (where the link with 
Ahriman is not mentioned) and Blruni, ( bnnology (ton p. tOR, transl. p. 100), 
w ho gives the name under the form xjW ultimately corrupted from MP Van r, 
lii I Ltdowsi the "Black Demon", son of Ahriman, kills Styamak, Gayomard's 
son, .irul is himself killed by I;, Siyamak's son. In the present text the 
episode reappears in §19, with the added information that Arzur is Ahriman's 
"offspring" (hunusak). This is the first of a long series of murders of demons 
which constitutes a large proportion of the events supposed to occur on the 
sixth day of Nowruz. The elimination of demons is indeed one of the cyclic 
functions of Nowruz, for his own part BTruni insists more on the associations 
of this day with the mythical and Sasanian royalties. 

§6: Mthnh and MihryanTh, variant forms of Masyag and Masv.inag, close to 
those in the Indian Bundahisn (mtr W mtry'n). 

§§9-11 arc devoted to Jam (Yima), with striking similarities in BTruni's chapter 
"On the festivals in the months of the Persians": 

§9: "Jam made the world deathless and ageless", Blruni (text p, 218, transl. 
p. 202): "No being was sick or died, as long as he ruled". 

§ 10: "Jam brought the measures from Hell and appeared in the world", BTrunT 
(text p. 218, transl. p, 203, modified): "On the same day (6' h Frawardin) Jam took 
out all the measures of things ('«'<» ji badd al-yattm akbraga Camm maqddir al~ 
asyd '); therefore the kings considered his way of counting as a good omen". The 
same myth is summarized with some more detail in MX 27.33: ka-s paymdrt i 
gi'tigig i by dujddnag drwwand obdrd cstdd aikom aba/ award "when 

(Jam) brought back from his belly the wordly measures this cursed ignorant 
(Ahriman) had swallowed".'' Measures had to be fetched from the demons, like 
the writing under Tahmorub, Jam's predecessor. Royal control on weights and 
measures is well attested under the Achaemenids . 

§11: "Jam razed the bone containers (astoddniha), he ordered people to raze 8 
them", BtrunT (text p. 217, transl. p. 202): "On the same day (Jam) issued a 
proclamation to those who were present, and wrote to those who were ab- 
sent, ordering them to dcstro\ the old mausoleums and not to build a new one 
on that day (or: place)" (bt-an yukharrtbi* al-nawdwh al-'attija bm U yabnn 
ft- hi ndwus-an hadil-an). Here Sachau's translation "old temples" has to be 

6 K.J. JamaspAsana 1900, pp 12 I L24, fn. 8 (with an unconvincing comparison with 
another itory on Jam told in a Persian Rivdyat). 

7 Brian t 2002, a. 414 (Aramaic don omenta mention "the royal standard | 

8 K.J. JamaspAsana 1900. p. 124, roads krt, kard, "made" instead oi km, kand, "razed", 
wh'ien though cqiullv possible paleograpnieall) is excluded by BTruni \ teat Orian 
gives the coned transcription. 


FrantzGium i 

corrected in accordance to the PahUM ..At. I or his part, M. E. SAL'E, though not 
H^ in* the latter it h.s disposal, left tiavivis untranslated but obv.ously took it 
in its specific meaning "Zoroastrian mausoleums" » The purpose of Jam's order 
was probabU to demonstrate that funeran structures become useless, as 
from now onwards death has been abolished Alternately, and less probably, ii 
enforced the prescription set out in Videvddd 7.49-52, according to which old 
dakhma- (pi tposure) must b( destroyed {after fifty years according to 

the Pahlavi commentary), in Order to avoid pollution. 

$13: To* (twe), written as elsewhere in the Pahkn i texts, while Ferdowsl gives 
the ctv mologieallv correct form Tur < av. tutrua-. Erec i ylye). Vers. Eraj, is a 
radon trom av. jjrjw, with the suffix -it (-ec) < *a-ica- attested in 
■MM Middle Persian personal names. 10 

1 14: The name Bdxt-Husraw, "saved is khosrow" (corrupted in Denkard 8.13.9), 
suggests that the form of this episode was influenced by the Arabian conquests 
Khosrow I or Khosrow II (tor the influence here of the late Sasanian con- 
text in the rewriting of the myths, cf. $§ 32-33, with the Sosans as mowbeddn 
mawbed) Perdowsi calls this character Sarv ("Cypress"), king of Yemen. 

5 16: Manus L ihr s "coming out" {heron mad) is not mentioned in other texts. 
This is most probably an allusion to the legend ot his secret birth, recounted 
igtb t Sist£n u : his mother, daughter of Erec, was brought 
by Frcdon to the lake Frazdan, under the protection ot Anahid and the other 
gods, "and he kept her hidden until the tenth generation, when a son was to be 
born trom the girl". This myth clearly anticipates that of the Sosans. 
$$ 17-19: Sam, i.e. Garsasp. §§ 18-19 seem out of place, as § 19 almost repeats §5, 
while $ 18 (with the verb in the present future) anticipates §31. The purpose is 
probably to Stress the parallel between the hist .md the last murder in the his- 

$21: Here again the passage is paralleled in BirunT (text p. 217, transl. p. 201): 
"On the same daj Kaikhusr.iu ascended into the air" (<ma 'araga Kaykhusrau 
ild al-ha-z. 

$21: Here BirunT (or his source) departs from the Pahlavi text (text p. 220, transl. 

he attributes this episode to the day Tlr of the month TTr, probably 

because of the archer's function of Tlr and the folk-etvmologv Tlr < Ugr ,n 

arrow". But as the passage is out ot place in our text (it should have followed 

uJd bean interpolation 

\ h Th " mi " had b«n established in Russian 

1 I. h. INOSTRANCIV 1909 

10 SctGignoi x 1986. p. 8. Pace Kli i t\s MM „ no -t - '? • 

dourc i j,,,,, m>./ * P 23,: Eric " Ira l "moment sans nul 

11 \Jrllm4 m * I ** vecu,lede "«t«Miiii CT Blfc«ble-, 

The Pahlavi text Mih t Frawardin rot i Horddd 


§24: "Zoroaster the Spitaniid reaches the vision and conversation of Ohrmazd 
the Lord", BirunT {text p. 217, transl. p. 201, modified): "On the same day the 
fate occured to Zoroaster to converse with God face to face" (u>a fl-hi antfttia 
sabm Zaradust da mundga(t) Allah). Sachau, in a quite complicated manner, 
translates "the Son Zaratbustrae came to hold communion with God". In our 
text the verb is in the present tense, probably to be undestood as a present, not 
a future, for Zoroaster's conversation with Ohrmazd is supposed to be Caking 
place {see §§ 1-2). The following two paragraphs are again in the past, then the 
present-future is used consistently. 

§27: Khosrow son of Hormizd, i.e. Khosrow II ParvTz (591-628). This strange 
piece of information should be considered in the light of TabarT i i . 1 042, accord- 
ing to whom, in 607/608, Khosrow ordered the treasure accumulated during the 
fi rst eighteen years of his reign to be transported to his new palace in Ctesiphot). 1 
He gives the figure as 420 million mitbqdt, i.e. 600 million dirhems, which can- 
not be reconciled with 18 x 18 = 324. So what can the "eighteen things" be?Thc\ 
hardly represent the respective contributions ot the provinces, as there were 
more provinces in the Sasanian empire. 13 Possibly they refer to eighteen catego- 
ries of offerings presented to the king by his subjects as twin "customary gifts". 
According to BirunT (text p. 219, transl. p. 204), on the sixth day of Nowruz the 
Sasanian king "ordered to be brought before him the whole amount of presents, 
arranged according to those who had presented them, ... (then) he deposited 
what he liked in his treasury". The exceptional enrichment of the Iranian royal 
treasure under Khosrow II is the only historical episode which our text has 
found worthy of mention. 

§30: Xwarsedar (hwllytl) instead of Usedar ('ivsytl) < uxsiial.arata-^ a word- 
play on xwar "Sun". 

§32: The second Saviour Usedarmah is omitted. 

§33: There is a crescendo in the miraculous reappearing of primeval heroes: Sam 
is asleep, Kay Husraw has ascended alive to Paradise (or, according to other 
1 1 ad itions, hides in Gangdiz), Wistasp is dead. 

§35: kayak, a category of villains the name ot v\ hich is derived trom hay in or- 
der to take over the negative aspect of the Avestan Kavis, karb < av. karapan, a 
category of priests hostile to Zoroaster. 

§38: The "seven metals", instead of the one melted celestial dragon Gocihr in 
Bundabiln 34.31, seem to ictlcu an original doctrine of the final melting of the 
seven planets, considered as demonic as far as then material form is concerned. 

12 Christensen 1944, p. 465, fn. 2, mentions '>ur text in relation with other treasures of 
Khnsrou .ilso described in numerical sen. cen marvels", the "twelve treasures"), 
without referring to Tabari. 

13 AnimknusMarcellinus, 23.6.14, gives a list of 18 provinces, boi ii is arbitraril) compiled 

from PtoUtm ,"''v 


tGUHl i 

Ul: One ot the rare aRtstttk»a of an advantage "i vegetarianism 14 ! onl) those 

»ho will ham abstained from met will be resurrected at the ideal age of fifteen. 
JJ44-46: Human reproduction in Paradise will be kept to a minimum, in order 
to avoid repeating the overpopulation d the earth which had occured under Jam. 


Azka'i, P. 2001 [1380]: Ahu Rayhin Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Birunl, Al-a{dr al- 
baqiyah an al-qurun ,tl-kh,iln<ih. fOlum v.i brain 9). 

Briast, P. 2002: From Cyrus to Alexander. A History of the Persian Empire. Trans- 
lated h\ 9 T. Damii s. % UKMM 1 ake. 

iv i uui n. A. 1944: than sous des Sasuinides. 2 nd cd. Copcnhague. 
-itsrtTiR.J. 1892-1893: be Zxnd-Avttt* 3 rok Paris 

Gf' i. 1986: \tims propres sassamdes en moyen-perse epigraphujiic. Wien 


IwMTkAW BV, K.A. 1909: "O drevneiransktch pogrebalYiyeh obycajach i postroj- 
kaeh." In: Zumal Alimsicruva narodnago prosveicenija, nov. serija,20, pp. 95-121 
■bsh version m: JCOI 3 [1923], pp. 1-28). 

Jamasi-Asana, J.M. 1913: /'.. as. Vol. 2. Bombay (Iranian Culture Founda- 

tion 112] 

JamaspAsava. K.J. 1900: "The day Khurdad of the month Farvardin commonly 
called khordidsal, translated (rum the original Pahlavi text." In: J.J. Modi (ed.j: 
The K, R. Cama Memorial Volume. Bombay, pp. 122-129. 

K 1 1 1 1 \s. J 2005: "La Atrua- ne sont plus des ce sont deja des Iraniens." In: G. 
ham j Ksluni/H -P. F«am pokt/X. Trembi m (eds.); Aryas, Aryens el 
tnmemenAsktattmU. Paris | Publications de I'lnstitut de Civilisation indiennc 
72K pp. 233-252. 

MX = Oddest rjj 

Hh, S I ■>■»: | l ri j : tlaam-e pahU vi | - Pahlavi texts). Tehran. 
I UJ, C.E. 1878: Chronology onentalmher Volker von Alberuni. Leipzig. 

Chronology of ancient nations, an r ngltsh version of the A rabic text of the 
Athar-ul-Bdk «r>i London. 

I.M.1 1957: Abureikhan Birum (97J-1048). Izbrannye proizvedenija Perevod 
T • M / v;', T I Tashkent, 

mi vm „. SH IWM Dutlum in Ttmnsfmnatiim f RcHlon ln Sassantan 

If** 1 ODdon ij.,rd.m Lecture* m Comparative Religion 16) 

Utav B. 1984: ■ I be Pahla, \ vd eh „ sahikih i Sakhtan or Wonders and 

IT TV r" 1 '" : [ r ° m HtM ^ U t0 "Hl^arumi: Bactrtan, 
sfJrce^rftT T' '*??"'• *** 4m/ '"' Chin <*> Greek and Latin 
Tcfc 7 f^tt Central Ana. Ed. by j. Hakmatta. Buda- 
pest CO | ,he Sources tor the History of p rc -Islamic Central As.a I/I 1 1 ). 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 

An Edition of the Avestan Herbedcstan Chapter 5 :: " 
Ai.mut Hintze, London 


The twenty chapters ol the Herbedcstan (Her.),' as well as the ninety-one of 
the Nerangestan, have come down to the present in two manuscript traditions: 
the Indian line of Hj and the Iranian line represented by TD. HJ derives its 
name from that of its scribe and previous owner, Hoshang Jamasp of Poona, 
who in 1727 it copied it From a ms. that was brought from Iran to India in 1722 
by Jamasp Velayati* However, as far as chapter 5 is concerned, the manuscript 
HJ is incomplete because on fol. 6r 1.11 in Her. 3.5 the text breaks off after the 
words barw lis but continues in Her. 6 with the words ka ham-xdnag. All mw 
descending from HJ share this deficiency. 1 As a result, for chapter 5 wc are en- 
tirely dependent on the single manuscript TI).' 

The latter, which is now held in the Cama Oriental Institute I ibi ai v. Mum 
bai, was brought to India by the Iranian mobed Khodabaxs Farod Abadan. In 
1876 he passed it on to mobed Tehmuras Dinshaw Anki.j-'saria (1842-1903), 
after whom the ms. is named. TD was written by Gohedsah Kustam 


See *.«„ , W . Pp . 43-44. where our «« b qU(Knl J5 thc m „ n ^y^ 

I hi INhl.o i texi has been edited by Maria Malum in this volume. 

\\ Ink I > \kmi >. i i i i k, / :\ 1 1 1, pp. 78-9] di\ ides the Herbedcstan into eighteen chapters, 

both H/E and K./K. distinguish twenty. 

A facsimile edition of HJ was published In Sanjana in 1894. On the impact ol Djstur 

VdiyatFs visit on thc Partis and especially on the transmission ol ihe VTdevdid t see h 

Cantira/M. A. Amiri s Toi hid: "The transmission of the P.ihl.n i \ idnd.ul in India 
iftei I 700 1 1 1: [imisp's visii Irom Iran and the rise ol a new esegeticil movement in Su- 
ral." In: JCOI 2008, pp. SI- I4J. 

One of ihe mss. decending Irom HJ is J55, which belongs I" llu collection ol Dastur 
K M JamaspAsa. We are grateful to him for giving ul so ess i" il 
KonwAi./BoYi) 1980 (pp. 3, 5) mention three copies oi 1H I -l iii th( Meherji Kan.i 
Librar\, Navsari, and 1)46 in iht- Cams Oriental Institun I ibravi Mumbti, both madi 
li\ Himiii I r.uli|ini 1882, and one apparent!} m.ule by mobvd Tehmuras lor I . W . W i sr. 
Sanjana 184-t (p. 5) refers to .i ii>p\ made in 1881 -md held in the Mull.i liru/ Library 
(.ii the t .iin.i t 'i Institue) I Ins in piobabh l)4(i. sinci iln dates mi \ iIiiIlt sbglub 
when they are converted from one t ra date to another. 



grand 153C a. The first 103 folios, which have now been separated from the 
i the m**, contain the Iranian and were followed by 112 folios 
of the Herbedestan and V u ..Man. That the text of the latter two originally 
belonged to a separate, independent volume emerges not only from the fact that 
N ii written in a different hand but also, as noted by Kotwal/Boyd 1980, p. 1 1 . 
from the numbering in the corner of the upper left margin, where the folios are 
coasted in Persian from I (yek) to 112 (sad-o-dnwdzdah). The Herbedestan 
occupies fob. I I and is immediately followed by the Nerangestan on 

While chapter - 12 to 20 of the Herbedestan concern various aspects of the 
studv of sacred texts under the guidance of a teacher (aedrapaiti-), the first 
eleven deal with the conditions under which family members (men, women or 
children) may leave home (ftm I tor the purpose of an activity described as 
afiauruna-. In the case of married women or minors, they need to be accom- 
panted (para- bad by a male escort, the relevant circumstances being discussed 
in chapter b with regard to a woman and in chapters 7-1 1 with respect to a 

The question as to which member of a household should leave home for 
dSaurunj- is raised in the first chapter of the Herbedestan. The answer is that, 
regardless of age. the one with the highest esteem for truth should go: 

1.1 'katjmo' nmJnahe 2 a&aurutum p.i'. 
i 2 iidt bsrjjuastamn* 

1.4 yarn m Jimm 'bdSo.gaida* 

1.5 hazddiuj" 'sdrjha v ' ctuan 11 

knmo Tl) 

hjjsi m 

nmalahe TD 

./IW HJ J55 TS8 
p*T4iu: TD 
k»ri | 1 j 

>i4H*mio HJ J55 T58 (j.j) 
huMdtito TD 
*** HJT58J55 


7 d«stTDHJJ55T58 

8 hapo.gaetlj TD 
...g«i>4HJ(gapof 4cm)J55 (f 

um)T5S (gap of 4.5cm) 

9 haiaofua TD 
tUmofiii HJ J55 T58 (ao) 

10 P«<J^TDHJJ55T58 

1 1 cauan TD HJ T5s 
tan jnJ55 

5 Them*, o described as TDl h> K T biiiu». ^t n * „ ... 

' " ARIA ln 11' A VM I SARI * S)0X nn . n 1 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


1.1 Which one 6 of a household should go away for pr iestlj service? 

1.2 The one who has the greatest esteem 7 for truth 

1.3 - be it the eldest" or the youngest -, 

1.4 or any other person whom the co-owners 9 

1.5 shall select by unanimous vote 10 . 

Chapter 5 discusses the question as to whether the lord or the lady of the house 
should leave home for a dauruna-. The unexpected answer is that either may do 
so, but that the one who is more capable of looking after their domestic affairs 
and property (gaedd-) should remain behind. The view that looking after one's 
possessions takes priority over leaving home for a&auruna- is also expressed 
both in Vd 13.22, where a&aurtittan- 'priest' ranks third below the masters of 
large (Vd 13.20) and medium-sized households (Vd 13.21) and in chapter 3 of 
the Herbedestan, quoted below, p. 183. 

6 Bartiioiomai. AirW'b. 433 emends the reading knmo to 'katdmo, while K/K 26 edit 
id. The latter is also (he form preferred b\ I! 1 16, dies consider katdmo as U 
( in bsr.yitastama- and the root noun b.irj/- see HlNTZI 2007, pp. 50-53. 

8 tin hiiumila- 'oldest, eldest, most important*, see \ StMS-WlLLlAMS/E. TUCKER: 
"Avestan huuoiii.i and its cognate!." In: G. SCKVUGBH (cd.): Indogermantca. /<•>/- 
schrift Gert Klingensckmitt. Indische, imniscbe und indogermamschc Smdicn dem ver- 
vhrten Jubttar dargebracht zu setnem fimfundsechztgsten Geburtstag. Taimermg 2005, 
pp. 587-604, esp. pp. 594-59(,. 

9 Barthoiomaf, AnWb. 1759 convincingly emends the ms. TD hapo. gat-da to "ha/io. 
gae da. The compound is also attested in Yt 10.1 16, where it denotes two persons bound 
by .i contract \midra-). Gi rsmi vi i. h 1959, p. 267 notes that ha66.gaeda- is "oi almost 
identical formation" with Choresmian anged, Parth. h rrtgyb and Aram, hngyt (A. Cow- 
t BY1 Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., Oxford 1951, no, 43, I 9 and E, Ben- 
vi \i\Ti: "Elements perses en ar.tmcen d'£gyptc", in: JA 1954, pp. 297-310, csp. p. 298 
tn. J), all from the possessive adj. *han-gaida- 'having property in common; partner', A 
dei native of the adj. is the fcm. abstract substantive "han-gaidiaki- which is found in 

in a Chr.Sogd. fragment (N. Sims-Williams: The Christian Sogdutn Manuscript 
C2, Berlin 1985, pp. 187, 204) and in Sogd. 'nyvoy' 'association, partnership' (N. Sims- 
Williams/J. Ha st 1 1 TON: Documents turco-sogdiens du 1 X' -X' Steele de Taucn-h ■ 
I ond. .ii 1490, p. 70). 
10 Barthoiomae, AtrWb. 1796, followed by K/K 28, 29 fa. 8 (but different!} 1 1 1 II) 
emends the ms. TD reading bdz*6fiii paiyba to (wwumj ut.i >.tr/bj after the I'.i Ii Lis i 
translation. This could be supported by Yi 13.33 hauuai kimdic* Zaoiiic* according 
to their (i.e. the Fravashis') own wish and will'. Alternatively, oni could read Ihi/aoliid 
and consider it to be either the (agreeing with "S*T}h*) 01 (he of in u\\ 
•bazaouia- 'unanimous', cf. hazaoia- 'oi one will'. The thematic verb tanan, which 
Baktholomal, AirVi'b. 441 interprets as a 3" 1 pi. subj.pres., belongs in I i. i in the root 
aor. subj. stem csiia- (= Ved, caya-) of a 'to pile; select', see Kl i i ins J484. p. 353, I*. 
Horn: "NTrangistan Aw. tra^rn, I", in: Ztitschrift fiir Verglcuhcndc Sprachforschwig 
34 11897), pp. 582-584. esp. p. 5831. reads hazaaiuapanba and suggests the of 
i compound consisting of haz.aoiii.t and .ipah- 'working together' Cgemeinsam /u 
werke gehetid"). 


At mi rHii 


Edition of the Avcstan Her. 5 and commentary 

S.] kaiard a&aurunsm -pjr.wJt' ttiirik* vi nrnind.paitii 
,hj k«., ; Limit 1 

5.3 nmimd.pMtis gae9i niirik* 'pinut 

5.4 •rijinkj' 'g.i. nmiad.pMtii paratidt 
%S mht 'aeuMO* 'any diitim "wwi&wi*! 

As. quotation in the Pahl. commentary: 
'nott/ *4te*uo an** diitim "vini&sii 

1 /MMIMfTD 4 ' 10 WM»*«tTD 

2 t.. 5 ptidivisTD 8 deettTD 

3 tjfir TD 6 jKMJtyfoTD 9 aiMudnnaJD 

5.1 Which one of the two should go awav forpriestU service 2 , the wife or the 
master of the hoi. 
It both administer' the possessions, either should go away. 1 

5.3 (If) the master ol the house (administers) the possessions, the wife should 
go away'. 

5.4 (If) the wife looks after the possessions', the master of the house should go 


5.5 Not even one* will infringe 3 the law. 

intitjf 'he/she should go away' 

v I D transmits the form paraudi four times. Bartholomae, AirWb. 65, 

foots tins reading, hut marks it as an emendation, presumably in order to 

distinguish it from the form pardnat emended hv Dakmesteter, ZA III, p. 81 

in its first and second occurrences in Her. 3. B\ contrast, rv/K. read parattdt the 

rid thtrd times, bui pdraudt the second and fourth, while H/E 40 su. 
pinmit 'hroughout the chapter. 

Sine* -ihe syntactic function is consistently that of a voluntative subjunctis 
ii II dear that the torm should be the same in all tour occurrences. Morphologi- 
cal .. thematic 3sg. suhj.pres, ot the vabfwi 'to go away', one would expect 
rj • r .ira- aia -a-t). According to ab, GlrPh I 1 §268.3b, the 
6rsi contracted , of fmriiiit «*« shortened, thus producing psmiiit, while 
ULum 19X4, p. 99 n . 2 njggetti th,t pmuiii becamepitwat by a secondary 

lowim. wn «k.n,k . i !t| v"o the manuscript readings, th.. 

jfcidirn.wirh m ,n. u m " Knun ihesign before .1 word indi> 

emails a shilt ,U l,„ t. c uu " l nr ^ occurrence thf voluntative suh|u.., 

Disseminating the Mazdayaaniao Religion 


redistribution ot the long vowel. The latter form is in feet attested in Hei I.I hv 
the ms. TD, and without variants in Vd 9.39 and 15.9. On the basis of this and 
other forms, DS Vaan proposes a rule according to which : ,i in an open initial 
syllable in trout of two or more syllables containing,! or .i became «i." 

2 axUaurunzm 'priestly service' 

With the except ion of chaptcr2, each of the first seven chapters of the Hcrbedcstan 
contains one ot the six attestations of adaurntia-. Barthoi omaf., AirWb. f>4 
posits its meaning as 'priestly function, priestK service' ( "priesterliche Funk 
lion, Pricsterdienst"), In the Pahlavi version it is translated as dsroih. The way 
in which the Middle Persian commentators understood the term emerges from 
Her. 1.1 and 3.1 in the gloss birbedestdti kardan. That this expression refers spe- 
cifically to the study of the Avesta and the Zand is stated in Dk 6.C27 (Shaked 
1979, p. !54f.), where hcrbedestan i pad abastdg ud land 'religious education 
in the Avesta and the Zand' contrasts with abdrig-tz frabang i pad pesag peiag 
'the other instruction in each profession'. K K 16 IS cons ineingly conclude that 
herbedestdn kardan implies attendance at schools that provide religious educa- 
tion for all Mazdayasnians, including the laity. 

Presumably in the light of this gloss, K/K 27 etc., 87, 88 render the Av. phrase 
adaurun.wi para-i as 'to go forth (to pursue) religious studies', but its Middle 
Persian version pad dsroih raflan 'to go for priestly work*, while H/E 17 etc. 
translate the Av. expression as 'to go forth for Aftrauuanship', leaving .tdauruna- 
untranslated, and the MP 'to go forth to the (religious) centre for Asroship'. 
The underlying assumption seems to be that family members leave home for a 
certain period of time in order to study the Mazdayasnian religion at a particu- 
lar place. The Av. term tor the latter activity, however, is aijJisti-, the f;-abstract 
derived from the well-attested verb atpt-ab 'to study' (AirWb. 95, 277f.) and 
rendered in Pahlavi as osmdrisnih 'study". It is distinct troni and contrasts with 
adauruna- in Her. 4: 

4.1 cuuat nA ddmnna adaitnitutn baca "gae&dbis 1 " -' 

4.2 yat his drti *ya 3 "ahmdt* "aifiiiditt " 

4.3 cuuai "aipistim 6 *pimtutl 

4.4 &rixsaparam hadrdkam 'xsauas* xsafno dca paraca 

4.5 drtsiim'' Astlftn xsafnqrnca 
4.r. yd baoitd' aetahmdt paraiti 

4,7 twit "pascaeta" anaijiihim n dstritatitt 

13 Ol Vaan 2003. pp 63, 106, 609, While /mmm.j/ clearly belongs lapara-i in Vd 9.39, ki-i 
l. ins 1984, p. 276 n. 4 consider! llie possibility that it is from ''pat "to p.i^s through, limbs' 
prcs. pat ■ ,i/i.i- in Vd 15.9. However, in hoih contexts the verb is followed by the pres. 
ind. paratti, which is I ruin para ■;: Vd. I V) ,,;,, daxitftn paianat, Vd. 15.10 yezua 
daxitam paraiti Siiilc/um i is intransitive, the ace. it governs in I lei. vl denotes not the 
object ben the goal OT purpose, U nidicaied b) BARTHOLOMAB, \k\\ i> I s_ (but mm). 



2 /MMuifTD 

4 kmiTV 7 /wraiw/TD 10 baoiidTD 

,TD 8 xiVift*- II p*se*iuTD 

6 ji/ttrwtTD ** iV»i»iwTD 12 *9io$sii&»TD 

4 1 f low Far shall a priest" depart from his possessions 1 * lor priestly service? 

4,2. s a he can return 1 " to them from it" three times .1 year 11 . 

rway shall he go for studying 

-t 4 Three nights, altogether sil nights there and back. 

4.5. (One should travel) during a third ol the days and nights. 

4.6. II one goes farther awa) than that 

4.7. then- they do not commit the offence ot not studying. 




Thcnom sg M'maa, person' occurs hoc in an enclitic position, as noted by Barthoi oh u , 

11 as an attributive substantive like Ved. naro viprdb 'the singers' 

DilmOck Verglttchendi- Syntax dtr mdogernuniscben Sprjchcn Strassburg 1893 

Berlin 1967], vol I.p ■»-!> **s in the Pahlavi version, it may be left untranslated. 

Baktkoloma i I 77, 479 n. 8 rightly corrects the TD torm gd&dbis to 'gac&dbii. 

BAirMOLOMAE, AirWk 95 emends the ID iorm aifiis. m to 'ji/iiiitti which he regards a* 

in int. from the verb Saw; 'coming towards' ("rHMvukommcn, hcimzukehren"). BeNVSH- 

1935, p, 3C accepts Bartholomm's restoration, but considers the passage to be too 

up< fur the torm to he .,t iny use ("un passage hien trop tnccrtain pour rien valoit'i 

K. K «ht dso accept Barthoi omai-'s reading. H/E 34, by contrast, restore "MifUKkeaad 

translate 'he can vint' (p )S) l.nt.irtunately thevorTer no commentarv, but one assumes 

that the* consider ilie form H he the 3sg.ind.mid ol the root present of the verb at Ji. mum-, 

which is lound only litre, although there is a verb atnu-fri-Sau*- 'to depart for' ("fortge- 

hen/u', AnWh. I7l4f.). While ««*- normally forms .i thematic present ftfJMM-, Km i i \> 

1984, pp. 92. 93 n 3 considers there to be a n mnY 29.3 sauuaite- assuming it is 

»3pl. rather than a?-. ot present is admitted, there is the problem 

that I he root is expected to have a full grade middle instead ot the zero grade in H I 

may therefore consider the alternative possibility that ciflii. in is a corruption 
Iso attested elsewhere {AirWb. 149). 
ind K K »(. emend the ms. reading bmi to 'from there". Although the de- 
monstrative pronoun ol the second person is srmanlicallv more satistactors, the near-dcictie 
transmitted to rm Thedetn. pronoun would then be used as a substan 
>d refer back to aSaurunim i ,, K , 7 I 111, p. 80, whodisr. 

the pi .-, interprets bmi as 'par ete', a suggestion rightlv rejected bv Bartholomae, 

tote* that the word hmj is not translated ,n the I'ahl. vers,,,,, 

ti\ i L P,hbV ' trJnxL "" n •* B ** T ""' OMA1 connects the form yd of the 

ms. H w,«h M- sear HU, emendation ol a nom AirWb. 9! ac- 

1287 with n. 3, however, he cautious!) interprets yd as 
Uru came s Um hut queries the reading. HuMBACH 1961b, p. 1 1 CI i. 

7;^'? !l oflhehetero'cliric 

«o tco^reci it ;:r ucn,,v mmi :do7 « p- 125 '»■ 41 w. 

noun yar- 

ere 1971 is 

Ucall) parallel to adanrnnjm in H 
ing' in Her -s } 

doscr to the ma. but alsi 

supported bv the form \tnatftstim 'non- 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


Her. 4 indicates that going away for mdauruna- entails both a greater distance 
and a longer time away from home than doing the same for aijhstt- 'studying'. 
This explains the emphasis found in Her. 5.2-4 on proper estate management 
during the period of absence and its priority over leaving home for tdaurun*-. 
Since the latter, which corresponds to Ved. dtbarvand-, 11 is a thematic deriva- 
tive denoting that which is carried out by an adanrunan- t more insight into that 
activity can be gleaned from an investigation of that well-attested noun 

In the Avesta, and as noted by Barthoi.omak, AirWb. 65, adauruuan- is a 
general term for 'priest'. It thus differs semaniically from the eight priest K 1 it lea 
listed, tot instance, in Gah 3.5, which describes a number of distinct ritual tune 
tions, such as zaotar- (literally: 'pourer'). The a&auruuan- knows the sacred 
texts and is on hand in a variety ol daily-life situations that require a priest For 
instance, Vd 8.14-22 discuss the question whether Mazdayasnians may walk Ofi 
a path along which the dead bods ot a person or adog has been carried. The rule- 
is that they are not allowed to do so until a 'four-eyed' dog has been sent down 
the path, three times if the dog goes willingly, but six or nine times depending 
on the force applied to make it go. Failing that, an adauruuan- is required to 
purity the path by walking on it while reciting the Avcstan prayers quoted in 
Vd 8.19-21. Afterwards the Mazdayasnians are free to use it. 

That a&auruniin- is a general term for 'priest* also emerges from the fact that it 
denotes one of the three social classes alongside that of the 'warrior' (radaestar-) 
and 'cattle-breeding herdsman' (vdstriia- fsuiiant-). 21 Zarathustra is praised is 
the prototype of all three (Yt I3.S'M: 

yd paotriio ddraima 
yd paotriio radaista 
yd paotriio vdstritd fiu: 

(Zarathustra,) who (was) the first priest, 

the hrsi warrior, 

the first cattle-breeding herdsman. 

The role ol Zarathustra as the first adauruuan- is linked to the spreading of the 
Mazdayasnian religion, as stated in Yt 13.94: 

usta no zdtd ddraun.i 
yd spitdmd zara&ustrd 
fri fid yazdite zaoQrabiid 
starotd.barasma zaradnstrd 
Ida apam vijaiattt 
van l 'bi daena mdzdatta 

Hail to us, (for) the priest 

Spitama Zarathustrj has been born! 

Zarathustra \s ill woi ship lor us with libations, 

with strewn sacrificial so ass. 

From here then 

the good, Mazda-worshipping religion 

vispdti aunt kariuttqn ydis bapia will spread over al I ses c o I egions. 

20 Baki inn i im si , AirWb. 8R4 notes that the diphthong ■,,' of the adv. pasaui.i ,, In 
qucntly written -at- in the mss. of the Herbedesun and Ncrangestin, 

21 Ved. dtbarvand-, fern, atbarvani (which characterize* the plants in A\ 1 1.4. 1 6), is a the- 
matic vrddhi-dcrivattve with zero grade suffix from Ilr. *dtiutr§SH (AiGrt II 2, 125). 

22 t >n the three racial I W. Boyce: A History of Zoroastriamsm. Vol. 1. Leiden 
1975 [rcpr. 1989], a 

23 On the translation of the vj/ as 'to worship' see f Iim /t 2007, pp. I56-If>2. 



I hat .1 Ms Bhe*Auww*«B'j task no tn»d the country and spread the religion is 

indicated in 1 

Haoma ousted that K.srasani 

from the position of po» a . 

him who wailed in his desire tor power 

and lobbed: "I lenceforth 

the priesl will noi go about in my land 

ti -'' the studies- lot the religion)." 

The m&amruiuM- if characterized b) the adj dUmefrakita- 'desired, welcome 

lar awa\ ' in it If r 

cjajram mLinaitat 
tosta ti* 

yd daun.ii J ntut me apam 
tii 'v»r»6ai 

MM duraefrak.. 
marimnum isjmno d.u - 
amam nimnii Unittic 

(Insight), whom the priest, desired faraway, 


seeking the memorising for the religion, 

seeking strength tor the body. 

^ 42.o both explictthj states that the adauruuan- go abroad to tench the religion 
to the 'truth seekers' and celebrates their return home: 

apamed jiraxiaoitrtm yazam.. 
v*iia ..tide 

\\ i worship the cascading of the waters, 
we worship the gliding forwards of 
the birds, 

4dduriin4rnciipa1ti.dtfdrimyazam.11J1 wc worship the return of the priests 
'tuiun di ■• djxtiunam who will have gone-' lar .1w.1v to the 

truth-seekers of the countries. 

I hat jdanr,tiu>n- represents a trained priesl v, ho goes l.u trom his own home (durjt\ *2.6, d&mifrnkito 'desired farawaj 'Yl 16.17), 

24 wttUcGeUH ., , ■•■»*. 1420 lollops the 

w hicfa he interprets as an in) of the verb vard'xo in 
Me, enlarge, augment' He transUl .-,«• ai studia (sacra) ut augcat' I 

■■ .ho questions fl m. i hoi usi ai\ grammatical analvMv, points out the 
nominal furu t» connects the form with the gen.pL vmitonam 

? , * T hc lhtn C "" M Jli v '""*'" «° be a gloss that should be 

I u octosyllabic mt line, although he is aware that 

syntactical!) isolated. The stem vmUi- is an 

•eJ with sum. -, from the ten j:rade root W. Vcdic offers 

Tr * nT P r^' t rc th ' ""^ ThfV '" rm Jl,h ' k " faction as infinic 

** fermwah! Bifeismfcc, attested ,n t 

.»! , J2 and tro&w. K*,rf. Nraat** „ , „ Yaaaa ms It 

24 BartHi llowedbv 111 Ya*nJ0ui „ >?7 I 1 t 

s "' ^*^N^003,p. 277, identities the form 

Mud* ', ol which the aces,. 'aiStitim |cor- 

ers numer- 
ic read 


Kr.4 > (steal i„ iv, 

in tier 4 ? 

g. "ospisum (c 
imonj m anaijhitim 

•W, p. 13 fn. Land in Hot* 

E VI-h,peH,c t ,,,oio-Arvan^,. 

S .sM\iLllNs|^* ( pp.400,4Q2n, lOandhi msim 200:1 

I >isseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


travels throughout the land (dar}banua car Y 9.24) and promotes the study of 
the religion (aiflisrii vmrd Y 9,24), The model lor all a&OHruiumi is Zarathustra, 

whose priest K ofni 1 results in the Mazdayasnian religion being spread over all 
seven regions (Yt 13.94). The terms daghdurimacsn- 'moving inside die country' 
and pairijaQan- 'itinerant', both of which arc praised as qualities of a young 
person (yituatt-) together with x"aetnuadada- 'next-of-kin marriage" in Vr 3,3 
and Vyt 17, probably also belong in this context, although they do not occur as 
epithets of adanruuan-. 

The u 'rm adaurtina- then refers to the activity of an adauruuan- who leaves 
home for a certain period ol time for the dual purpose of instructing others in 
the Mazdayasnian religion and carrying out various religious and ritual serv- 
ices, as described, for instance, in Vd 8.14-22 summarized above, p. 177, The 
texts thus support BOY< I 's suggestion that adanruutttts act as Zoroastrian mis 
sionaries." Such a meaning would tit in well with K. Hoffmann's explanation 
ol Ilr. -'alhar-uan- as 'itinerant priest", though unfortunately the formation of 
atbar- remains unclear. ■* 



M. Boy< i, "aftravan." In: fir III (1989), pp. 16-17. Misson may also be implied in V 40.4 
a&a *haximam xtt.ti yiii bilauruudi 'mav thus be the fellowships with which we shall 
associate ourselves', if the passage refers to the situation in which Zarathustra'* followers 
approach other communities in order to convert them to their religion, see IIim/i 2007, 

p. 303 with references, 

While it is obvious that both Av, adaurnuan- and Ved. <itha>;.". continue Hi .ithar- 
yan- 'provided with athai - . the identity of \tthar- is subject to debate, see Maykhoi ik, 
EWAia I, p. 60. K, Hoffmann apud Mayrhoi ■ 1 ' WAia I, p. 805 derives athai .is 
'walk, trail, footpath' ("Wanderweg") with suffix ~'-h ; ,ir- Irom the root at 'to go eon 

stantly, walk' (Ilr. 7j,.iH; according to himiif/M' - the tirsl term of 

the compound athitr-vi- 'pursuing the path", see Scarlata 1999, p. 497, B\ contrast, 
A 1. 1 1 hoi sky ("Thi l ud. 1 1 1 1111.0-1 suhsii.iiiiin", in ( mi t \bf llan/A. Parpola/P. 
Koskikaliio [cds.]: Early Contacti bentten I '../.'1 ,ind Indo-European.- Linguistit 
and Archaeological Considerations. Papers presented at an international symposium 
(Tvirminne, 8-10 January, 1999), Helsinki 2001, pp. 301-317, esp. pp.303, 310) sug- 
gests that Ilr. ,itb.t!-ii.i'i- \sjs borrowed by tndo-Iranians hom the non-Indo-Euro- 
pean suhstratuni ut the Central Asian urban oasis cultures. Similarly, G.-J. Pinaui 1 
("Une nouvelle connexion entre Is lubscrai indo iranien el le tocharien lommun". in: 
Histarisckt Spntcbforsebltng 116 [2003], pp. 175-189, esp. p. 183 and [vsitli less detail] 
"Further links between the Indo-lranian substratum and the BMAC language", in; II 
III iirkh/B. Tikksmn [eds.|: / i'cmes ,itld Tasks in ( )ld .mil \tiddlt fada \>V.I>1 ttn- 
guittia, Delhi 2006, pp. 167-196, esp. pp. 171-175) argues chat Ilr. *athar-, which ac- 
s or ding to him means "torn supei ic-ure*, and < Common Tocharian ochk A sen . 

A alar 'hcio'i «. n hoi towed inifependenth Irom the mm Indo European language ol 
the Bacma-Margiana Archaeological < omplcs 1 BM \< I. According to I OBOl sk^, non- 
Indo-European origin is indicated by the variation .11-/1.1 in Ved itbarvttn- vs. Av, 
.11*1.11111.111- I lowever, the latter, which is confined to the- si tone; cases, could equa.ll) h 
atpkmed by inaer-Anstan pn >d attributed either to an analogical influence 

of the gen sc, ji*ro 'ol lire' lHo« ItANW/FORSSMAM 2004, pp. 56, 145 and 1 loi 1 siann/ 
NaKTBM 1989, p. 90 fn. 14) or to a phonetic lengthening ol the initial .1- in the longer 
forms (ut Vaan 2003, p. 65). 


Ai mi I Him /I 

mi 'administering*, 'gaedd.vis 'pursuing the possessions' 

The question posed in Her. 5.1 as to whether the lord or the lady of the house 
should go sway for j&auruna- is answered in Her 5.2-4 in three ways, each of 
which refers to a different scenario: it hot 1 1 ut '"are equally suited to looking 
after the property (gae&d-), cither may go (5.2), if the husband (nmdno.paiti-) 
more capable, then the « I should go (5.3), but it the wife is more 

qualified, then the husband should go (5.4): 

^2 yezica 'unagaedd ami l k*uemsci^ p.u.uhit 

nmuno pjitii gaedd ndirtka "pdntnai 
5.4 'ndirtka 'gaedd.vis nmdno.pailii 'paraitat 

In each of the scenarios the crucial expression is what the Pahlavi version renders 
as 6 gihdn handagih "(suited) lor service >>t the possessions'. In Avestan, how- 
r. the wording differs slightls in each d the three phrases: 

5.3 gat 
f 4 'gaida 

Darmestetkr. ZA III, p. 81 fn. 22 suggests that vimd a the dual of an adj. vima- 
that belongs with the verb md 'to measure'. Bartholomae, AirWh. 1450 with 
n. 1 als.. considers the form to be a dual, and tentatively suggests that it is the 

mbfrj truncated nom.dual of a root noun *vi-md(y)- 'taking care of ("aus- 
nchtend. bemrgendT, attested only here. Kllllns 1974, p. 242, who quotes the 
entire Av. chapter with its I'ahl. version but does not translate, refers favourably 
to Bartholomae's view of vima bfUl notes that the word is missing in Her. 5.3 

I dm the transmitted form is wj in I [eV. s.4 I Le considers Bartholomae's 'besorgend' to be unjustified, the Pahlav, translation incomprehens, 
ble, and therefore that both vimd and vis are desperately corrupt. 

Nevertheless, however, it ,s worth exploring the possible connection of vimd 
w„h the verb n-mi further. I or while mi to measure' in combination with wis 
no, K.und elsewhere .n Avestan,.n Ved.c the verbvi-md ,s well documented The 
latter means not onlv to measure, mete out. pw over, traverse' but also 'to or- 
dain, hv, set right, arrange, make ready, prepare', as, for instance, ■„ RV 10.1 10.11 
•n i he arranged the sacrifice'. The latter group of meanings fit, 



omesfc on the part of the lord or lady of the house 
SMU. W.i.n I s7fh V ""l Pmm,Un aniWe " t4 ' *« '"terrorise 

,l I . " "'v B u«i nunc open ami 

with eodmc cm or -a/. «e de Vaan 2003, pp. (09, 1 55. 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


The objection could be raised that while root nouns in composition with pre- 
verbs usually function as action nouns, vimd is obviously of the agent variety." 
The inherited Mr. way of turning root nouns with preverbs into agent nouns is 
by means of the suffix -tar-? 2 However, there are instances of the combination 
that functions as an agent noun in both Vedic" and Avestan. The latter includes 
vi-mad- 'doctor' (literally: 'measuring carefully') in Vd 7.38 and 40," aifi.ztl- 
'who presses on, hurries towards' and vi.zu- 'who presses on in different direc- 
tions', both referring to dogs in Vd 5.32, )S the priestly title 'bringingV 
fra-spd- 'throwing forth' and m-spd- 'throwing down', both in Yt 15.45, r and 
upa-uudz- 'adducing, providing' in A 3.4. 38 The fact that all these instances 
come from later texts may imply that the use of prepositional root noun com- 
pounds as agent nouns became productive during the Younger Avestan period. 
It therefore appears justified to assume that Her. 5.2 vimd functions as an agent 
noun. It would then be the nom.dual of the root noun vi-md-, as suggested In 
Bartholomae, while in Her. 5.3 the expression is elliptical. 

In view ot the parallel construction ot the three scenarios in Her. 5.2-4, one 
would also anticipate the same wording in Her. 5.4. Bartholomak, AirWb. 1450 
n. 2 therefore regards the transmitted vis as a corruption of the of vi-md-. 
However, instead of the ''vi.mis which he suggests, *vimd (< *vt-md-h) is to be 
expected, and it is difficult to explain how the latter could have changed to vis, es- 
pecially as '''vimd would have had the same word ending as the preceding gaei'.i 

If one operates with the ms. reading gaedd vis, one could adduce the Ved. root 
vis 'to work for, serve, be active', but Iranian cognates of Ilr. ' v #<us are uncertain. 3 '' 
More promising perhaps is the possibility that it represents the root noun of the 

31 V. W.' 11 2, pp. 15-19; Scarlata 1999, pp. 734-736. The compound's function as 
an a^cnt noun could have been the reason why Bartholomae, /WW /j. 1450 n. I re- 
garded the form as possibly truncated. Duchesne-Guillemin 1936, p. 61 translates It 
as 'organisateur'. 

32 AiGr. 112, p. 5 and III, p. 189. 

33 See Scarlata 1999, pp. 739-740. 

34 On Av. vi-mad- sec A. Hintze: "Die .n estische Wur/el msd /umessen." In: B. 1 l 
mis R. Pi ath (eds.i: IndtmrisA, Iramsch and die Indogcrmanistitt. Arhcintagung der 
Indogermaniscken GatUsduft twin 2. bis i. Oktobei 199? in / rLngrn Wiesbaden 2000, 
pp. 163-175, esp. pp. 163- 168 

35 Kf.llens 1974, pp 106. Mb shows that tit-, the second member ot thl compound, corn: 
sponds to Vcd.yii 'to hasten, press on*. The lattei ex i urs in composition with the preverb 
.ipi in api/H-, which likewise functions as an agent noun, sec ">< sklata 1999, p. 168f 

36 Barthoi osi vs , AirWb. 329 derives fxom ip-bmt- 'bringing water', hut Kbl- 
i i m 1974, p. I Hi suggests thai it is a prepositional compound i-itrst-, which isfunc- 
tioaall] parallel to another priestly role, vtbtratm , an igem noun with suffix -tar-, 

37 AirWb 1086, 1003, Ki i i i -^ 1974. p. 236. A furtht-i ould bt fra-spat-, the 
name of a plant that induce! abortion in Vd 15.14, see Kalians 1**74, p. 265. 

38 Khuss 1974, p. 279. 

39 Mayrhoflr, EWAui II, p. 586; RE. I sisuki. a/P.O S«] I aw Studies in tbevocabw 
IsryofKboumett Vol. Z. w"ien !9S7.p. I09f. 



pursue'. In Vedic die root noun forms the second part of compounds, 
turned towards, gratifying the gods', atb*r-vt- 'pursuing the 
path' (meaning uncertain, see above, fa. 28) and ^dm*^/- >u«uing the track'. 
R.Si hmiti has identified the same compoariona] type in theOPadj.m<mai 
'impetuous' < nuuub-tti-i (literally: 'turned towards, pursuing passion'). 40 

The uncompounded root noun vi - occurs in RV 1 .143.6. As in the compounds 
listed above, h is of the agent variety and governs a genitive denoting the object 41 
RV 1.143.6): 

lutein no agnir ucatkny.i I » istd Will Agni be fond of our hymn? 

( , KiiMiNM MMiTT has retrieved an example of the Avestan cognate of Ved. 
i Vd 13.8 y*9* tuite 'as a woll is able to pursue'. 4 * In contrast 

to the Vedic [implex, I i- functions here as an action noun "pursuing*. If Her. 5.4 
offers a further attestation, then ni (i.e. vis) is the and, since it governs 
the gacdJt. has verbal force. As in Vd 13.8 it would be an action noun. The 
transmitted words could then be lelt virtualh unaltered (Her. 5.4): 

niirikiigteit >aitii "piraiiit 

it looking after the possessions (is) tor tin women, the master of the house 
should go away. 

However, the nominatives "mm and nmdno.paitis of the two preceding sen- 

tences in Her. 5.2 and 3 rather suggest thai is corrupted from the num. 

<u, an emendation alre.uh proposed b\ Bartholomai:. 43 The 

'umka would then be the subject of 'gaedd.vis 'looking after the possessions', 

and the latter the, of a root noun compound functioning as an agent 

noun and governing the first, inflected term in of the fern, substantive 

gaefci- 'living being; possessions', c£ Y 46.12 'gae&d.frddo '(of Right-minded- 

ts) who promotes the living beings'.' 14 

40 ' • "■ »m MO; R. Sch«,tt: -AJipaniri, m -»-*-v,-i-i = 

N.H Zidi tdt.Y.Festxbrift for Henry Hocmvwald On 
*»"«* A«W-.». Tubingen 1987, pp. 363-366. 
the Ved« rompemod, and ,h,,r location, see Scarlata 1999, PP . 496-501; on the 
HmplfiieeScmKDLEii 197:. p 4j hh ' 

" ^d«Ave*a.MiuW.VoOT(edrXWI)e.* 

I Ba.tholommMMI thn.4«ull 

SfSSTiA ! ' '• ******-+-. 

erA» „« noun compounds with the first term in 

• p im.^M.jf.1 -»r 'wperformi in action* in Vd 13.23 (JUuj 

ptiZll -Wr.U .theproperaame^m.^'who 

Vd , ; P- m^da«av» 'who .lay, the demon' in 

18.6 ,k, , | , „ lm I r*uu*zdi- 'providing freedom' in VJ 

mpound, with the fim term inch. 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


The compound 'gae'Ai.vf- 'looking after the possessions' is then semamicalh 
equivalent to the expression gafdan<fm aspsrano auu- 'to take care for the in- 
tegrity of the possessions' in Her. 3.1 and 3.2, translated in Pahlavi as gekinigin 
uspurriginih (uspurrigth) ttyarened and glossed as kii xwisttg-sitirih kmnad 
(on which see MaCTJCH in this volume, pp. 259ff.): 

3.1 katantn ' ddranua a&aurunsm vi "pdraiidl 
gaedanam va ASpannd *anua[ 

3.2 gaedanam atpjrjno aitHttii 

Which Of the two (applies): Should a priesi go aw.n tor priestK service 
oi should he take care for" the integrity 4 * of the possessions? 

1 le may care for the integrity of the possessions. 

The verb vi is also syntactically parallel to av 'to help' in the two consecutive 
Vedic stanzas 47 

RV 5.46.7a 

devdndm pdtttir u fattr avantu nab prdvantu nas tujiye vdjasdtaye \ 
let the wives of the gods assist us willingly, let them help us io procreate, tor 
the winning of the prize! 

RV 5.46.8a 

uid gna vyaniu devdpatnir indrdny dgndyy asvini raf \ 

a rodttii varunaniirnotu vydniu devlr yd jtHT j&ninam \\ 

And let the noblewomen, the wives of the gods, approach: the wife of Indra, ot 

Agni, of the As'vin, the queen! 
Let RodasT listen, (and) the wife of Varuna! Let the goddesses approach at the 

time of the women! 

4 noh "aeuuo *cina 'not even one' 

I he ins. I'D has the reading auuacino in Her. 5.5, but aeuuaarni in the Av, quo- 
tation that forms part of the Pahlavi commentary on that line. Bakthoiomae, 

45 Babthoi OMAii, AnW h 162 queries the reading ttitn,t{ of the nn. and bi i i i \s I9K4, 102 
rightly emends it to a sub|unctivt \tuua[. The form is syntactic. illv parallel to ' u. 
1 mendation of the latter form from transmitted p*raiia[ TD, paraitA{ 1 IJ is supported 
by the subjunctive mood in the deliberative questions oi Her. 4 and 5 p.tnttntt (TD 
p4rau,i[), see above. In. 12. 

46 The translation of dipjrino is .liter IUbi m>i OHA1 . \n\\ h 2IS Ssivmkiism 1959, p. 73 
in I , suggests thai the "late Avestan word is ihc Middle Iranian (Sogdian?) form of *»*- 

prna- 'full, complete' " and Bah 1 V 1979, p. 4V, explains Av. .is 'completeness' 

with as- < *us-. By contrast, \\< hmi i i 2000, p 1931 fn.7, analyses the noun 
as llr. *ac-firna-i-, derived with raffia -tun (an i extension oi the ^uitis im | from 
i lieteroelide stein meaning 'provided with a point* and denoting i brooche or, mure 
generally, a small object made of iron. 

47 Cf. W. P. Scum in: "Die Wurzel vi- im Rgvcda." In MiUmget d'indianumt ..■ U mimoirt 
de Lonu Reno*. Paris 1968, pp. 613-624, csp. p. h22- On K\ 5 46,7-8 see also Hintzs 
2007, p. 206. 



AtrUb lf,4, 24 offers no analysis of either form apart from noting that there is no 
fehlari translation of Her. 53. H/h 521. emend both occurrences to «H«4aad.i?M2d 
o( inferior sue'. 4 * which is a kapaa legomenon in Vd 5.60, but render it as 'to the 
slightest extent'. K k Wf, with In. 66 likewise read auuaano in both passages but 

postulate a compound auiiaano.dditim, which would mean 'less than legal', Ac- 
cording to Bartholomai, AirWb. 170, the first term of the compound auuaano. 
mazo is the ad|. a§at :>:.:- interior', a cognate of Ved. avactna- 'turned down- 
wards'. Both have the suffix -in*- and are derivatives from an llr. stem continued 
in Ved. ioanc- 'turned downwards." However, apart from the fact that H/E's 
assumption that auuaano is shortened from auuaand.mazo has no manuscript 
support, it is difficult to Accommodate the meaning 'inferior' in the context of I let 
■r. if auuaano.dditim is a compound, as K/K propose, its meaning as a pos- 
e adj. is 'whose law is inferior'. It would then be an ace. object governed by 
the \i ■'.nut and Her. 5.5 nott auuaano.dditim 'vinddaudt would mean 

'one does not hurt the one whose law is inferior' or 'what has an inferior law'. If, on 
the other hand. tuuacmo Jdilim are two independent words, the resulting transla- 
tion a> an interior one does not infringe the law' makes no better sense. 

Since none »>t these proposals lead to a satisfactory meaning, it is worth explor- 
ing the reading aeuuaana in the Av. quotation found in the Pahlavi commentary 
since, apart t mm the missing noii, it appears to be more correct (cf. also 'vinddatidl 
below). The first part of the word could be either the adverb aeuua 'thus* (Ved. 
form of the numeral aeuua- 'one'; -ana would then be the emphasiz- 
rtposirjve particle which, like its Ved, cognate cam, occurs preferentially in 
negative clauses, and means 'not even, indeed', emphasizing the preceding wo, I 

■<»..- is the adverb 'thus' and negated bv the preceding noh then the trans- 
lation ot the sentence would be not even in this way does one infringe the law'. 
Such a translation suggests that it is considered extraordinary ('not even') for a 

48 JMTHOUW* pod* the meaning of au*acin6.ma2*k- as W mien,, 

pWge value ( w,<„och) _«„ Pt , n(W , „„.> |n m doi he fol]wf K F Gm , , 

rtV^*' S , l , r ^ bur B ,882 - '• P-«£). who interprets the second term a, 

J"?***, > led S<:' rDnut^U, [*( jn j ; p, jn j v 

S^jf^L?* ' & ■«**» tM6,p.757a^r t hi.~ e ; 

■nsUtmg ,hc compound a, 'qui a ane plus petit, valeur de gage' However. 


'™^'h»v«^th e »«ofthebod ) r-inPurs.I7(M 

' 1-rV"? n^ : «°- «3- M«n„ OT ni £^« I, p. 133 

«d« < .,", T ] ' P " ' * ABt * r -P J75fn HI proposes analvsing the 
Ma Z «-**. but thisis unlikely. 

- ',e„n,| l . r s J ale.8S8[repr.Darn l st.,d, 14 ^l. 
•"■». wrtiih alvi luniimns .is in „. !..*,„.,.. . i . .i L. 


p, S44. 

--..-.. run, nons ,s ,„ indefinite particle aim ilu into 
Urp-uZSi T °**rda discount grammar of the Rtgveda. 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


houselord or wife to leave home for a&auruna-, but that as long as they do so 
under the circumstances outlined in Her. 5 neither of them are breaking the law. 
However, the function of 'not even' is unclear. Moreover, elsewhere aeuua "thus' 
is not found in combination with ami. 

It is therefore more hkeK that aeuua is a form of the numeral aeuua- 'one'. 
There is a precedent for its occurrence with the negation and the adverb ana 
(AirWb. 2y bottom) not only in Ved. nd ... ckdicana (RV 7.104.1. sec hclow) but 
also in Avestan, Her. 16.1: 

noitoim 'ana vacim 'aiftiiis He studied 5 ' not even one word. 

In contrast to Her. 16.1, however, in Her. 5.5 a substantive has to be assumed if 
ai$$ua- 'one' is to function as an adjective. One possibility is that aeuua is the and refers to an implied ndmkd- (Her. 5.5): 

nott 'aeuua 'ana ddtiim "vinddaudt Not even one (woman) will infringe the law. 

The sentence would then mean that no woman would break the law if she left 
home under the circumstances described in Her. 5. The implication is that gen- 
erally women were not allowed to leave home lor longer periods oi nine. How- 
ever, the omission of the substantive characterized by the numeral is unusual 
in view of the fact that it is neither omitted in Her, 16.1 , quoted above, nor in 
Purs. 22 (23) noit ... draiiam.cina gamanqm 'not ... even three steps'."' 

Another possibility is tli.u t he form aeuua is a corrupt ion of the "deM«6 
and is used as a substantive. Such a use is found in Vedic, e.g. in RV 7.104.3: 

indrdsomd dufkfto vavre antar anarambbapi tdmasiprd vidhyatam | 

ydlbd natal' punar ekai canoddyat tddvam astu idhase manyumdc chdvah || 

Indra and Soma, pierce the evil-doers and hurl them into the pit, the bottomless 
darkness, so that not a single one will come up from there again. 1 el this furious 
rage of yours overpower them. 54 

While in RV 7.104.3 na ... ekas carta pertains to the 'evildoers' (dufkftab) ol 
pada a, in Her. 5.5 'aeuuo could refer back to both natrtka and nmdno.paim i a 

51 Baktholomae, iirWb. 278 corrects transmitted .n,.».m"I I )...•.■ Hi HJte ITu 
form is the Jsg ipl of ai !i a* "to study' Ontheipf.of^&'wbe'.seeHmra 1994, p. 340 
with references. 

52 Baktholomae. /t»rW7>. 595 n.2 right!) notes ihauhe transmitted form eiiwm is prob 
abl) due to influence from the surrounding words and corrects 'cina. He interprets 

in Her, 16.1 as the indefinite pronoun, rheonlj other occurrence mentioned by 
him in ihis cntn is ana- in Yt 10.84 duaidna, which, however, Gershevid ii 1959, 
p. 2301'. interprets. is 'who longs for the milk'. According to him, n».i (i.e. rin«)isthe 

n is i oi the thematic derivative oi dnmb- desire*. It such was the case one would 

have i" assume that -etna is shortened from dnanba, cf. ilu- thematic adj. tamanha- 
'dark'(= Ved. MmM*-)and the neuter substantives baosmuH*gh*- 'good reputation' and 
kaamanatjha- "wcll-mindcdness . ,t HiNTZt 1 99-1, p. 290. 

53 JamaspAsa/Humbac h 1971, 1, p. Ji 

54 W [)..s.„.,Ki)'l i uiiKii: II; /<<. W.i.- In I alwiogy. London 1981, p. 293. 


,\i mi i Knroi 

Her. 5.1-4 in the same way the nonug.m. interrogative adj. katdro which 
of the two' in Her. 5.1 refers to either: 

I Icr 5.5 -ii • r • li « 

m •dm iiitim I midm&i Nut even one will infringe the law. 

M&UMl'bewil] infringe' 

Itjf, TD transmits ;■/«../ in I ler. 5.5 and vinddal in the Av. quotation in the 
Pahla\i gloss, While BarTHOLOMAE, AfVflrcV I44S records both forms as inex- 
plicable. H 1 ♦2,foUowedbj K K 40f. with fn. 65, emend it to "vinddaiidt and 
translate 'detracts'. This form, which appears to be the most likely restoration 
ut the text, is the 3sg. sub|. of the present stem which is also attested 
in the phrase/v i jb»m be kamanSam vmidaiian in Vd 3.20 and 9.49: 

Vd 3.20 


Bstribi tiudre ijbauudt 

Unciilan: iiamimcd 

itpu m.iUim 'b*T»XM[ 
pjild.frj&jnhjm be kamjrsitm 

'•naetbtw ipantd.maimiauujnjm Jdmjnatn k.irsfs.rdram 
k»rjfi p.ut: nisrinm 
tm kdhrkdi+m 

And when he (i.e. a man who has carried a dead body on his own) becomes old 
or Irail 
il seed has dried up, 

then the Mazda-worshippers ma) forcefully, 
in the most energetic and knowledgeable n n , 
hu him our the hud' with a bat,' 

Alternative, u M. di Vaam raggesa to me, on* might consider a conditional con- 

i" 1 ";""" "■ c!ll P^ "» ,ht »er»> ****■ HOI even one (goes away), (then) one 

breaks the U 6 • ' 

56 B b^raum^m, edited by Gblohkr, Avttu III, 

l. « rt« pn pi ..t /,.;, „,,/,. -h« e hi. mountain'. K. Hoffmann apud Huhbai h 
%la. p. 03 in. I identifies ilu form u .Ik- >pL (witi -,,„.- instead of -.,„ I, I 

tl'.ia Mn \ «** Present fe» *■»«*- < K * ' 

1984, p. I3ii. Rett, s,. 1984, P . 259 interprets b*™, Jn h*» as , subjunctive, hu. „i 

I om ol the same pre^em VU!1I , , , ,,„ , c, AXN/loRSSMAN 2004 ,„ for 3 , 
piprc*. tormi from other red 

" 4 . ln ;P- " ■! !-»- »<•'»»« . which isatu-sud in Vd 5.53-56 

t«^J?±r am ^rfr e,, ? whiU B *™ '■'«"• !*>»» »I. l»2l read. 

" ACH 1%U - P l03 '"■ I. that corresponds to Ved. mat 

1 (isseminating the Mlazdayasnian Religion 


they shall crush his head to .he si/cof dust. 5 * 
One maj consign his bodh 

to the most voracious ot the carrion scavenging creatures i>| the Bounteous Spirit, 
the vultures. 

A variant oi the sentence occurs in Vd 18.10 yada yat he pasto.fradat/hjni 
k«m»r»fom kmnnii&t, where the verb karamt- is substituted for vina&aii 
In both varieties of the formula the verb is combined with the direct accusative 
object kanurj ■.'•,: ulaevic) head' and a predicative ace. denoting the result ol 
the action: *to make/crush the head into having the size of dust'. 

BakTHOI COi \i . AirWb, 1038 interprets vmidaiian in Vd 3.20 and 9.49 as 
the iterative present vinddaua- of a verb of unknown etc mology vt-ndd 'to 
maltreat' ("schinden"). Killens compares hf.vini&aiia- \\ ithOl' i<i>i,n%ui 
He suggests that both continue an Iranian root ndtb, but notes that such a 
root has no cognates outside Iranian. Alternatively, he considers the possibil- 
ity that Vd 3.20 contains a Perstsm tor *vmmaiian, but in later publications 
favours a phonetic explanation ot -d- instead of ->-. According to |.imison, \\. 
vmddaiia- could be a Western dialect lorm transferred into [astern Iranian and 
corresponding both formally and semantical!) to Ved. ndsdya- 'to make disap- 
pear, destroy', and 1 at nocire 'to harm'/' 1 Since the meaning rits the contexts 
of both the Vldevdad and the Herbedestan passages and in view of the lack of a 
viable alternative explanation, it appears that vind&aiui- is best taken .is ilu \\. 
equivalent of Ved. ndsdya-. Her. 5.5 could thus indicate that Av. -[?- instead of 
-j- is not confined to a single from of the Vldevdad (mnd&aiian in Vd 3.20 and 
9.49), but constitutes a phonetic feature of the causative stem vina&aiia-. a 

matiya-, which denotes i tool that was used to break up and flatten a clod or lump of 
c ii tli, a 'club' ("Schollcnknuppel");cf. Maykhoi i k, EWAm II, p. 297 with references. 

58 K.Hoffmann apud Humba. h i*J6la,p. 103 fn. I recognizes tliat/M-w.i is not 'the scalp' 
that Bam hoi i km m , lirfl b 904 suggests, 1>ui ,i noun related n. pjsnn- 'dust' | lii W b 
904), Wd p.unsH- m. 'dust', see Mayxhofbr, EWAia II, p. 1 1 II 

59 The lorm k>r»Jtniiil x which BAKTHOLOMAE, iirWk. 452 erroneously attributes .o L-.iti 
'to cut', is Jsg.opi pres i ■' I ■' 'to do', sec ki i 1 1 ss 1984, pp. 170, 171 n. 7. 

60 On OP vinideuiti- see R. S< HMITT! Epigraphiscb-exegetucbi Nott n /.■< D*reios' Bisntiin- 
Inukriften. Wien 1990, p. 47. 

61 J . K i i i i Ns:"Un pretend u prfaeni r.ulu d." In: MSS 34(1976), pp. 59-71, csp. p. 66 1. The 
lorm vini&*ii»n iv Ipl.opi oi the causative present; sccKbllens 1984, pp. 143, 146 n. 20, 
where he co.iside.s a phonetic explanation for 9 insu id "I .j S. JAMISON: I mutton and 
Forminthi iys Formations of the Rigvt I . \,.;'.i (iiiitingen 1983,p. 141f. 
with fn. 76. 

62 alternation between ~&- and -s- occasional!} occurs in the manuscripts I "i instance, 
in Yt 13.93 and 17. IS the tins I'll , have the lorm, but |10 and others 
untuisun [At form edited b\ Gbldnek, .Hi'm/.i II. pp. INK and 234), sec I'll this Form 
Ki 1 1 i ss. Verbe «.., p. I I2t with n. 4 and on Av. -&- instead of ■ I Iintzf. 1994, p, 96 
with fn. 9 and p, 124 fn. 169 with references. 


\IV.I I I I IS I /» 


The use oiadauruuan- in ihe Avesti suggests that the actn it) d a&aurnna-, 
for which Mazda-worshippers (male and female, young and old) leave home, 
ted with the dissemination ol their religion, although those involved 
m a&aurumm- were perhaps not necessarilj alto aiXmriiuani. People who leave 
home iot adattrurtA- are likely to haw been educated in the Mazdayasnian re- 
fa Her. 4J), llv wcred teats and certain rituals. That both men and 
raced lucJh education is stated repeatedly in the Avesta, e.g. in 
1 26 
. :h.7 

'litjrtjnt uruHuno yaumaide 
vj jjjfi'jjw! fwaaafaiia vtspawpn 
jhmuj nmdne nabanaidtstanam para.iristanjm 

;pauinam aedritanam naram namnam 
Ida Jijunjm aiaonmam frtMnafaiid yazamatde 

Here we worship the souls of the departed. 

the dunces* 4 of all truthful persons; 

in this house (we worship the choices) of the closest relatives who have passed 

nt the teachers, ol male and female Students; 
here wc worship the choices of truthful men and women. 

\\ lut is clear from theHSrbedestan is that an\ member of a household (nmana-) 
could engage «n the acth it] of a&auruna-. Possibl\ everj household was obliged 
to send .uva% at least one member tor that purpose within a given period of time. 
The pi iten was the one Vho had the greatest esteem for truth' (yd aiai 

•no Her. 1,2, above, p. 172f.), on the one hand, and was less needed 
tor running the household, on the other. The adauruuans went only so far au a] 
that they could return home three times a year I 'Her 4.2, above, p. 175f.). There, 
whde awj- me, they would teach the religion and its texts 'to the truth 

seekers' (aio.iso. Y 42.6, above, p. I7tf.) and perform rituals. The\ thus contrib- 
towards the growth of new communities, who in turn would then have 
■ I to send out some of their own members for adaitruna-. The result- 
ing domino-effect could a model that would account for the spread d 
the Maadaj aatuan religion throughout the lands inhabited bv Iranians. 

idudi \ U I i,s 1 1 

M nn n rul';" lj "" n d "•'""•'"- ■' n ' 1 ta "■ « *«H,ger AvesUn. m Hintze 2007, 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 189 

Abbreviated References 

liGr. see Wac ki ks.m.i i (. Debrunni k'i. 

^irW'b. see Bar i itoi ovtAl 1904. 

Anklesaria, T.D. 1908; The B&ndahishn. Being a Facsimile of the TD Marmu rift 

no. 2 brought from Persia by Dastur Ttnmdaz and now preserved in the late 

Ervad Tahmuras' Libra i v W Lch an introduction by B.T. Anki.i-vsri.v Bombay. 
Bailey, H. W. 1979: Dictionary of Khotan Saka. Cambridge. 
Benvenisti, 1 . 1935: Les infinitifs avestiques. Paris. 
Darmesteter, ZA = J. Darmestfter: Le Zend-Avesta. 3 vols. Paris 1892-1893 

[repr. I960]. 
Duchesni -Gun 1 1 -min, J. 1936: Les composes de I'Avesta. Piris, 
EWAia see Mayrhoi i R 1992-2QQL 
Geidner, Avesta = Avesta. Tbt sacred books of the Parsis. F.d. bv K.F. Geldner. 3 

vols. Stuttgart 1896. 1889. 1896. 
Gershi \ in m, I. 1959: The Avestan Hymn to Mithra. Cambridge [repr. 1967]. 
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[990 (MSS, Beiheft l5n.R), 
Hintze, A. 1994: Der Zamydd-Yait. Edition, Obersetiung, Kommentar. Wiesbaden 

(Beitragezur Iranistik 15). 

— 2007: A Zoroastnan Liturgy. The Worship m Seven Chapters (Yasna JJ— ft). Wies- 

baden (Iranica 12). 
HJseeSANjANA.D.P. 1894. 
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Hoffmann, K./J. Narten 1989: Der Sasanidische Arcketypus. Untersuchungen /it 

Schretbung und Laatgestah des Avestischen. Wiesbaden. 
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gletchende Sprachforschung 77, pp, 99-105. 

— 1961b. "Tcxtkritische und sprachliehe Bemerkungen /um Mirangistan." In: 
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— 1 99 1: The Gdthas of Zaralhushtra and the Other Old Aval. in Texts. !n loI Libera- 

tion with J. ELFENBEtN and P.O. Skja:rv0. 2 vols. Heidelberg (Indogermanische 

Bibliothek: Reihe 1, Lehr- und Handbiicher). 
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— 1984: Le verbc avestique. Wiesbaden. 

Ki iw.i nsi iimii i,G.2000:"Mittclpcr5isch. n In:B,FoRSSMAN/R.Pi.ATH(eds.):/m/o- 
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Gesellschaft vom 2. bis i. Oktobtr /997 in Erlangen. Wiesbaden, pp. I 1 ' I 22'> 

k/k = P.M. Kotwal/Ph.G. Kreyenbroek 1992: The HirbedettanandNinmgestan 
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\lS1t I HlNTZE 

und FmAtkm am ' rT-uegor* <fa I ei*»r« <"'<' «*" ' « «*" 

hngmdenalrmdoiranncfHrn Wfesbadeo. 

1 1\ ■■• , M Ki mvi 1 1 1 . Ri\ n»MiUK*fli Verier) . £>ie W«r/«-/« 

Kw/ifrn l>T S ,njTsummbild»ngc>t . \X .eshadui -'2001. 
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A Jewish Inscription from Jam, Afghanistan"' 

Erica C. D. Hunter, London 

1 first learnt about the inscription at 'The Ancient India and Iran Trust', Cam- 
bridge in May, 2006 when David Thomas showed a slide during Ins lecture 
about the work of the 'Minaret of Jam Archaeological Project'. Given the close 
association ot Nicholas with the 'Trust', as it is fondly known, it seemed par- 
ticularly expedient to select the inscription that was shown during this talk, 
for publication. Even more so, because Nicholas' keen philological eye assisted 
me to soke a palaeographic conundrum in the inscription. I inallv, it seemed 
worthwhile to offer a small token from northern Afghanistan in appreciation of 
his outstanding contribution to Bactrian scholarship. 

In 2005, a villager showed the tombstone inscribed with I Ichrew characters, 
to team-members of the 'Minaret of Jam Archaeological Project*. It had been 
found in a wadi near the site of Gfmath al Din's Ciovernor's house .it Kush 
Kak.' Various tombstones have been published since I9d4 In scholars, including 
* rHJ ELALDO Gnoi.I, Elk, in Rait and StiAUL SHAKED, but this is the first that 
has come to light since 1979.' The tombstone is in a good physical condition ,\n^\ 
almost intact, alt hough part ot the lower un-insenbed section has broken oil, 
probably in recent limes. The inscription, totalling 3 lines, is on two conjoining 
sides and is clear K legible. The mason used the natural contours of the selected 
stone and did not attempt to hew it into shape, causing the final characters in 
lines 2 and 3 to be cramped. Bv contrast, on side (a) line 1, the elongated final 
Mem shows that he endeavoured to till the breadth of the stone. He also fol- 
lowed the convention, found in other tombstones, of using a supralinear line to 
indicate the date. This has been incised at the juncture ol the stone's two sides. 

The inscription's palaeography is clear, conveying an overall impression 
of utilit) and pragmatism. It is primarily .1 commemoration of the deceased's 
name, patronym and year of death. The characters, Beth, Resh, I le and Heth 
are all distinguished by upward tails' at the culmination of their upper hori- 
zontal strokes. Resh, on both occasions, is distinguished In its sharp 90 .ingle 
at the conjunction of the vertical and upper horizontal strokes, which initialK 
suggests Daleth. He and Heth are clcarh differentiated from each other and 

I In- author thanks David Thomas, 'Minaret <>l J.mi Archaeological Project', u>r permis 

sion in publish the inscription and its photographs. 

1 See figures 1 and 2:Inscrip 1 side (a) and In^ ription side (b). It has remained /" >*/«. 

2 GNOI 1 I9M. K\it 1965, 1971 and I97J, Shaklo 1981 and 1999. 


Erk s t 1> Ht mi« 

From Tan where the left tends into an oblique 'foot'. Qoph, fi- 

nd final Nun are distinguished by their long vertical strokes, 
l.amedh I combined with the Aleph in >no "yeai ". thereby following 

,I K . p q found in other tombstones where I amedh is es- 

tenriallj .in extension d the left moke of rUeph. The mason bas extended the 
stroke to the juncture of the stone's two sides. 

Transcription, transliteration and translation 

2 lines: 
line 1: 11 characters, line 2: 15 characters 

omaN ia apy ytjbbn brhm [acobsonoJ Abraham 

(pn|i3 invo pTCP 13 bn y$hq m'm m of baac known as '"the strong 1 ' 

Side £b) 1 line on one h 
Hoc I: 9 characters 

oaniNtn^NO s'lhx'rtnt 

year one thousand 459 
eucidi-e. 1148 ct] 


The two lines record the name oi the deceased "Jacob son of Abraham son of 
known .is 'the strong stead] '" togethei with the year of his death with 
is given, as was the norm, in Seleucid dating: 1459, i.e. 1148 i (The inscription 
supplies his patron] ms (t.uher and grandfather), but no accompanying epithets, 
indicating rank or position, U sometimes occurs in other inscriptions e.g. »Wn 
"the I ' R AP p 1965, inscription 2.2. = Gnoli 1964, V11.2, Rapp 1965, 

ption S : = Gnoi i 1964, \ 11.2 [republished Rapp 1971, inscription 19.2]; 
Rapp 1965, inscription 19.2 = Gnoli 1964, XV.2; Rapp 1971, inscription 1.2, 
yon "the priest" (cf. Rapp 1971, inscription 18.1-2) and -aim "the merchant" (cf. 
K mm' l971,inscnption J3.2). ' Shaui Sham d proposed that onl) leaders or out 
1 7" ; honoured with tombstones/ However, with no honorific 

epithet the deceased could hare been an ©rdinarj member of the community. 

David i 

Fig, I: Inscription side us 

)avnj Thorn* » 

Fig. 2: Inscription side (b) 

^PWnl4.2,whe WO «rerfi BK «i fl «m.plete.SHAK« D 1981,pp.iO-«l, 

r?i'"'T-' ' P 1 ^^^occuron the tombstone., commenting 

ndlWntajir". with a footnote refer 
JS-Jg -"-whereitd^nateamajormercantue 

199, p. II 


l-HIl *CD. Hi M1K 

orvuN p apy 1 "Jacob ton d Abraham ion of Isaac". These Hebrew names were 
vers popular and occur commool) in the inscriptions, A concatenation of these 
three names occoj oilectivepatronym of one pious Samuel: cf, Rapp 1965, 

(cription iv: - Gnoli i i «.4. \ J [republished Raw 1971, 30.1-2; Skakbd 
!. 4.5]. apyt c£ K ut 1965, inscription 1.2 [republished Raw 1971, 5.1]; in- 
scription 8 2 = GBOLI 1964, VII. 2 [republished RaPP 1971, 19.2], Rapp 1971, 
inscription 20.1. Rapp 1971, inscription 31.1. apyna dhidn cf. Rapp 1965, in- 
prion t5 2 Gkoli 1964, XI. 1 [republished Rapp 1971,36.2]. pn>p ... iiip)» 
"I. inscription 25.1 2 1 oi the wee (Km combination npy p pn>r 
d Rapp 1965, inscription 112 = Gnoi i 1964, IX. 2 [republished Rapp 1971, in- 
scription 26 J], For further usage of prcpcf. Rapp 1965, inscription 6.1 = Gnoli 
1964, V. 2 [republished Rapp 1971, inscription 13.2]; Rut 1965. inscriptions 
M i. is i (964, MV.I [republished Rapp 1971, inscription 32.1]; Raw 

1971, ins crip t i o n s 1.1.2 1 and is, | where the deceased priesi bore the same name 
as his father, uiscriprions 33.3, 35.1; Shaked 1981, inscription 3.1; Shared 1999, 
inscription 3.1/ pns' \2 OTTOM l1. R\pp 1971, inscription 28.2-3. For further 
usage ol omiN see Rapp 1965. inscription, 31 = Gnou 1964, II. 1 [republished 
Rmt I9~|, inscription 7. 1 J; Rapp 1965. inscription 7.3 = Gnoli 1964, VI. 3 [re- 
published Rapp 1971, inscription 16.3]; Rapp 1971, inscription 23.2. 

|pn)u invn "known as 'strong, steady' ". <inya is t transliteration of the lYi 

sun expression j.* "known as" that introduces Abraham's sobriquet.'' The 

elongated lower horizontal stroke of the initial character of |pn|u identifies 

I Beth, tin first letter ol the proper name is W.nv and, in combination with 

final two characters Tau-Qoph, reads as icriptio defectiva for jjJj "firm, strong, 

constant, reliable"; the contours ol the stone probably dictating the orthopia 

phy. lor the palaeography cf. Tail on tide(b) and the curvature of Qoph in the 

per names apv and DTUP. The adoption ol a 'nick-name" by a member of the 

imunitv occurs in a handful ol inscriptions where, in each case, the name 

produced In «invo + th«. inseparable prefix Beth: cf. Rapp 1965, inscription 

II 2 Gnou 1964, l\ 2. Rapp 1965, inscription 11.2 t>eu m-iya "known as 

king". Rapp 1971, inscription 35 ms'ruf bariwub "known as wistful".* 

"year". The transliterated Persian loan word JU occurs frequently and the 

ibe has adhered to the aforementioned palaeographic convention' wherein 

Lamcdh and Aleph are combined.' Cf. Rapp 1965. inscription 1 3; 2 = Gnoli 

l%4 1, ; k,,,- IWo, ,r,, tr iptH,n 3.2 = Gmm , 19M, ||,2 (republished Rapp 1971, 

26 Rapp 1965. inscription 5.3 -Gnou 1964, IV.3; Rapp 1965, inscription 6.3 




""'.p. l2irn*J«w>in|>«iriBgpl«conp 13 
SMdMGMOut964,p.44 S st932,p 1272 J, 

SrantCAM 1732. p. I45i 

™'" ""•" ,l " '— oMnscnpnon 11. 

\ [ewish Inscription from Jam, Afghanistan 


= Gnoli 1964, V.3; Rapp 1965, inscription 7.5 - Gnou 1964, V 1.5; Rait 1965, 
inscription 8.3 = Gnou 1964, VII. 3; Rapp 1965, inscription 9.2; 10.3 = Gnoli 
1964, VIII. 3-4; Rapp 1965, inscription 11.4 = Gnou 1964, 1X.4; Rapp 1965, in- 
scription 12.4 = Gnoi i 1964, XV1.4; Rapp 1965, insenpnon 13.3 ■ Gnoi i 19f,4, 
X.3; Rapp 1965, inscription 14.4; Rapp 1965, inscription 15.3 = Gnou 1964, 
\l J. Rapp 1971, inscriptions 3.2, 8.3, 9.3, 10.3 [republished Shakbd 1999, p. 10], 
13.3, 17.3; 20.4; 2 1 ,4; 23.3; 25.3; 27.B.I; 28.5; 30.3; 31.3; 12,2 (as a^NO), 33,4; 34.4; 
35.5 (as atJNO); 37.12 [republished Shared 1981. Inscription 5.12]. 

iNtn "thousand". The transliterated Persian numeral Jyt "thousand" 1 -, in com 
bination with t Ik- I [ebrew date wn, forms the year of the deceased's death, i.e. 
1459 (Seleucid) i.e. II4N c i . Selcucid dating is the norm for all of the published 
tombstones, but side (b) is singular in that its dating formula combines Persian 
and Hebrew numerals. In the transliteration of nmn one might have expected 
Zain to be prefei red instead ol S.ulhe. The date mr\ is t\ pically distinguished by 
the supralinear incision cut by the mason at the juncture of the stone's two faces. 
Whilst inscriptions usually employ plene dating, occasionally abbreviated dates 
are given: cf. Rapp 1965, inscription 1.3 on two i.e. 1427 Seleucid =1115 Cl "; 
Rapp 1971, inscription 27.B.1 lpn^Noi.e. 1506 Seleucid = 1194 c.t, Sii \ki n I ''SI. 
p. 72, inscriprion 1.3 jjii !?no. 



I he dating to I I4S places the tombstone just a couple of years aftei the purported 
founding of I Tru/kuh bv Qutbad-DTn Muhammad (d. 541 ah/1 146-1 147 ah). 12 
The prosperity that was realised under the Ghurid dynasty would have encour- 
aged mercantile activities which may have been the community \ raison </ 
at the city. 

The inscription is written in i Ichrcw script, but the preponderance of Persian 
words bolsters Waiter FlSCHEL's proposal that the Jewish communis origi 
nated in Persia, moving eastwards to Afghanistan. 13 The Persian sobriquet pm 
"the strong" sported In the deceased as well as the usage of Persian nouns in- 
cluding ^jno "vear" and nN^n "thousand" points to the embedding of Persian as 
the vernacular language ol the community. 

The tombstone provides fascinating insight into the religious demography of 
Afghanistan during the medieval period, affording.! glimpse ol the Jewish com- 
munity that had settled at Rru/kiih. Yet, the cemeten .u Kush Kak appears to 

10 Stejncass 1932, p, 1497 jl>. The author extends her thanks to Nichoi asSims-Wiu iams 
for discussion about this word. 

1 1 Sec- R mt 1965, [p T9\ i"i a plat* "I this inscription. 

12 See Bosvoath 1961, p. I19«nd n. S, 

13 Fist tin i%i,p 1S2 


( ]> lll'MIK 

hase been an c male preserve tor, in keeping with all other published 

inscriptions, the deceased is male. Given the ! mmumtv spanned 

J generations and was serviced In religious personnel, it seems extraor- 
dinary that no females were commemorated. However, only further research 
and excavation at Jam and its suinitv will answer questions about its medieval 
Jewish commumts. 


bos*o«TH.( mk Hislor) of Ghur." In: CAJ Vl.pp. [16-133 

. Ki'. I%5: "The Rediscovery o! the Medieval Jewish Community at Firuz- 
kuh in Central Afghanistan." IntJAOS 15, pp. 148-153. 

Gnoi t. Gh. 1964 ■>ni gwdeo-pewanc del Gut (Afghanistan). Rome (SOR 


Goithn. S D. l 4 "l A Mediterranean Society. The Jewish Communities of the Arab 
tt-ir/drfi Portrayed in the Document* Cairo Geniz*. Vol. II. The Commu- 

nity, Bcrkelcv 

Hmwu , » 1976: "Topographischc Feidarbciten in Ghor. Benefit fiber Forschungs- 
arbeitcn /urn Problem Jam-Fcrozkoh." In: Afghanistan Journal 3/1, pp. 57-69. 

R app, E. L. 1965: Die jkdisch-persisch-hebraiscben Inschnften jus Afghanistan. Miin- 

- 1971; 'Die persisci-hebraudben Inichrifteii Afghanistan* aus dem II. his B.Jahr- 

hundcrt " In: Sonderdruck aus Jem Jahrbuch der Vereimgung 'Freunde der Uni- 
' ' nz", pp. 1-53 

Kh-hebrii*che tnschriften Afghanistan* aus dem Mittelalter. 
Gcsjmtubersicht.' In: J 'ahrbuch dtr Ytnmigung "Freunde der 
Mmaa m , pp. 52-66, 

Shaked, Sh. 1981: "Epigraphica Judteo-Iraoica." In: Studies in Judaism and Islam 

"belomo Dov Gonan on the occasion of his eightieth birthday by his 

«*denu. colleagues and friends. Ed by Sh. Morag el. al. Jerusalem, pp. 65-82. 

- 1999: tnmn ^ l«J. mM3l , W » nwin mm* [New Data on the Jews of Af- 

ghanistan in the Middle Ages].' In: Pe'amtm, pp. 4-15 
Sri i*gam, F 1932: Comprehensive Pertun-Engfisk Dictionary. London. 
riRs.S 1449: A propos dc (inscription |u,v t ^Afghanistan." In: JA 237 pp 47-49 

Lengthening of i and u in Persian 

Agnes Korn, Frankfurt a. M. 

This paper discusses instances of unetymologically long f and M in word-final 
syllables of Middle and New Persian. It will suggest that the relevant cases of /" 
and ii are due to a regular sound change ot Middle Persian, and will attempt to 
define the conditions of this change.' 

1. While earlier discussions of Middle Persian historical phonology have treated 
instances ol unexpected long vowels as exceptions or mentioned them together 
with cases of compensatory lengthening, : in his account ol inscription.*! MP 
orthography, Michael Back notes that a group of cases of "Pleneschreibung 
[<J»>] wcist aut cine sekundare Dchnung eines altir[atiischen|. kur/en /// bin, 
wobei aber der Zeitpunkt nicht feststellbar ist; es konnte sich durchaus auch 
um einen erst in mittelpersischer Zeit erfolgten Vorgang handeln", citing the 
name <'nhyt> (< Olr. Arjdhitd-, MP/NP Ndhid) as an example. 1 Several in- 
stances to be discussed below were also mentioned by Sai i mann, who observes 
a "lengthening" of i and u preceding the suffix ' -ha- and one of t,u in infinitives 

t It is a pleasure to present this small contribution to Nicholas Sims-Wii i isms .is a to- 
ken of gratitude for the instruction he has generoush offered me In wis .'I loiii 
menting on manuscripts and via e-mail exchanges, one of which is the basis ot ibis 
article. - I wish to thank Desmond Durkin-Musthu knsi, Josi (,ii ii ki, I'homas 
fflCEl and ( hlodvii Verba for comments, Hennin<, Rim/ lor discussion ol the 
phonetic issues in section 5, Edward Chris Hopkins, Jurgis Pakerys, Ui.i.a Ki u 
USR, Rai i-I'ni R KmiK, Si mas Si mm i m k and Antje Wendtland for providing 
various pieces of information, and Birmu Arc hi k lor advice on English grammar. - 
Unless noted otherwise, Manichean MP (MPM) will be quoted Irom Bovce 1977 and 
Durkin-Mhsti ri rnst 2004, Zoroastrian MP (MPZ) from Ma< Ki m/ii l l 'Si>. "MP" 
drill be used to include both varieties. NP as quoted lure relets (0 tin classical form 
ol the language. Verb forms quoted as e.g. w€n-/did refer to the present and past item, 
respectively. In tome eases, p.isi stems will be rendered In the Lnglish past participle for 
the sake ol btc\ it\, e.g. did'seea'. 

2 Cf. Horn 1901, pp. 26, 31-32. Compensators lengthening ol the type nr 'arrow' < l 'I i 
(Av.) fn<ryj. Miarp' is not the topic of this article. 

3 Back 1978, p. 70. According to Back 1978, pp. 70, 79, u is usually a I men ■ m » while t 
U DOI USUallv expressed in the MP inscriptions. Ba( k adduces foUl CBSes "I ilu nominal 

sutfix <-yk> -ig as further examples of the lengthening, admitting thai thej could be 

Irom -jv,j-fcj- (for which see section 2.4) Ba< k's explanation ol \.ihid is also quoted 
in Boy< i 1982, p - 1 ''. " 92. 


\,.mv KORN 

fee o. 8 and 21), but tseacribes then as separate plienoinena. An approach which 

Lks them has been taken b) Htm* 4 , «*0 til p«iS»irt thai lcs voyclles 

breves ; et .i son, all. i) Babe final* wniq"*- «>mme pa, aempk dans le 

ymemp Wm Anahid (WUZ 8) < vf^iranPen] MmASu- ou dans 

pdiiu «"*»■ « v - ,rin - ^' y ""t"" ; *~ b y N,c "°; xs 

Sms-WiLUAMJ bsemng a -lengthening of final •< and including 

MP NPpasi itemsuffia-iirf< *-*-*«- among the examples. 

I he possibility d the name V**fd and the pst. suffix -id owing their long 
i u the same process suggests that the lengthening could represent > regular 
sound change, the COOteal ol whkh remains CO be investigated. Unfortunately, 
levant feature, t a the quantity of i and u, is not always immediately ob- 
vious from the MP data since the orthographies conceal vowel qu.iniits to i 
. extent: both short and long i. u are « ntten <y>. <*P>, respectively, in the 
Mamchean script. The P.ihlav i script tends CO use <v> and «W> for long vowels 
(and diphthongs), but short vowels i an also be written in the same way. So it is 
chiefly the NP and other comparative e\ idence that may be used to determine 
the vowel length in the relevant cases. 

1 I starting the discussion of possible examples for the lengthening of /, u w ith 
the instances mentioned above 5 , the pst. suffix -id is found in numerous second- 
ar\ past stems, bc>th of old verbs and of verbs that do not have an inherited past 
Item (such .is denominatives and borrowings), e.g. NP roy-/royid 'grow* (be- 
i ■'. fa. PP ruita-}, MP ms-/rasid 'arrive' (OP pres. rasa-), purs-/pitrsid 
I >P pres. pars*-), NP nujf-/raqfid 'dance' (denominative from (Ar.) raqs 
'dance'), MP dis-Zdisid 'build' (from des 'shape' I, besdzen-Zbesdzenid 'cure' 
(from btiii 'physician'). 

It has been assumed that -/(/belongs in the context ot causative verbs, thus pres. 
3rd sg. *-aya-n > MP -id vs. pst. -ayj-ta- or '-ayita- > *-ed > -Id. However, 
this derivation would imp}] I sound change of e > % that is irregular for MP and 
(classical \P The suffix is more likely CO derive from an Olr. PP in -i-la-J The 
assumption ot a regular sound change also renders a separate explanation for non- 

- • ■ pp M-S2. 
bordocusv Bon 6. 

How* 1901, p. 147, B/utTHOl ,nd Nvberc 1931, pp. XII-XU1, de- 

fend <hcir reading ,.t i in the surfix against chose who assume e, and Horm concludes: 
, iu,T V* U * M,TU,n < ■-» kjnn «« [*« I ndung] kaum stammen. da hicraus 

j Salbmann 1401, p. 308,Hi-:nning 1934. 
ivance an eanlanatioo tor the form. Sokoloi i 
dcm,tlun (•" **?«** Moi i vnova 1«>8I, P . ios. from a vernal noun in 

• '•' ■ does not appear plausi 

S ! MS * " ' ' ■ compares Olod. past participles in -it- thai go 

ogcihcj intneauatn ,s md refers ,„ v\ M u H.hrunnkr 1954, p. 573 (with 

material from nnl IE languagea. but ooi from [rani 

1 engthening of i and « in Persian 


causative verbs (e.g. *uz-i-ta- > uzid gone out, perished') superfluous." So the 
lengthening of i takes place in the same context as in Av, Anabiia- vs. MP Xdbid. 

2.2 Parallel to the pst. suffix -id, there are also past stems in MP/NP -ud with 
unetymological length of the u, e.g. MPZ sriid < PP *sru-ta- {pres.surdy 'sing', 
\\ snuuaUA ■),' MPZ Staid, MPM itfwd < stu-ta- (pres. (i)stdy- 'praise'), MPZ 
ainad,MVMiinud< *xbui-ta- [pres.a/ilnaw- 'hear*). 1 MP hulnud 'contented, 

happy' (Av. adj. buxinuta-") is originally a past stem as well. 1 

According to 111 NNINC," all past stems ot roots in -w (with the exception of 
sud 'gone') show -ud in analogy to the roots in -«, citing nistud ( Psalter), Mud 

s S\i im wM 1901, pp. -72, 3C7, suggests a regular lengthening in tin past item ol roots in 
i, ii (In. examples im lude roots with and without tarv ngeal), -<i I lie infinitive] did. in. 
Lid.ui tnd iudmn [sk| would be the regulai variants and Hdan, •.;t<l.;>: .uul budtm came 
about by poetic licence. Alternative solutions have sought to .leenum t«n ill utliv id 
by analogy: Hi-nninc, i i *m. p, 219, who interprets the lecondar) suffix is id {teen. 6), 
explains the remaining instances <>t NP -id, viz. tlu>-. t ol roots in i (e.g i id, uzid), as 
analogical to the roots in / (i.e. 1*1 r iff), which have past stems in id < PP iff I 
any rate (e.g. did 'seen'. Slid 'bought'). Bartholomai (1920a, pp. 16-19) suggests that 
id emerged in verbs w uh a nasal present, a contamination ot e.g. 3" 1 sg. frlirrrd/pst. brid 
'cut' giving a new pst. burrid. -id would then have been analysed as marker ol the past 
item (parallel to the Pih. pst. suffix .<</.•.! p 12). Kuncensckmiti 1978, p. 3, assumes 
a substitution <>l no- for *-i-to- in verbal adj. •>! causatives by way "i an analogy, v </. 
PIE (thematic pres.) (,■//■ verbal adj. i itf-to- >) *-Uo- = (causative) .,■< a, 
\ telding a verbal adj. iii ito-. However, it seems questionable « lietlier the input forms 
(e.g. PIr. ''CaiH-a- vs. *CVC-4&a-) were sufficient!) timilai to account for all instances 
..i J rhen is bettei e\ uli ace for such an analogii il process in the Ml' past stems in 

m/(scc section 2.2). Fortia'see section 3.2. 

9 CI. I liuisi itstANN 1895, p. 75. Tlu- corresponding noun pronounced ronid 'song, livmn' 
in contemporai v Itandard Persian is Irom classical NP turod (Horn 1893, p. 259), 
thenci, not a case ol lengthening, 

10 It appears that tlu MPpres goes back totheOIr.itemarindit- seen in a few OP forms (ci. 
EWAia I, p. 441, for discussion >>i the Av. forms, see Ku i bNs'PiKART 1990, p. 233). 

11 De Vaan2003, p. 293, who attributes the short u in the two occurrences ol the word to 
poor qualiu ..I the manuscripts, reads kuxsniU- and explains the long i .is being due 
to the rather regular As lengthening ot » in open first and quasi tnsi sv llables. ci. e.g. 
.vsniiid- (PPof vxj'mw 'satisfy'), tinurrm m satisfaction' (dative) and tiii.tniu- "having 
a sharp edge' (or V\AN 2003, pp. 284, 292-293, 310). At any rare, the Av. lengthening is 
independent ■•! ilu process discussed ben 

12 For references toetv mological discussion ol the lit hi iw,. MP items, sect HHUHG 2007, 
pp. 45h_457, _ Convcrsclv, Parthian dues not show kmann [989, p, 127), 

but -«d(ci. Bartholomai 1920a, pp. 12, 20, DuaaiN-MBtSTauBaNai 2000, pp. 81-83), 
which is used foi secondary past stems and is likely to haw come about by analogical 
extension from verbs with regular -id (note that the pst.fijwd'come' was not subsumed 
undo tins t v pe), Similarly, Parthian does noi seem to iho* past items i 
» feature connected to the fact thai the MP change ol Oil ism i, which plays a role in 
the establishing .-1 the MP type I -iWrfJW- >J -iy-Z-id, did not operate in Parthian 

13 Heknihg t9J4 t p. 219, who considers hulnud as having old iidA oricerningrr»i,HBN- 

usumes a substitution ol m ucheinfach" mtd by analogy to pi 

pirmd 'purify' (foi which see Sims- Williams 1989, p. 262) 



Mid -polluted' as examples for ti»id "heard he assumes an analogy of 
W become, be" * isfe. v Whik the highly frequent verb fee- me, 
, crt Jin | v have played a role in the lengthening of Olr. PP -*-*-> MP-*d (see 
secuon ?2i, it would seem that in /fad -move; become should have beer, the 
,„.*, obvious candidate fo. [he analogy assumed b) Hehmimg, all the more 
smi „ simiLu ,n meaning and in their auxiliary-hke function, 

none of which applies to 

. alternative exphnations seem to be viable. One of them .s the follow- 
ing' in a regular development, roots in Mr. -*#fl would have a causative in 
and a PP in **U- I > MP -*rf) M while roots in PIr. Kuj would 
sKott , „, | > Ml' pres. -iy-) i -«M-." After the loss of larvngeals, 

tins distribution was liable to get blurred, and both types eventually merged as 
then absorbed another group of verbs, viz. those with a pres. 
m PIr. .iH-t-i-- (likewise > MP -«j I, who* PP in -aH-ta-(> -id* 7 ) tended 

replaced hv id a The items in -itd not vet accounted for are those that 
do not have i pres. in -iy , viz. S/ihuUt»aid hiiiniid. 1 '' Here, the length of the it 
rnav be attributed to a lengthening process that affected -uta- in the same way 
as it did -//..'-. The fact that no such process took place in sW 'moved ' could be 
explained bv the assumption (discussed further in section 3.2) that the process 
operated onlv in polysyllabic words. 



ttpc includes MPpjtfiv- fpattmd 'endure' (cf, a. 26), compounds of PIr. ^*sa#H 
'nib, whet' (Chi imeai Ml'/ banday-Zhartdud 

smear, anoint' I. 

Verbs to be placed h W 'praised' and srud 'sung* mentioned above, its com- 

pound MPM arid 'praise', and probabl) MPZ aluiy-Zabzud 'increase' 

HMtNC 1934, p. :. - .'. rr 112-11 V). 

16 This ivpi ii seen in serosal vompoundv .i! 1'lr 4*m*H "measure', viz. MP 

«aW c ommand ', nimiy-Znimid 'show, guide' etc (cf, Horn 1901, p. 129, Chbuw 
i well u in other verbs (< ■ MPZ i$dy-/£t*d 'rest', HObscbmanm 1895, 
p. 7), NP guiay/guiud. Ml".' Horn 1901, p, 132, t lOUNC 

17 Attested past sums in J.J meludc MP1 <f>/m'f> I Hokn 1901, p. 130, also found in M I'M 
but declared to be biitorical orthographj b) Hi mning 1934, p. 219) and wiiid, NP 

id (for an aicernsm exptanaimnd which see Humming 1934, pp- 208, 219), 

1 t.cpt for ilu pomt invoking the larj Meal, thia ii essentiall) the explanation provided 

hv Butholouaj 1920s, pp. 13-15 (who does not mention i/Unud and hminid). I \a 

introduction of i psi in -id |.. r verbs with pres. in -iy • -.J/,.,- after the ...natives 

had developed to -ij was alio seen bj Salimann 1901, p. 308, and Horn 1901, p. 130. 

■* ith regard tothe wious examples d roots in *H (tee o. 16), Hamming's assumption 

ic labial having also played a id* ,n rWdocs not appeal necessary. - 

iinameiwiihpr. liable to acquire a pst. in -»tJ as weU (cf. Ho** 

1901, pp 131 

only items I km bund with uoetyinoks^cal -id that do not have a pres. 



1 ciigtlieningof i and u in Persian 


Alternatively, onc.might consider the possibility that the length of the it in 
thepst. suffix -«</ was generally due to the lengthening process, dispensing with 
the assumption of an analogy in thepst, of verbs with present stems in -ai. 
> -ay-. 10 In this sci nario as well, a/amid and buitiud would be accounted for, 
but MPZ stud and mid would not be regular if one assumes the lengthening to 
have operated only in polvsv llables. At an\ rate, the assumption ol a phonologi- 
cal (rather than analogical) process would seem to be required to account lor ;/ 
in a 'isnudznA buinAd vs. u in fad. 

2.3 As far as nouns are concerned, interesting instances of the lengthening Olr. 
-u-ka- > MP -«g 2 ' > NP -m include MP dbug 'gazelle 1 (OP a "n , A\ . diu- 'swift', 
OInd. din-), MPZ pahlttg 'side, rib' (cf, Av. pjr.istt-, Olnd. pdrsu-), darug 'mc- 
die ameni' (A\. darn 'wood', OInd, darn- 1, fidug 'son erei ' (As yitu , OInd. 
yatu- 'sorcery'), MPZ zdniig, MPM tiniig, MPZ (it)s»Hg 'knee' (Av. zdnn-, obi, 
inu- y °$nu-, Olnd. janu-). 

2A Similar to -id and -nd. the suffix -Kg has a parallel in MP -ig > NP -;. In 
most cases, it cannot be demonstrated that a given case of -ig does derive from 
Olr. -i~ka-, though, since the very common suffix combination Olr. -lya-ka- 
also results in MP -ig." The latter suffix is likely to be present e.g. in MP mdhig 
'fish' (cf. Av. mama-), tdrik 'dark' (cf. Av. taenia-) etc. 1 ikewise ambiguous 
ureparig 'female demon', NV part 'fairy' vs.'rikd- and kanig 'girl' vs. Av. 

20 However, the assumption of an analogy is still nci-s- u \ m produce MP -.n from 
both -.tu.n.i- and '-awaya-, .ind for the introduction o) -ml in verbs with pres. -iy- < 

dimples of -fig, see .ilsn Di-rkin-Meistkri rnsi, p. 111. SaUJMAHN 1901, pp.272, 
: _ ~. notes .i lengthening ol i and « before the suffix *-*<-, Rastorgui va Mov uhova 
1981, pp.53, 57, appareml) attribute the long u d tins lurfix to the secern t/.inug < 
*zamika-) and do not mention the oilier cases ol lengthening discussed here. - IIok^ 
1899, p. 176, observes that NP .■< ol .umiu words rhj mes « ith e inthi iShnim*, and 
concludes that these words were pronounced with -n, in spite ol ilieu Ann forms » ith 
-uk. As Horn goes on to show, -»Cand -oC rhv me in a number d othei instances as 
well (e.g. turod 'song' and bud. p. 1S3), so the phenomenon appeals to paint to i< and <> 
merging somewhat earlier than < and /. which usually do noi ilo me 

22 Saumann 1901, p.277 (thence the examples), Horn 1901, pp. 179-180, Di rkim 
Meistbri RNST.pp. 110, I lf.-I i 7. Rastori.i i t v Moi i iMOVAl981,pp. 53,69,deriv( Ml' 
,„U from Since the changi ' f is widespread among 

[r. languages (cf. also OP Bwri*<i persond lower rankV marijmk*-, Brahdehsteim/ 
M.iiKiiniiK 1964, p. 132), the suffix has imilar to the MP one e.g 

(-1,0, Sims-Wii 1 1 vms 2000, p. 195) and Sogdian i yk (~ikt, Gi rshbviti h 1454, §§202, 
977,SiMs-\\iii i wis 1982, p. 72). - Pth. <-wg> and <-yj i id ig • 

MI'kI e.g.DURKJN-MBISTBItBEHST,pp. 110-111,117-118). In I'tb. m^ . i| i- 1. :t in.n 

also be written <y>, I tp->'all", descendence*), nor are long vow- 

els alwas m P M ' ls (,|ihI ' '"" "''" ' v '"' : 

ion'),sothai thesi textsdonoi solve the question, and neither do the Pth. loan 
i n Armenia n. because Armenian does not have a quantit] contrast fori and ». 


\, M | K"K\ 

Lengthening of t and u in Persian 


kSmki-* bul tt sll || appears plausible in principle that the numerous instances 
,,t MP -fc mas include some deriving from Olr. -1-L1-. 

3 I The examples discussed so far seem to indicate that the lengthening oper- 

,n the context More word final MP -d and -g, thus 1 suggest m« 

the prelim. narv hv pothcsu that it affected i and N preceding word final v. -iced 

notxTheonl) polysylWric uutaoeed MP-trWor-i/xg that I found* is MPM 

ipable of*, which Bow 1 reads j<%. :,i However, the etymolog] 

edby Bahtholomai links the word to BtfP ttmin 'powerful' (i.e. PIi 

. Wo it from w»a**-.* Although the MP result of »-(w 

is not quite clear, 9 a reading adkg would seem adequate. 2 * Alternatively, one 
might consider an interpretation *d-tai?Hjka- > adogr' 1 At am rate, it seems 
that the word could have a long vowel. 30 

No polysyllabic words have been found which would prove or disprove that 
the lengthening of i and « also took place before word-final b, undoubtedly be- 
cause of a lack of Olr, words in -ipa-, -i<pa-, and of the absence of I'll, suffixes 
(containing) -pa-. 

[a the latter cue, it u 1 wume a derivation faira Olr. Je*n^-{SALBitAiWi 1901, 

p : 'jrrijj-, nbl. kjnin-. Alsn, /j?.iki ktynekt, finekt is hkcK to go back to a 

prelurm like 'kjnyJkj- rattier than to *kamiks- (Josi GlPPl kt, p.c.). Piv.ptfriJti- could 
stand fur ■ p,iriki-, which may be explained as a compound of the type Olnd. prank. 1 
, i.e. pari and 'A,W-, so 'looking around (pertly?)' according to Kari Huiimann 

-■f to Bora I977,MacK.KWZii 1986 and the Manichcm texts database at http:// 

in us u m trankturt de/textc/elcs/i ran/mi ran /man ich/mir man kb/mirma. htm. Then in 
mom inai uh e, < Olr j (via umlaut), e.g. MPM <wdyb> width 

I ption'. and a few loanwords with -i/«/f/oC**, c,£, M PZ kalbod, MPM kalbcd 'form' 
hi K(. !974, p, HCi Unless MPZ/NP tal/id 1 'sesame' is a bor- 
rowing lr..m Indie (d Korm 2005, p. 192 foi discussion), the variant NP kunjid would 
need to be the regular torm and kunjtd might be a borrowing from another Ir. variety 
25 Bin. 1 1977, p. J. 

* '*** 1920b, p. 15. assumes 1 prcverb •an* while Hemming 1934, p. 250, pre 

I'.muhoiomm 19|5,p.9,n. I, suggests that/wfl«fe 'enduring, patient' 
dei pao-tanMRai-, which heinterpreu at 'Weiterbildung aus •■pau-tuuan-". 

HOMCMMANM 1895, p. 169, imirao both rj and u .is result (the latter development would 
be parallel fj, but tut all examples appear compelling, 

28 A < li ««n »«*, p.5, for MP'/ < tvh'>. i a also noted by Bartholomw 

p 9.ikl,adanctagPaa«oil/Mta is support), Nybh<c 1974, p. 159, and others, 
while Hi n i, p. 250, and DoBBm-MsurrauRMCT 2004, p. 4, have «. 

< lot argume nt tor such 1 derivation ma) be seen in Arm. auk 'capable' (qualified as 
r loanwnr.t! ,. ixiank 1897. p. 110), which impli MP hih aus ".«#«* odd 

™ ( L JA,,T,, >.i8>.n.2 n 1 „ A,, Mut, wouldbepai 

illci u, the one reflected b] I' ■ I 1 | uv , beea unM , „, 

traec the potentially relevant referent 1,. A M, „ , , r quiltc d by Acaryan 1971, p. 284 

MPM and Pth. <' </g> ( S omc 3 occomiwe* each, vs. one MPM io 
Staaceol < dV|>) is » problem, though. 

3.2 There are a number of instances of short /, /< in the relevant context 111 mono- 
syllables: MP ud and'.iWgone' (sec also 2.2), MPZ/W(MPM Judy) separated', 
fuy 'yoke'; MP dib '\eucr\pid 'father" and MPZ srub 'lead (metal)'." While ud 
might have been treated as a not quite full word, and dib is ,1 loanword, one 
would ezpeci the lengthening to operate in the remaining cases. 

So the lengthening seems to have operated only in polysyllabic words.' 2 The 
only counterexamples I found are the past stem c»df 'gathered, collected (vs. Olnd. 
citd-) and possibly MPZ <spyk'> 'radiance'. The former can easily have been ad- 
justed tO the past stems in -id, among them us ovv n compound uuid 'chosen'," 
and the latter - if it is to be read spig at all w - to the common suffix 

4.1 At this point, it is worthwhile to discuss whether ; and it are also lengthened be- 
fore consonants other than voiced stops. Indeed, word-final r appears to be a can- 
didate, as some cases nl li net v mologicalh long ir have been noted: M V dibn 'scribe' 
may have been borrowed from Elamite tup-pt-ra/ti-pi-ra^, and the MP names 
Ardaiir,\ntiKerdir have been derived from rta v> -ir.i , k\a)ri-ir.t-, respect ivelv. "' 
However, none of these cases can safely be regarded as deriving from a protoform 
containing -ir: it is not certain that the F.I. form was pronounced 'dipira- and that 
it is the form on which MP dibir is based. ' The civ Otology (and thence the proto- 
form) of Kerdir is not quite dear 58 ; and the Manichean spelling < >dxsyhr> argues 
against deriving Ardaitr from ru.v>7r<i-.''' MPZ wait 'decision, judgement', NP 
ga/izir 'tax collector; hero', ■u.a/n 'minister' 40 vs. Av. vicira- 'making decisions' 

11 1 1 is 111. 1 quite iIl.u whether the enclitic particle -i/nl>, u hicb occasional!) occurs in I'ai 
thian (L)uKkih Mi is 1 1 hi rnst, p. 149), is lnund in MP .is well. The only possible M I'M 
instance is < uyptwb . bui DuRKlN-MElSTERtHNsr 2004, p. 2, doubts that it contains 
the particle -ub, 

32 For further discussion of tins point, tee 5 and 7.1. 

33 Analogy to the suffix is also assumed by N-u I UANM 1901, p. 272. t.n . id uuf wixid, 
I'he pitsini stems an a nd ( M PZ) wizin ire likel] to have been id|usted to the past 
stem (thus apparently the opinion of Horn 1901, p. 26 for the lor inert. For monosyllabic 
paH Mi ins id :ij si. .' 1 

34 As docs MacKaNZTI 19St.. I he corresponding MPM <'ipyg> is read lipig by Bun 1 
1977, p 22, and Durkin-Mi rsTKW i>\.i 2004, p- S" vs. , m \i in n<. 1934, p. 77. For 
the pertaining verb, sec n. 58. 

J5 Back 1978, p. 208. 

36 Back 1978, p. 126, and MacRenzie 1982, p. 285 for the former; Sciimitt 1979, p. 71, 
1980, pp.67, 72 lor both. -".1 might then be 1 hypocorictic sutfix, 1 cognate of ( find 

-tia-, Greek -iao- 1 1. 

37 Schmitt 1980, p, 69, 

38 See MacKeNZII 1989, p. 6l..uul Hi m l*)'i'i, II, p. r.t, win. list altfni.uiK. possibilities. 

39 Id vsi |999, II, pp. 12-13. The derivation ol irdmili has been much discussed 
Huvsi 1999, II, pp. 12-13. .1 nd Si mmiii 1979 foi tummaries); one more recent suggea 
tion involve) \,,tidra- (Stnvm-RMANN and Sims Win 1 v\is.(/>;i</ linn 1 1990, pp. 7-8, 
„ ■, , lk .ilsoW 1 Kiev l ( ).S2. pp. 62-65). 

40 MP »i/i> has been borrowed into si v.. Semitic language s>i I n 1 ks 1962, p. 207 The 
-a- in NP</i«ti>and owzir shows the influence of Ar. word structure (Ell I RS 1962, p. 216). 

I cngthcmng of i andst in Persian 


. k ,„u . better example, bur « may haw been ad^sttd by pcmulai 
homophone MP W 'remedv (NP f»>ft » th < "j«" 
administrative term dftr. or to MPM rir, MPZ tmk 'wise (OInd. ,,»i-)«i the 
expected form is perhaps to be teen in MPM <»W> a air. 
4 J Hurt teems » be a lengthening of word-final -*r in MP/NP UrnOr 'oven' 
BAOTHOLOMAE'J lemnu" Av. buiMfif-, but the only occurrence of this may 
,ust as well be read MJiJi«i,and the lemma posited as taHNM-.* Conversely, NP 
examples nich as rittBr'father-in-Un S »w.i-) and MPZ/NP cW«r 'sheet, 
veil" tend to shew thai « was do! lengthened before word-final r. 4 

4 ! i foe ma] also consider the possibility that the vowel lengthening operated 
l H .,. Examples with * do nol seem to be available, but there 

is a certain number of cases with L For Instance, Pth. names show that both 
combined '-ifidbfJt)*- were common suffixes in Mid- 
dle Ir. languages/'' and these appear as -a and -izag in MP. In some cases, the 
length of the /might be explained otherwise, e.g. MP kanizag 'girl, maiden', NP 
Jm,. rl. servant' could have been adjusted to kanig (see 2.4), Judeo-NP 

«/l and \\\'Z dosizag^ 'maiden', which might be related to OP du\<,i- 

daughter; princess in Elamite duksti and later derivatives" 52 (among tiukii i 'daughter sister-in-laV < : duxdri-ci-^). Such an expla- 

I a>l. 1438. 

42 This'.' derived from in i >-m- (Horn 1901, p. 181). 

43 Theetymologs hen is I'll . I \\ M» I. p. 593). 

44 I Iuj> M v ki n/ii .iiTn.itui.-lv, <nocf> may he interpreted as amz*T 
Mid linked to Ptl ■! <l)< rkin-Mrisii hi rnst2004, p. 337). 

p. 113, In this position, the u isunltkdj :>> he due to an Av. Icngthcn- 
ii lr unura- probabli Jen on (cf, Dukkin-Mi is t i kj 

nilarty, dw I stern to be J compelling reason to assume a long vowel in the 

• "wing', jn do Bo¥< i 1977, p. 26, and Durkin-Meister- 

wbo read bj/ur (perhaps motivated by Pth. bizAg, and NP bazA) 

6«i«r , wing'(cf.CHRUKo20(12,p.l71),BaL*izJi/'wing I 

arm' (see KoRN 2005. p. 160; the more Common lerm Foi 'arm' is bisk ■■ baZH-k*-, 
S.<.n\ 12Z5, pp. I6S. J 

u well, there are examples » ith short vowel in monosyllables, \ it MP 

MPZ /•.</ 'goat' and the enclitU dso' (« huh is llkclv to be also 

em in/'.. 1393 p MJl 

49 Su*s-W«xuiis2002.p.2J8J i with -e, see also TxemblayIWB, 

p. 19, 

50 Quoted in Mi. iV nzu 1984, p if 

\\ '""'ir" «alwWE«a*20a5,p.7l3,, 1 75 MPM hasd»*f. 

»»*P-**.ol generality for the f. nouns of relari 

-■y ■> ■ is.ikn „„g:>, p. sq rhc word also occurs with metathesis 

nation seems hardly viable for other cases such as MP/ muru r/.tg 'little bird', 
giyabizag 'grass'", gisniz 'coriander', 5 '' so these are best interpreted as showing 
a lengthening ol the vowel, 

II the i seen in these words owes its length to the process discussed in the 
preceding sections, the implication is that the -ag of ~lZ<tg was added after the 
lengthening of word-final -;>,'"' or that the items with -r/.ng were adjusted 
to those with simple -iz. I-. samples for the latter word-end include MP ar/.r/. 
tin, lead', MPZ dabliz, i? MPM dahriz 'portico', and maybe MPM <h'm'spyz> 
hdmispiz 'wholly green'. 5 - MPZ <'myc> 'side dish, vegetables' is a counterargu- 
ment lo the assumption ol a regular lengthening of *-a if it is Co be read rtWIK 59 , 
but it seems difficult to exclude imiz or amez as possible reading. 

5. In his statement quoted in section 1, Back notes that the date of the lengthen- 
ing is not clear. 1 lis example <'nhyt> suggests that the change had operated by 
the stage he terms "late OP". 1 '- As shown e.g. by instances of MPI pseudo-his- 
toric spelling, this stage is also characterised by the change of Olr. postvocalic 
voiceless stops to voiced ones,'' 1 thence <'nhyt> is to be read And bid. 

The hypothesis to be advocated here is that these points are related, i.e. that 
the lengthening in word-final syllables took place together with, or as a con- 
sequence of, the voicing of stops and affricates in intervocalic and postvoi ali< 
word-final position. If so, the sound change would reflect the cross-linguisti- 
cally very frequent (or even universal) phenomenon oi lengthening ol vowels 
preceding voiced stops. The articulators' mechanism behind this is "the natu- 
ral tendency of speakers to assign part of the voicing of the consonant to the 
preceding vowel".''-' The resulting contrast in vowel quanta \ can then become 
phoncmically relevant, and in languages with a phonemic quantit) contrast 

54 Examples from R \s iokc.ui \ \-'Mot i' \mu\ 1981, p. 74. 

55 Cf. Henninc 1963, p. 196. 

56 Note that there i" m> lengthening NP qirmii 'red, crimson', which appears to speak tor 
the Indie term (cf. OInd. krmi-)a-) having been borrowed into Arabic and thence into 
Persian, replacing MPZ fc«nrsir(thus the assumption bj Maciuszai issi6, p. 30). 
Examples Irom Mokn 1901, pp. I81-IS2. In the latter, the qualm ol the vowels is con 
armed by Arm. Jahiti and Georgian daiii- (el. Gipnum 1993. I, pp. 58-61), thence 
prob ibl) to be preferred for MPM as well (vs.'rez in Durkin-Mi ■ is s i ki knst 2004, 

. I I 

Thus read In B..v i 1977, p, 44, and DurkisMimirirnst 2004, p. 173. For the 
vowel of the pertaining; verb MPM <'spyz->, MPZ <$pyi 'shine, sprout', the res 
-e-(Hi mminc 1934, p, 178, Nybek(, 1934, pp 7^ 78), i7i .1 h NHt»C 1947, p 4", judg 
ing from the ortluigraphj in the Psalter) and i (&OYC1 1977, p 22, MACKENZIE 1986, 
p. 76) hue been suggested; Pi UKIN-Mnsi 1 REKNST 2004, p. 88, has -I-. 

54 As does Mac hi \/n 1986, p. 8, maybe for reasons of MPZ muMg (NP taste 1 

60 A> noted In Si n u 1 1 1 1980, |^ 75, "Proto-Middle Persian 1 ' mighi be more appropriate, 
as the surc show-, ihe loss ol syllables cbaracterisdc foi Middle Western Iranian. 

61 Cf, Back W8, pp. 127-139. 

62 Jasanoii 2004, p. 407, referring ro vowel lengthening in I nji-h 




Acnes Korn 

m*. the lengthening producu cm he uueqatted as instances of lon K 


It has been assumed that the change of the voiceless stops was parallel to a 
change of DOKTOCsJic < W fi with this | .md Olr. / result. ng in MP 7. onlj Lite. 
on." However, there .s a part.culat rj good set of examples pseudo-histonc 

tpdJingoi Ml'l - --io. showing that MP z {</?)< Olr. i is not later 

than the voicing of the stops Quite to the contrary, loanwords such as Aim 
zatik 'Easter period' (< sacrifice') and j*tnk 'sorcerer' (< -ydtuk.i 

dicue that Olr. "j> z and even the (necessarily subsequent) change 
perated before the voicing ol the Stop! 
This seems to suggest the generalisation OP [i. u] > MP [;", «]/_D#. with /) 
iryhtdifg tin OP pOStvocalk voiceless stops and affricates, 

W? b. d.gand i. 

6. The statement just made appears to be contradicted by the fact that Avartic,, 
the Greek rendering of Andbitd-,'' has a long! with an intervocalic :. However, 
the first attestation of rVvaiV is the biography oi Artaxcrxex h\ Plutarch (ca. \n 
45-125). The earlier occurrences (two in the fragments of Berossus'' !i and four 
tbo's Geography)"'' have the obi. A which does not permit 

h\ Hennini Ri 
m Back 1911, p 

' u Kekzii IW.p Zl, Bat ■ 1978, pp. U7, 135, 
hh Gtmai 1993, 1, p. J43, Koi 

ihown by dteerymo eni discussion, xt K 1 1 lens 2003, p. 322-324), *iin 

**>•• '■ iZDMG 34, 627v. 479tuf;ivf^[reimend]) 

msicherunursprungklrH 1 >kN 1899, p 164); the variant with C is also seen in i S , 
haejographical ten Hi ■» msi isv 1897, p. 18) and in abanoed (cf. Ab-(A)nabid, for 
i nine s«- Bern t l%7, p. 39) occurring (hapa legomenon) iii the 12''' 
century Georgian Vitmmum (Jon Gippi it, p 
68 The quotes trom Berossus (a Babylonian priest ot the 4''V3" 1 century bc) are related 
h, Ctemeoi ol Alexandria (around ad 200) and Agathiav Scholastics* i6'' centurj 
tv. and arc likclv io have been transmitted mj other authors (VekBXUCI 

I quote mentions statues of "Aphrodite Anaitis" in 
Bab •idtkbaunau-!.jACOBVl958,pp.394-395.VERBR|-<.<.Hi Wumksham 

:i.pp «-• 

■ Herodotus) which do not quote her Ir. name mention "(Per- 
sian* Artem.s" land I bawe 'Persian Diana"). Aphrodite and Athena, bui it is 

•u.n that the reference is to \nibiU (Km ins 2C03. p. 318). Whih i 

Lhould Ukewisc be cautious in idennhmg Anah.ta with the oriental and/or the I asi 

uwatotn |9», p. 1009, Ktuotw 2003, p, 317), there is some 

evidence that I „ aK,. referred to by this and similar names in Persian and 

larthun speak | NANAIENQ(N) on an Eivmais coin (ca, 130 «C 

uthiaxcm/partfua coins.elymais.htmiDarius) could indicate Suss (d. n. 68) 


Th,'l!, *t Polytms, (Mrtories 10.27.12). 
Ihc latter rume a Pr ,11 Almna 4nd / , ^^ ^ ^ ^ 

I engthening ol i and it in Persian 


a determination of the quantits oi the t So it appears possible that Greek boi 
rowed Andhitd-, or maybe rather Andhit. 70 Since by the nine the name is at- 
tested in Greek its MP form would have been in&bid, this may have influenced 
the Greek rendering. Alternatively, the Greek form could reflect a contami- 
nated form Andhit that might have been in use in Zoroastrian circles, mixing 
the name known from the Avestan texts with the MP form of their time." 1 In 
either case, the very common f. suffix -tc, would have been added to the bor 
rowed name. : 



gian chronicles [KttrtUi < tovreba \. 2 7 . 13, 2 and Mokccvty K*rtlimy, texi see Kait 
2003, p. 259) as two deities Irom the tunes before the i on version lot bust unit v. The two 
names .iu "possihl) a confusion of one and the same idol* (Rapp 2003, p. 281), thence 
maybe ot Anibiti. Another notewortb) item is the Sasanian Georgian king MirUn'n (< 
Wihryin) wife being called Miua (beginning of the 4 1 * century ad). Azakpay's argu 
menl (1976, p. 542): "It is perhaps likeK that the important Nana sanctuary which was 
reported!) situated .n \i^.i was dedicated not to An.ihita. whose name is absent from the 
thcophoric names from Nisa, but to the combined cult of Nanj-Armaiti" is not quite 
convincing, as one wonders whether the absence ol the name Anibiti might not rather 
indicate that she was referred to bv another name, possibly Nanaia u I VaneStiW*k&n, 
name- ot a temple, Diakonoi l lis shits 1V66, p. 152, n. 67, 2001, p. 198). 
Word-final syllables seem to have been lost already in late Old IVim.iii (cl Si umitt 1989, 
p. 60). Anahit is in (act the lorm ol the name found in itoi the earliest attest.i 
lions, see Russi i i l L JH7, pp. 240-251). 

I oi 1 1 i > t .i 1 1 s i , it seetna possible that Berossus (see n. 68) may have been acquainted u lib 
Zoroastrian practices. - Partial maintenance ol oldei forms, archaisms, and pseudohis- 
iniu forms are quite common for names, as is adaptation to current fashions, cj [hi 
name forms \n,ibitii (sic), Annabita used today m Persian families in and 1 urope, 

I I -.pee lively, in addition to regular NP Nibid; NP Mil t.t \ I \iihri (both I.); /,ir{.i>tiiy! 

vs. Zjrduit. - Thi ' IP inscriptions containing the name .ire rathei late (bj Artaxerxes 

II md '.ei might point towards / rather than i (noting i M in A-'Sd, and a-na- 

ha-ttt in A'Sa [several copies] and A J Ha, see SCHWEIGHB l l >98). 
~1 I ler "equivalent" (sec n. 69) 7tgTSUaf (which was also wideb used IS a t name since the 
5' 1 ' /4 th century Bi according to Masson 1986) might also have been a motivation lor the 
addition of . The suffix also (onus I. correspondences to m. ones i 

l Hi i n n I l l '02, p. 55, TOM K \ sir \i 1982, p. 152), and numerous doublctics ^iow that 
it is used in a wav parallel to other suffixes, e.g. (^ofpn/Ooipfc, N6T)ua/N6nn' ; (quoted 
from BbCHTBI 1 l >02, pp.80, 55, 136), M'Jf)T3/MunTi;/M'jr_iv/oi.. (from MaJSON 1990, 
p. 137), rvUXtooot/MeXtoo Frorn Fraser/Mattiihws 2005). Bosm (following 

Bartholomaj 1904, col. 125) assumes that the Greek rendering A y- _ implies the ex- 
istence of an Olr. stem in i and conclude* that the "In • ihc namedUm i 
1982, p. 29), or the name of the "Western Iranian divinity" (fiOY< i 1985, p. 1003 
*Andbitt-, However, this assumption is faced with the problem that \n.ihin "nest p.i* 
attcste par aillcurs et que I'adapcarion grecque Avii'ii^ (sic) n'est pas un t^moignagc sui 
fisant pour certifier son esisience" iKi i i i \s 2003, p. .>25). II .m n.i bi n<l ,/., tgrees 

with the Stem in a actually attested in OP anil, so this i SSC is HOI parallel to > g 
(. flaguoaTlC, which corresponds to II. (m.i -rii-si-ya-li-i'. and Kiln Ionian Pu-rii- 
■ II indicating that the (unattested) OP name «.is a si em in I iHi \isn k 2006, 
pp. 132,244). 


AcNtS k<>K\ 

ih in word-final position, hut postvocalically 

"l Since stops arc voiced not onl 
id ^neral in MP, one might wonder win the lengthening takes place only in 
final syllables, and only in poryayllahie word*. I< seems that the accent 


u K ht have pkyed a rok. Although ii ii (rill not entirelj dear exactly how the 
development oi the BCOSM proceeded from Old via Middle to New Persian, it 
came to be placed on the final syllable at some point, * 4 and may have effected the 
transformation of the articul.itonlv automatic vowel lengthening into a phone- 
tnteally relevant i Ction 5) m the stressed syllable. For monosyllables, 

,ht perhaps »av thai the absence of i contrast of accented vs. unaccented 
syllables prevented the lengthening from taking place 

U White lengthening at towels preceding voiced consonants, and of stressed 
vowels, are rat her straight tor ward processes from a phonetic point of view, there 
ts no phoneric reason for it operating only for high vowels. In this sense, it is 
surprising that MP.r is not affected, ' SO that, tor instance, the vowel in the very 
common land scmantiealiv rather ernptv) nominal suffix Olr. -.ika- >MP -ag is 
not lengthened while *-uka- and *-ika- are, and so are *-**•- > -id and *-uta- > 
-ud, but imad 'came' is left with a short second vowel and past stems in -ad < 
*-aH-ta- tend to be replaced by -ud (e.g. framud "ordered', cf. n. 17, 18) or -at 
(e.^.framjym. damn "known' > 

W ith no phonetic logic in sight lo account tor this, a motive may be found on 
the morphological level a change ol v -akn- >f-dg would have made this suffix 
homonymous with the suffix dg forming nouns ol active participle etc. func- 
tion. Conversely, no such contusion ot (unctions occurred in the cases affected 
hy the lengthening of high vowels, Quite to the contrary, the change happened 
rrange some of the instances in a convenient framework: thedenominal adj. 
vurhv -ig < -iic.i- coalesced wuh the functionally identical denominal adj. suffix 
->g < *-iyaka-. The suffix -ig ma) then have become another motivation for the 
lengthening in the parallel -«g < *-uka-. Similarly, the pst. suffixes -id and -id 
match the past stem ot roots with laryngeal, among these the particularly corn- 
ones did 'seen* (< PIr. 'diH-ta) and biid 'become, been' K l>uf{-t,i-).^' 

73 In contrast to Bactrim and various modern Ir. languages, no endings .in suffixed to 
ssuuifl MP »nd Parthian, so that (with the mention of derivatives like infinitives eu | 
the p»t. suffix is <hc word-final syllable. Agreemeni of the wrb m nh the object and the 
mnnsttm sublet is done bj us, oj the copula, e. K did hem -he/she saw me', iud him 
'1 went' 

-latcmcnt quoted in scmon l. For recent discussion oi the MP accent, set 

i k a 2006. 

UP r and p do noi appear to be affected In the sound change either (cf. n. 24, 

76 Ba,ih Mhi5. P pM | .i.-nmal function of-.* and -.sf. the 

sufliies can also be exchanged tor each other, e.g hufid besides haxiud (Horn 1901. 
oi the converse situation in Parthian, ate a 12 

.(.heeomnbufonolanai. S ,u,d scct.on 3.2 for -a* and 2.2 ,o, 

I <. ngthening of i and u in Persian 


7.3 One might even wonder whether the vowel lengthening of ; and n possibly 
was an entirely analogical process, i.e. not a sound change at all. However, the 
operating oi the lengthening in examples which are unlikelv to be due to anal- 
ogy (Ndbid, buituid and the suffix -iz) on the one hand and the fact that iud 
was not subject to analogical adaptation to the past stems in -«</ (while c7d was 
adjusted to those in -/</) on the other renders an explanation exclusively based 
on analogical processes rather improbable. 

8. An interesting coiin.isi to Persian is provided by Balochi, which, though .1 
"North-Western" Ir. language in some n spec is, agrees with Persian e.g. m show 
ing the "South*Westcrn" Ir. sound changes of PIF *tr and "'kit > >fjj. ?li There are 
Bal. examples ot i/u plus word-final voiced stop m monosyllables, e.g. Slid 'hun- 
ger', jug 'yoke', id (demonstrative pronoun), but I have not found polysyllabic 
examples of -i/uDU. There seem to be no examples ot unctymologieal i, « plus 
voiced stop either, apart from the suffixes -ig, -tig, which may be assumed to 
have been borrowed from Middle Persian also tor independent reasons."' 

Since Balochi shows voiceless stops corresponding to the Olr. tines, the 
Bal. cognates of the MP examples in -d and -g have t and k. In these items, no 
lengthening takes place, e.g. the suthx -it,* : which is widclv used tor secondary- 
past stems in the same way as MP/NP -lid, including many parallel verbs (e.g. 
ras-it 'arrived \purs~it 'asked'), and denominatives from loanwords (e.g. badl-it 
'changed', from Ar, badal). Accordingly, ill 'picked' and gtiit 'selected' (< :: 
i it.i-, see 3.2) have short /', and so their present stems do not show i either (n>i-, 

There is a small number of words with -itk (e.g. zanik 'chin') and -ik (bandik 
'thread'), but these m.u be due to a contamination of the presumably regular 
suffixes -uk (e.g. zanuk 'knee*, dajuk(k) 'hedgehog'), -ik (e.g. janik(k) 'girl') and 
the much more common -ug and -ig. respectively, or, in the latter case, derive 
from -tyaka- since Olr, (i)ya gives I in Balochi as it does in other lr. languages 
ict n.22). 

The absence of evidence for a lengthening ol i and u might be connected to 
the fact that, unlike in MP, Olr. postvocalic stops were not voiced in Balochi. 
This appears to speak in favour of the scenario in section 5, suggesting that the 
MP lengthening process was linked to the voicing ot postvocalic slops 

78 Cf. Korn 2003. 

79 For discussion oi the various luthxes deriving from olr, -ka-, sec Kokn 2005, 
pp 163-169, I ansjuage contaci baa lead to the borrowing ol several suffixes into Balo 
chi, among these the Eastern Bal. passive morpheme -if-, evidently copied from Indie 
(Bashir200S.pp .i.I 64) 

80 Cf Barjasi bhDei poaooa MM, pp. 24-25. 

81 Also, analogy works in a vv.iv converse to the Persian one, p.isi stems being adjusted to 

tin -sums -in I astern Bal -«t>-) in the Eastern Bal. dialect studied, bj I i Ota BAsmsuatn)- 

vs. othei J i.i has dit seen. rn'>- u Ut struck' (quoted from examples in BASHIB 2008). 




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Abbreviations and cover symbols 




Irani. in 


personal commu- 





nii auon 




Middle Persian 


I'ioio -Indo-Euro 







M I'M 

Manichean MP 




any consonaffl 


Zoroastrian MP 


p.isi participle 


any voiced itop 


(classical) New 


present stem 

1 1 




p.isl stem 




oblique stem 




any (P1L) laryn- 


Old Indu 





Old Irani. in 


anj vowel 



Old Persian 


word boundary 

Animal Headdresses on the Sealings 
of the Bactrian Documents 

Judith A. I.f.rnkr, New York 


The so-called Bactrian documents from northern Afghanistan, consisting of le- 
gal and economic texts as well as letters, have contributed to our greater under- 
standing of the region between the 4' 1 ' and S' h centuries. Asa crossroads for trade 
and a theater for conquest, during this time span the region had come under the 
successive domination by Kushano-Sasanians, Kidarites, Hcphtalitcs and Turks, 
Nicholas Sims-Wili i \ms first reported on the Bactrian documents in 1996 and 
since then, as the number ot documents has grow n, has continued to enlighten 
us on their contents and implications, thereby expanding our knowledge ot the 
language, history, religion and culture of Afghanistan in this period. 

Some of the documents still have their original sealings: small lumps oi cla\ 
that bear the impressions of the contractors', witnesses' and letter-writers' seals. 
The majority ot the sealings, however, are not associated with the documents 
they originally sealed. While more than 150 Bactrian documents are now known, 
there are many more clay sealings in various collections, unfortunately separated 
from what they sealed, but which - from their shape and fabric and the style and 
iconography of the seals impressed on them - can be considered part ol this cor- 
pus. As an art historian, I have been privileged to study the sealings in tv,.* majoi 
collections, those ol Prof. N.D. Khalili (London) and Mr. Am an ur Rahman 
(Islamabad/Dubai), and in this endeavor to work closely with Nu HOI M Sims 
Wili iams who has published the documents m the Khalili < lollection and will 
be publishing the inscriptions on the sealings in the Rahman Collection. 1 His 
linguistic knowledge and insights, and his generosity in sharing them, have been 
critical to my stylistic and icoflOgraphic analysis of the sealn 
pleasure to offer this discussion about one of the myriad interesting aspects of the 
sealings - the headdresses worn by various seal-owners and, spce ideally for this 
volume, those headdresses that bear animal heads or complete animal bodies.-' I 
hope that m\ offering will help to flesh out, il only slightly, our understanding ol 
the ethnic and cultural milieu that produced the Bactrian documents, 

I StMS-WttxtAMS 2000 and 2007. 

This re-viso and expands a section of "Some Headdresses on the Sealings ol the Bac Documents", presented ai tlu -• t banian Studies, Vienna, 

Judith a ( i km k 

The Sealings with Animal Headdresses 

Among all the Bactrian scaling know n to me, there only two kinds of animal 
headdress, both known from examples in the Rahman Collection, and both 
In men, deputed u busts with their heads in nearly frontal view. The first 
to be discussed iv known from three sealing? and show s three rams' heads in 
profile: tin. OOCi in the center and OH the righl Face right, while the other faces 
left (Rg. h: thus, in reality, the crown would have consisted of a central nun's 
head, placed above the wearer's forehead, and flanked b\ a ram's head at either 
Mill ] lit second crown, lound in only a single impression, shows two con- 
fronted horses flanking, perhaps dining on, vegetation (Fig, 2)/ 

1. Ram's Heads 

As read bv our honoree. the legible portion of the inscription gives the Middle Per- 
sian title kanarang ("Lord of the Borderland"). This places the seal within the time 
mian rule or domination in Bactria, that is, from the early 3 rJ century to the 
latter part ol the V .' This , s reflected stylistically by the somewhat elongated shape 
of the face and certain details ot the crown which also occur on Sasanian seals and 
in other Sasanian art; in Bactria, these features, and specifically the stylization of 
the diadem ties, persist well into the Hunnic period when this treatment of the ties 
is no longer used in Sasanian Iran. Thus, even though the title may accord with t 
turv date, the seal could have been c.u I ed as late as [he second half of the 
ntury, though more likely in the late 4 ,K -earlv half of the 5 lh . h 

[ember 18-J id ddivered at the session that Nicholas Sims-Williams abb 

i I am very grateful to Michaei Alram and Klaus Vondrovk and to other 
«d uthii article foi thai , ,„J corrections hui stress th 

mistake-, are entireb mi own. 

Hc013; I Ie075; and I li 1 19 Illustrated here is He075 

:. The >«criprion reads o^,,.o- ■• ,, , ( - Sas tht k „, „ „, -,_ 

■■.M« g » ,he Ml 4 Ihc Bactrim, title karalrang, and means lord of the 

in Ba , , h T*™* ' ' ' "fe "*<"* '" «*» dur,n * *e P^ <* Sasanian rule 
■ ?.* "I bU ' '■" i' "ntboed in use later as a title or as a PN 

l«* d*c, probably « a PN" (e-mail of 31 An- 
re r n t ,m f KUS| '' SmniM rak ""^ » *< -d-370's with th. ap 

m, «mu v WlZ s" r " '? " ' '^ : ° 02 ' ">' 2ii - 2ii > "ore. that the succe3 
,n ,h , h hi ; s ;-""-y»'^nu ".. last ditch attempt to «n control in Bactria' 

'l»"K*.ihrh e Chi«nit«and'AI I " lWn \ ,r 1 '"" *« *« Writes and Hephtali 
3kte«ll B tfoS5 

M. buabo rwogniwd the -rather strong" Sasanian influence in 
Pl ' u antl ""SM aw« loth, end d the 4'" into the 5* century. 

Annua! I It-addresses on the Sealings of the Bactrian Documents 217 

n ur Rihmin 

Fig. I; Impression of the seal of 

Sis..., the kanarang" (oaoovo - 

|i(««o)yo (xa)vagayYo)( Bactrian, 

Clay; impression: ??x20.4mm; 

sealing: 22 x 25.1 x 1 2.6 mm. 
Aman ur Rahman Collection. 

Islamabad Dubai 

Fig. 2: Impression of the seal of 
"Farkhund Asp \\ i . .." i^agoxovfio 

xojroo(t)[), Bactrian. 

Clay; impression: 16.5 x 14,6mm; 

sealing: 24.4 x 28. S- 15.9mm, 

Aman ur Rahman Collection) 

Ul liriabad/Dubai 

Like the crowns of the Sasanian kings, two sets of ribbons, one long (a), the other 
short (b), decorate the upper and lower portions of the kandrang's crown: 

a) The long ribbon that secures his diadem falls on his right shouldet and is ren- 
dered in the "Sasanian" manner: a narrow strip with horizontal striations to indi- 
cate pleats. Usually doubled to represent the two ends of the diadem at the base of 
the crown and hanging straight down along or behind the shoulder(s), this type of 
ribbon occurs on a number of seals and seal impressions with male busts and Bac- 
trian inscriptions (Figs, 1-2, 4-5)7 Their length and pleating copy the ties that se- 
cure the diadem of the first Sasanian king, Ardashir I (224-240), and which hang 
down his back to waist level. 1 On the coin obverses of Ardashir I's successors, 
from Shapur I (240-272) to the end of the dynasty in 651. the diadem tics typi- 
cally turn upward above or below the hair at the king's shoulder." Exceptions are 

7 In addition to those illustrated here, there are several sealing] in the khalili and Rahman 
Collections, notabl) those belonging to one or two individuals named kirdir-Wara(h) 
ran. The Fragmentarj lenei en which one of the sealing! ii still attached has bet n >> 
ecniU dated by Nicholas Sims-Wh uams k>421 < i free Sims-Wiluams 2005, p. 339, 
«lure n is given a slightb later date and figs, 4-7). 

8 See Ai. ; I ibTa investiture reliefs al 1 iru/.abad (Van in n Bi l%6, pl. 701. Naqsh-e 
Ru«am(S( hmiut 81: NRu I) and Naqsh-e Rajab(S< nsnni 1970, pL 96: NRa I). 

9 Gobi 1971, p. 11. The long diadem ties are also worn by members ol lln roj al family; 
thus, in ArJ. 1 shir\investiturcatN.iqsh-eRaiab,theheaia, l lh K iii l Maud, ni;helnnd Ar- 
daahirand the female 6gu« (his queen?) appearing to the right of the scene sho«raimihu 
waist-length ribboiu 


Judith A Iiimh 

the straight diadem ribbons on the obverse of i gold dinar of Shapur II (309-379), 
minted at Merv using a locally-struck die (ca. 309-325);' 5 those of the king and 
Hanking deities on Ardashir lis Taq-e Bustan relief (379-383)," and of Shapur 
II and his son Shapur III (383-388), on the Litter's relief at Taq-e Bustan. 1 -" The 
long pleated ribbon on the I s seal may well be an archaizing feature, not 

Unexpected in a peripheral area Midi U Bactria, Indeed, a gold dinar of Hormuzd 
I Kiishanshah, also minted at Merv and plaeed In Joi Crush before the reign 
•t Hormuzd II (303-309)," shows two straight pleated ribbons falling along his 
inkier, below SasaniaO-St) le bail buneh. The Shapui 11 dinar, echoing this ar- 
chaic ribbon type, seems to have been inlluenced b] the kushan-S.ts.inian issue. 
This archaic wav ol show mg the diadem ribbons becomes a feature of Bactrian 
dignitaries headgear, not only that of the luminmg and the seal of the other of- 
ficial discussed below, but thai of several others ( lugs. 4 and 5). 14 

b) The pair of short ribbons that app< an between the left and central ram's head 
is a lurther link to the Sasaoian crown which shows small ribbons fluttering 

10 Cans 1990, pp 166-167, no. M .md n IS 

11 Vimh \ rJmi.nt 1966, pi 1. 

i: VajimnBeicki 1966, pi 127b. The long diadem ties are rypicallj worn hv the figures 

ihat Hank ihe •: in Sasinun coin reverses tr,,m the time of Wahrahan I into 

id Is reign (late V'-I,u- S d centuries), with the figure on the left being that of the 

king(Goai 1971,* 18) Weatofindthi.tyMcrfdiadOTtiecmafewSasanianaealsand 

metarwork d the y> century ind Mrs, half .-• .k 4 , but, to my knowledge, no, 

k third quarter ol the J" 1 century is the leald -Wahrahan Kirmanshah", 

h furun Valnhu 1 (273-276) (Harto, .981, fig. 7 and p. 29); in,,,, the late 

or beginning of the 4" century, the silver howl with medallions eru losing diademed 

ferrule basts in .the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York (HAJU>Ea 1981, pi. 5 and 

pp. 26-2 an J 3a : he dates th. bowl to the las, decade oft) first decade of the 4'^ 

"'"r' ^ ' h V U ' r K '« I '■ *° '" *« Metropolhan Museum, with , central medallion 

and ,k L h P I T, w 28 "^ * h " k "« ** bowl with the reign of Shapur 1 1 
tad the tfertabev* plate, pi 2J, for which seen. 27 below) 

3 ( .a.».IW0,p. hlandpp . 166-167, n. 18. 
M Thus I it,. 1, first published k \ li|| |||,.„,„|L n , - . 

bv Nichoi vsv„v*, 11IW h "^*t the elaborate palm.- , As anaiywd 
, K ,d,r ,h , i tthography and Othe, aspects ol the name of the 

«HbStr,tndWfo^ "J* .9* century in Rawalpindi. 

.the enthroned rW 1, " ^ U PP" rL '^"' l>f >''v sentral 

his seat, ,n the lower re",»er h dud '" "^ t* "^ P"**^ "^ Wl ^^ "" '" 

- the ribhooed ring S AeWe^ ^iTf ^ "T^ "^^ M *«" 

Animal Headdresses on the Sealing! of the Bactrian Documents 219 

upwards from the base of the globe or hair covei mg just where it is affixed to 
the skullcap. u 

In a Sasaoian context, such ribbons - the long diadem tie and the short ribbons 

at the base of the globe or hair covering - art the prerogatives ot rovaltv and 
divinity; here thev are appropriated lor local rulers and officials, 

2. Horses 

The sealing with the double hoi se crown is also in the "Sasanian" style, for the 
reasons given above, although the secondary ribbons are absent, tin what mav 
be a ih»c tilling cap, much like the base of Ardashir I's second crown, rather 
than directlv i^n the personage's hair, the horses stand at the walk, each facing 
a plant, possibly a shrub or a flower. Like the prev ions sealings, it may date to 
the latter part ol the 4 1 ' 1 century or as late as the middle of the 5' 1 '. Nkholas 
Sims W ii i iams reads the name of the seal-owner as "Farkhund" ( "fortunate") 
followed b\ a compound name of which the legible first element is "Asp-\vi[...]" 
("horse-..."); this element, he suggests, may be a title or a patronymic. It the 
latter, it is likely that the horses on the headdress refer to the wearer's lotcmic 
family name or his thenomorphic personal name. 

In fact, both animal headdresses may express the respective wearer's lineage 
as well as personal tutelary." 1 To understand this more fully, we must explore 
the use of animal headdresses in Iranian and related contexts. 

A Survey of Animal Headdresses 

In traditional societies, headdresses made of actual hide or feathers allow the 
wearer to take on the identity or attributes associated with the particular animal 
or bird used. For the seals of the kandmng and Farkhund Asp-wi[...], the respec- 
tive animals, the ram and the horse, both as .it us ot the Victory god Verethragna, 1 
were surely chosen for auspicious and, as already suggested, even totemic rea- 
sons. In this regard, the employment of animal parts or entire animals for the 




I bese secondare ribbons spp< .u on Ardashir l's second crown and continue in that for- 
mation until the reign of Warahan IV(388-399) when they may be placed ryramerricall) 
to cit tier sidi ill the glob* (G&bi 1971, pp. 11—12). 
In his paper delivered >i the6'' European Conference d Iranian Studies, "Sogdian Ono- 

n .mils and lis Contribution u< I I m<;uistics "< |the| Iranian Language I W1 
ily", I'avii Liirji lists a number ol personal nanus meanings were those 
..I animals, wild and domestic, and notes thai some ol tkm relleei loiemu beliefs. 1 

h ink him for stiariivj; with me bis unpublished paper, 

Visln \|v.'.t.3. The wild ram is inn only associated with the victorious aspcci ol Ver- 
ethragna, bui is also the beam ofi the royal u 1 " 1 ^ guarded hv Verethi 
as well is general good forcune, which could, oi course, be viewed as the triumph "t .ill 
things good, 

Judith A I i rner 

Animal Headdresses on the Sellings of the B.ictrian Documents 221 

( oin of Sinatruces 

'8/77-71/70 bce), 

Parthian MtinzkabinetL 

[nv.-Nr. GR0532Q, 


Museum, Vienna 

crowns of rulers and headgear ot important persons 
is not unknown in the ancient Iranian world and, in 
fact, a especially characteristic ot the nomadic areas 
to the north and east ol Baetn.i and ot the classical 
world to its west. Protomes ol fantastic animals and 
entire figures of such creatuus decorate the head- 
dresses ot Vvthian and Sak.t elites lv llie coinage ol 
the Parthian ruler SmatTUCCS (ca. 77-70 BCE) is distin- 
guished bv his tiara with its crest of reclining stags 
*'), a reference to ilu Sacaraucae, >t nomadic tribe 
that had penetrated into Baetria and Parthia in the2" J 
century Bt t and made Sinatruces king of Parthia. 1 ' 
For the Sacaraucae and other Central Asian nomads, 
stags or deer were associated with the sun, which oc- 
cupied the supreme position in their pantheon. 

Some 2 nd -eentury bce kings of Persis show themselves with a complete bird 
ot prev perch e d on their cap, no doubt referring to Vcrethragna and his assot ia 
tion with the hawk or falcon. : - However, the bird's presence may not represent 
us incorporation into the actual headdresses since on othci coins of these local 
rulers the bird sits atop a building or the royal banner. 

Beginning with Warahran II 1 276-293), many Sasanian rulers incorporate an 
animal clement in the form ot bird's wings into their crowns. However, onlv two 
kings include an animal proton u on sonn e.irl> issues, Shapur I sports a tiara with 
.in falcons or eagle's head, w IikIi in one version holds a pearl in its beak; :l in his 
coinage, Hornuzd II (303-309) wears a similar raptor's head. 22 Animal protomes 

:.ple, the gold diadem with griffin-head protome from Kelermcs 3 (Kuban, Cri- 
mea) dated to ilu- late 7* at early 6«* century Bet (J*, obsom 1995, figs. 30 and 31); the 
adorscd ibex-horned winged nonet on the conical headdress of the so-called "Golden 
outhern Kazakhstan), to the $•<• or 4' h century bce (Akisev 1978, 
I and *>9>; and ihc complete figure of an ikv bund in the ("-century * t male 
BWial(jr»e 4, >l Bactrian I ilba Tepc, and may have served a, part of the de- 
ed headdress (Sakianioi l*»8S, pp. 36-37 and ills 1P-120) 
. rooo I9S0, ryp. 33. pp 87- - mcm m7f pp 4 ^ A7 The nomadk de . 

mem, in Parthian society and the miliiarv arc d,s.g» S ed in ycht 2003. Sinatruces' 
metSSQf Phraa.cs I II I 7C 57 M this form of tiara (S ■ l980,Tv P c39, 

70 RjiVJrS; ""JSfS M J / R " I O, hh w ., , ,„r I heir help. 

20 S Silver drachm ...VadlradadII[?|).S,m,larlv.,hV 

1 ulcr, Sanatruq I, mi the Eagle of Haira . 
ill. Rand 

ion his diadem (1 ( m>mn 1967, 

,«.l50year»af,erh,s f ei K n ( H A KPKKmi.pp. 6! , 12 7-l2«andpM4 > . 

are more prevalent among the kings' family members and the nobility. Starting 
with Ardashir I's reign, several show themselves in caps that terminate in animal 
heads, those of a horse, ram, boar, bull or falcon -all incarnations of Vcrcihragna - 
as well as that ol a griffin. 2 * Completing this review of animal elements in Sasanian 
royal headgear, is the jewel- studded rani's head helmet, which Ammianus Marccl- 
linus reports Shapur II wearing.u the siege of Amida(359). Although his account 
has been doubted, the recent publication ol a drachm show ing Shapur wearing a 
crown with large, cuts ing rani's horns (dated to about 320) show s thai Shapur, in 
fact, wore a headdress other than the crenellated crown b\ which he is recognized 
on all his other known coins and visual images - albeit not an actual ram's head 
and not fitting completely into the stylistic typology of his silver coinage. 

23 On Ardashir I'sKruzabad relief showing his hai tie with i In- Parthian Artabanus, the bearded 
figure behind him, mos! likelj Shapur iscro* n prince, wears .nap thai terminate! in 1 bird's 
head (von Gali 1990, fig. 3 and pi. 66). An animal-protomc hat is worn b\ the beardless 
figure standing behind the queen to the right of Ardashir I's investiture at Naqsh-e Rajah 
i St hsodt 1970, pi. 97B: NR.i I). Similar caps are prevalent in the coins, raetalwork and n^k 
relief] "I Waiahian II (276-293)on which his queen, crown prince and perhaps other princes 
wear tiaras that end in the protome ot a hone, « dd boar, ■ (ion, a horse, an eagle or a griffin 

i i ■ 1971, pi. 4: 55-59, 63 ": Harps* l9Bi,p.25andpl.2[silwgilicupfrcraSargveshir) 
The griffin head is sometimes identified as aSenmurv, hut thai fabulous creature is not Found 
this earl v in Sasanian art. For additional example) of animal protome headdresses on pi I lOCi 
and nobles, see llie tigures t.> the lett ot Warahan II on his Naqsh-e Rustam relief (StHMlOT 
1970, pi. 86: NRu III! A hit terminating in in animal protome is worn by the personage 
standing immediately behind Narsch (293-302) on his investiture teliel at Naqsh-e Rustam 
[S« BMtDT 1970, pi. 90: NRu VI). A fragmentary seal of this . I showing a male 

head with gritfin-proiomc cap is Bivar 1969, mi, 1 (two seals in the Bibliothequc National 
that also show a male bust wuh grifrin-protonu- tap may reflect a more "fantastic" sigmti 
cance for this kind of headdress as on one of them a second griffin head emerges From the 
back of the cap; yet the seals are otherwise Mmilar in content, including their inscription 
[Gysei in 1993, p|. XL: 40.C.6 and 7]); a bon-protome cap is worn b] I bearded digmtan 
on a bulla found ai LIplistsikhe, in eastern Georgia (Gigkoiii 1979, pi II: 4.1 am grateful to 
Klu.dadad Reaakhani for locating the original Georgian publication for me). 

24 Gym I i N 2004, p. 114. tlO, 212: tvpe lV/2a "Western" mint, and fig. A: for discussion, 
sec pp. 58-59. This ram's horns headdress may have been a "wal helmet" rather than 
Shapur's actual crown; indeed, Ammianus Males that the king "exchanged his diadem 
lor .1 helmet in the shape of a ram's head ..." (XIX, 1. 3). That at least rami ol the Yivanian 
kings wore specific headgear into battle (as did the Egyptian kings from the 18 lh Dy- 
nasts on) has, to my knowledge, not been fullv explored. Certainly, wearing the ram's 
horns of Verethragn.1, the god ol victors, would be highly 
especiallj threatening to the enemy. The well-known rihrei plate showing a princely, it 
not royai, hunter wearing a rani's horn crown is discussed below in note 26. One other 
instance ofi Sasanian rulei wearing this type of headgear is "Shapur, the Great Sing of 
the Armenians" (416-420), so identified on the reverse of a drachm that shows his father, 
Yaidgird I, on die obverse (www.grifterrec.COm 'coins/sasania'sas va/dl l.html; in the 
Roben W Schaal collection); no doubt Shapur, who Upon Ins father's death uiuucceM 
Fullj vied foi the throne, is showing his affiliation with his great-grandfather, Shapur II. 
I thank Mi. h si i Ai kasi lor drawing my attention u> ilns coin 

While citing such I ■ >w ns, we must ram's horns in women's 

headdresses (odd it these horns allude specifically to the god ot vu ton, but less so it seen 

Judith A. Le*hi r 

Animal Headdresses on the Sellings of the Bactrian Documents 223 

In this review d Sasaman headdress, we see thai none incorporates -in en- 
mimai and onrj three kings - Shapur I, Hormizd II, and Shapur 11 - in- 
clude animal elements other than wings. - 
The inch) nimal parts in die crow ns d the J ' and 4 ,h -centurv Kush- 

■sasanian and Kidantc rulers of Bactril is more widespread: on the gold 
coins ol Warahran (II) Kushanshah rain's boms, with a globe or round floral 
element rising between them, .ire .1 prominent element, is .ilso on the silver is- 
III),-* issues d Perox (II) Kushanshah show short inward-curving 
bull's horns. 2 More comparable to the ranrVhead crown of our kandrang is the 
complete lion's head with mane, topped bj .1 globular «getal(?) element, woi 
In twootha Kuahanshs I) and Hcroiiad (I). a The use of a lion's head 

continues on the crowns d son» d the Hephthalite or Hun rulers known as Ne- 
/.ik shah (ca. 460-ca. 560?) and persists into the 8 ,h centurj with Tegin, king of 
klior.isan, and other rulers.- 'and a buffalo's head appears on the crow nsol other 
Nczak Shahs and some d then successors. 10 The only complete animal to grace 
m ns is the eagk or falcon worn bv an Ardashir who minted small 
copper coins, possibly earlv in the kusfuno Sasanian sequence." A similar bird, 
now with a pearl in its beak, is pan of the elaborate headdress of the Bactrian 
official, Sagolokho, the CPftZMrg -fnmiddi I ig, 4 1. Affixed to a skullcap or dia- 

as rmbodiinu the mote general notion ol khmrmb, God-given glory, of which Vere- 
ispia was protector): the seal of a win of shapur 111, consisting of a bejeweled skullcap 
tope- rutward eun ing horns framing a palmette (Gignoux/Gyseien 1989, 

pp.882-883 and pi 111 24) ind [he tilver plate in the Walters Art Gallery (probably 
ft'*-^ n-niun ■ thowmga rm al banquet in which the seated queen wears .1 similar crow n 
but with a pomtj;rjnju- ki between rlu horns iSpUndeur des Sdssmides, no. 650). For 
another discussant) ol Sasanian caps with animal proteoses, see MusCHt ISIS? and 2000. 
25 Arda*hif I ntptcteofi himself on on imu with ,1 complete eagle emblazoned on the 
side ..t his ban (Alsah/Gysi i . s 2003, type VI |4b|). However, the bird apm u 1 as an 
applicJ image and not the three-dimensional sculptural form that would nuke il .1 true 
animal cro»n 

a, 77 and 79; C«ibb 2007, figs. 106-109; also Gobl 1967, II. 
C P l 2 ^ i^ R *'* Wd '"' '' ' headdresa worn by rlu- hunter (.1 

r pfau from Kemfarain the Hermitage Museum, which, a. 

ron^toHAapta'sRybatic utalyai amiinoned in a provincial workshop in 

2~ ™ " !" bcdi,ed • bepnnrng ol "the 4* century (Has 

l T'l « .. . P 2 ' b1 >" «0*Ulion to Shapur II in 

light ol the Shapur II drachm mentioned above, sec Gtbzi in 2004 p 59 

h 1990, no*. 6. 26 and 37. r 

: * £"" «•« Hnrm, z d[ 1 1); also bronze coins 28 (issued in 

,hc,1J ' wad Hormiadni) 

,-,5,5 1 a.5,.5,SS (t ,„,a S t,a 

;^;;^'; H : ' »•«« U«g(< -mailof 28 December 2007) I 

seslmg, presented here, make, btl datin, «„, likely. Some months after this article was 

dem, it is I Linked In two pairs ol plant forms that 
resemble those on [ arkhund Asp-wi[. ..]\ head 
dress; also similar to (hat headdress, as well as to 
the kanarangs, are the long pleated diadem rib 
bons that resi along his right shoulder. 

Animal crowns occur on the coinage issued by 
rulers of the ancient state of Chorasmia, (prescnt- 
J.n northwestern Uzbekistan) situated well to 
the north ol Bactria. ( ki hh notes thai its coinage 
operated outside the mainstream ol C cntral Asia; 11 
and indeed its local issues in.n reflect ( horesmta's 
nomadic roots: sometime from the end of the 3" 1 
century come s i 1 \ e r ami copper issues showing 
the ruler with a headdress in the form of a bird; 
although the wings are absent, its overall form 
resembles the bird's complete head and body.' 4 
More relevant to Parfchund Asp-wi[.,.]'s head- 
dress, though of a later date, are copper issues 
that show a ruler with a two-humped camel as the 
mam element ol his crown," 

So far, we have looked at the animal crowns 
worn by rulers of Iranian and Central Asian back- 
grounds. But the use of animal parts -though 
never the complete animal - is not unknown in 
the classical world. The incorporation oi horns, 
as well as an animal scalp, begins in the West in 
the latter part of the 4 ,h century bo: with Alex- 
ander III the Great's and his successors' adop- 
tion for his coin poi traits ol such symbols as the 
ram's horns of the Egyptian god Zeus- Amnion, 
the lion pell of Her ikies, or an Indian elephant sea 
aiiA tusks. 1 " Relevant to this discussion are the cot 

I Impression ol the seal 

ol Sagolokho, the vntzurg- 
framadir, Bactrian. After 
to, hi 1967, III, pi. 86: G21 

Fig. 5: Impression ol the seal 
of Kedii the hiudruxt, 

Bactrian. Alter Gobl 1967, 
111, pi. 86:G19 

lp, complete with ear, trunk 
ns issued b) Demetrius I of 

ft-mtcn, I learned ol an uninscribed Bactrian sealing in die A Saeedi < ollection (1 on 
don) that depicts a near!) frontal bearded male burn wearing an eagle headdress; unlike 
the complete the bird ol Sagolokho's headdress, this beaddreai consists ol the foreparts 
oi the eagle (profile head and frontal breast) and lar^e outspread wings, W nil thanks to 
Mr. Saeedi, I plan to publish ii with Ins other Bactrian sealing* m .1 future article, co- 
authored with Mi Sai 1 m and Nn hoi uStats Wti 1 1 wis. 
J3 Cribb2007, p. 372. 

34 Vainwrc. 1977 pU \ [V: I and2jXVH;XXII and XXIII: B*V (silver) and B*S (eop] 

35 VAiNBtRr, 1977, pis. X: V: I ... \\\ll:U|t jrrillic .|l »;( XXIX:G12 

36 Sec Dahmum 2007 and Cribb 2007, p 337 l"he addition d ram's horns, which are nol 
part ol Alexander'- but appear to sproui from his temples, allude to Ins ret 
ogniuon bj the nod's priests as the god's son. other animal elements associated with 


Judith A. Lonei 

Animal Headdresses on the Sealing* ot the Baunan iJooinu-nis 22i 

B^ti «:bih who wears Alexander's elephant-scalp headdress to show 

himself as a legitimate heir ol the conqueror of India and to mark his own ex 
pansion into India; and those of the usurper Euciatides I (171-145 bce) who 
appears in a helmet with a bull's ear and horn.' 


Seen against this survevol animal headdresses among settled and nomad ie Iranian 
and other peoples as well as Alexander's successors in Central Asia, the multiple 
ram's heads and complete horses on the respective crowns of our two Bactrian 
officials nusual (and, indeed, it would not be surprising for seals and seal- 

one in light them ing other personages wearing crowns with the same or 
other animal not fully understand the ethnic makeup of the inhabitants 

that is known as Bactria - a mix, to be sure, with a Strong nomadic 
component, js was the case with neighboring Parthia and Choresmia. From the 
first millennium act in lands north and east of Bactria the deep nomadic tradi- 
tion a animal symbolism expressed itself, in part, in the choke ol decoration for 
iwns and other headgear. The animal crowns of Alexander's successors in Bac- 
tria reinforced that tradition or pro\ ided renewed impetus for its continuation. 

1 he incorporation ot animal heads or entire figures of animals in the head 
dresses ot our Bactrian officials and Sagolokho shows the persistence of these 
ancient traditions in Bactria. Even if we interpret Hormizd II's winged cram D 
with its falcon or eagle protome as a complete bird, the use of multiple animal 
I a whole animal (or more than one entire animal) is not at all typical ol 
man royal iconography. Rather, such literal or complete animal representa- 
tions on headdresses are more at home in a Bactrian context where they seem to 
reflect an carls nomadic stratum, renewed by successive invasions of nomadic- 
peoples from the east. The persistence of such headgear can be found in the 8 th 
century in the painting at Dokhtar-e Noshirwan (Ntgar), situated in the area 
I the kingdom ot Rob (Run, which, from intern,! n idenee, is the origin 
B documents and the loose sealings. There, the enthroned 
ears a crown with what appears to be a frontal ram's head 
placed prominent U above wings, M 

Tm5r lhtbUll ' ih ° r " •—Jo. and the goafs h. 

I, i, no,cwor«hv that prior toAk , nqocsI o) , , , ^ . 

*»*«£«: ">"»»' crown aomtNea, oTbulPi horw to 

notediviniiv. animals Jo not heurc in Jmn, „ ,, „ 

urr.u.,,rn „i. k .u i B J ' hl- addresses; and bull s horns 

;— ;:;. K™.Si n( c,2300-a 


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Gvsi 1 1 \. R. 1993: Catalog** d« sceaux, camtes el bullet yusanides. VoL I: Collection 
generate. Paris. 

- 2004: "New Evidence lot -Sasaman Numismatics: the Collection of Ahmad Saeedi " 

In: Contributiom a i'histoire et la geographic kistorujue Vempm ■■assanide. Ed. by 
R. Gyselen. Bures nil Yevettt (Res Orientales XVI), pp. 49-140. 
Harper, P.O. 1981: Sihei Vest Sasanian Period Volume One: Royal Im- 

agery. New Yoik. 

— 1989: "A Kushano Silver Bowl." In: ArcbaeologU Iranica et Orientalii 

Miscellanea tfl »de« Berghe. VoL II I'd. b) I DXMbYI k. Gent, 

pp. 847-866. 


•v The Art ,,i the Scythians. The Interpretation of Cultures at the 
e of the Hcllem I Wot Id 1 I iden. 
Kiiublrc-Saitir. 0. I9«: "Doklntr-i-Noriiirwan (N.gan Reconsidered. In 
l/*<yj"ij. 10, pp 

i 2003 [2007]j "II There a 'National^ ' d the Hephtalitcs?" In: 

BAI l", pp. 119-133 

II rnaiLJ.HoGA«TH.ClevelaiMl/NewYork 

H 1987: "Lmt ribeusche I bcrkopfkappe und ihre Beziehung zu den sassnj 

„n tKrkoptkappcn'In: AMIJC.pp Ml 

-2000 "Zu den sasanidischen rieritopfkappen. Ein Nachtrag ." In: Variatio Detec- 
hjn unii dn Westen Gedatkscbrifi f£t Petti Cslmcyer, Ed. bj K. Dn i 
hamk Manner, pp. 487 

Omim HT, M.J. 1997: "Parthian King's I 'iara-NumiMH.nn.' Evidence and Some As- 
u of Arsacid PblhioJ loeolog) " ti *inmism*tk*e (= ZtpukiNumu 

mmtycun II. pp. 27-57. 

- 2003: "Panhia and Nomadj of Central Asia. Elements of Steppe Origin pm the 

al and Military Developments oi Arsacid Iran." In: Stilt tar und Staatttchkeit. 
Ed. hv I SiHsnitiR. Halle s nschafthohe HefWMineilungen 

de* SIB "DiSeraa und Integration" 5), pp. 69-109. 
S\ri ssmi. V.I. 1985: The Golden Hoard < From the Tillya Tepe Excavati- 

on* ■ m Afghanistan New York/Leningrad 

i:ki. I ; Vol III Tbt Roy*l Tombs and Other Mtmumen 

Chicago | I Ik Uuiversit) of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications 1 XX) 
&1LLVOOD, l> G. 1V80:.4./i Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia, 2 J ed. London. 
Win iams, N. 2000: Baanan Documents from Northern Afghanistan I: Legal 
and Economu Documents, Oxford {("II, part II, vol. VI). 

2 'Ancient Afghanistan and Its Invaders: Linguistic Evidence From the Ba* 
man Documents ami Inscriptions." In: Inda-lrantan Languages and Peoples. Ed. 
b\ N. Sncs-WiLUAiii Oxford/New York (Proceedings of the British Academy 

- 2005: "Some Baetrun Seal Inscriptions," In: Afghanistan. Ancien carrefour entre 

Vest el Vouesi . oUaque international organise par Christian Land. 

Osmund Bopearachchi au St usee areheologi/jue ftenn-Pradt > -i.attes du 5 au 7 mat 
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Splendent da UstMsiidet I 'empire perse entre Rome et la Chine [224-642/. Cata- 
ic ot an exhibit,,.,, held at the Museei means. d'Art ct d'Histoire, Brussels, 
121 eh. 25 Apr l993.BrusseL 

ion 1 1 1995: Darstellunten btUemttmket KSmge mil GotteuUtributen, Prank- 
rurvNew Yora(ArchaologischeStudtcrj 10) 
V uNta v .HI. 1977: Horn r, drt raego Ckoreim4 Moscow 
VammhBbhch I beologudeVMnmttien. Leiden. 

Epigraphica Nestoriana Serica 1 

Samuel N.C. Lieu, Sj dney 

1. The Bilingual Xi'an Monument 

The study of the epigraphy the Christian Church of the East {commonly re- 
ferred to .is Nestorianism) m China began as earlj .is the Seventeenth Century 
when western scholars were able to study the large stele (ca. 270cm high, 105 un 
wide and 30cm thick) found by workmen in 1623 ct" while digging a trench in 
the district of Zhouzhi & I about 75 km west of the historic citv ot Xi'an t5j4r 
(i.e. Chang'an h£ the western capital of China during the Tang Dynastv) I be 
stele bears a long inscription in Chinese but it also contains a number of lines 
in a script then unknown to scholars in China. I lowcvcr, Catholic missionar- 
ies were In then active on the South China coast, especiallj in the Portugese 
enclave of Macao, and the main text of the stele was soon recognized as per- 
taining to the establishment of the monasteries a monotheistic religion the 
Lumionous Teaching of Da Qin' (Daqin Jingjiao *.£##.) in the capital oiks 
of Tang China, viz. the western capital of Chang .in and the eastern capital ol 
Luoyang ^Cft.' 

News of the discovery of an unusal ancient religious monument in China 
soon circulated among European missionaries in China and it was not long be 
fore the inscription was recognized both by Chinese and Western scholars as 
pertaining to the arrival of the 'Nestorian' form of Christianity in medieval 
China. Reports ot this sensational discovers also circulated in Europe -mainly 
through work ot the Jesuit scholar Ai.varo de Semi no who saw the stele in 
1628 and later published a Spanish version (1642) and an Italian one (1643) of 
the Chinese portion of the text. An earlier translation had been made by Nico- 
i \s Trigaui i in Latin in 1625 but this was not published until almost three 

1 The author is grateful to the Australian Research Council, the < Inane, < hm^ Kuo hum 
nation and the Humboldi Stiftung Foi imi.hki.iI mppori for research in ( hina, Berlin, 
I ..ikIuii and Cambridge. He would alto like to thani DrGuwNi a Mtxxi is, tt for much 
helpful advice and coi re< tioru 

2 All dates are < i unless itated otherwise. 

3 The existence of a Nestorian community in 1 uoymng has now been confirmed b) tin .1 
cover) fodiceastenisuburbsofiheeityin2006ofabrokenNesi>.ii.iM\ut,.i inscription*. 
(i /,, vs't, Nai?hd 1kn&: "B» Henan Luo i i ehutu de yi jian Tangdai Jing- 
jiao tt^*^F»W*i.i4-H*ft*tt*«-. in: Xiy* y*nji* «J*»It 2007.1, 
pp. 65-73. 

- C, - 

^^M^ elN.CLiei 

ceorarka later bv Henri Havret in 1902. 4 The language of the non-Chinese 
portion the inscription had also been recognized as Sv nac - the lingua franca 
I burch of the East commonb known hv their pcrjorative name of Nes- 
i.ins. These lines in Syriac which were written in the Estrangela (and not 
the Nestorian) script were first deciphered and translated b) toother I uropean 
missmnarv P IfeSEM i«> (horn Pal i |i \n S< hrh k) in 1629 who circulated 
bis results privatcl\. s The present i of Sj ri« in this particular epigraphical text 
is not surprising as the main part oi the text in Chinese (inscribed tn ad 78!) 
gives a laudatory account of the spread of a monotheistic 'Luminous (or Radi- 
ant) Religion' (jtngjiao |r|t) from a country to the west of China called Da 
t v >m fc #V (which most scholars recognize as the archaic Chinese name for the> Empire) to the Middle Kingdom. 4 Some lines of text in a foreign script 

uid strengthen die credentials atjingjuo as a privileged foreign religion. The 
discovery of a Christian (albeit Nestorian) inscribed monument discovery was 
at first disbelieved bv main European scholars, including Voltaire, who com- 
monlv (note it off as an ingenious 'Jesuit forger] to deceive the Chinese and 
defraud them ol their treasures'. 

The bilingual stele, now commonly known to scholars and the wider pub- 
lic as the Nestorian Monument (hereafter "Monument'}, is the prime exhibit 
m the Xi'an forest od Stelae Museum (Xi'an beiltn bowuguan i54c**f *+>l#4*jf^, 
1 pigraphical Museum) and is seen by hundreds of thousands ol 
tourists each year. 1 Earlier editions and translations ol the text of the long in- 
scription normally included both the Chinese and the Syriac texts.'' However, 
because the main bod\ ol the inscription on the Monument is in Chinese, the 
text has been studied mamh by Sinologists and not b\ Syriac scholars with the 
resull thai some recent translations of the inscription do not include the Syriac 
at all except tor the first two lines - one at the beginning and the other at the 
end of the main Chinese iext.' : This neglect of the Syriac is understandable in 
that the Monument is not strictly, speaking a bilingual inscription as the Syriac 
and the Chinese teutons bear little relation to each other. Moreover, while the 
Chinese text runs into 1,756 characters in 32 long lines - such length of text 

4 See useful summaries oj the discovery and publication bister) of this famous Kelt in 

I'i 1 1 tin \H*b, pp . 5-Hft. and R.IBOUO 2001, pp. 2-4 and 12-15. 
I ' im, pp. 102-103. 

«. On the significance and geographical eXtCfll ol Da Qin sec Leslie/Gardiner 1996, 
pp. 131- 

words of Georges Horn, cited in Pr i no i L996,p 151 

8 SctXt'tnbtilu, bovM gM „ *,*i»*t**>* _ Xi'sn I ,, t TMtU Mmeum (Ex- 

m CMUhpu), Shwaxi L9», P 44 The monument was placed in the Museum in 

9 See espee.alK ■ S„ « 1937, pp. 320-333, and also Mo<„ 1 1930. pp. 35-52. Saeki's edition 
conum* excellent reproductton >-i the Syaru para of the tern 

' M ' ! 'j " - 'translate of Chmese section only), and Xu Longfe. 2004, 

pp. 95-101 (translation ol Ghli D onl) | 

I pi^raphica Nestori.m.i Seric.i 


is fairly standard for commemorative stelae placed outside Buddhist or Daoisi 
temples or Islamic mosques - the Syriac part which is marginal to the Chinese 
and largely in a special section underneath the main text and on the two side 
panels of the stele amounts to no more than 300 words. Nevertheless the Syriac 
part deserves to be studied as a very early example of Nestorian epigraphy 'East 
of the Euphrates' and not simpl) as an insignificant adjunct to the main Chi- 
nese text. Since Ncstorianism was imported into the Middle Kingdom from a 
Syriac-speaking Christian milieu, the Syriac text, no matter how peripheral it 
appears on the stone, yields rare and precious information for the researcher in 
the history of the eastward diffusion of Christianity. 

The Syriac text on the monument is inscribed vertically like the main body 
of the text in < Chinese - a practice which is very common in Central Asia and 
would be followed by texts inscribed or copied in Mongol and Manchu even 
though the scripts for both of these languages were derived from Aramaic via 
Sogdian and Uighut which were intended to be written and read horizontally. 
Despite its inferiority in terms of 'word-count', the S\ I iat is tar from invisible 
as the first line of it actually precedes the main body ot the Chinese text and 
states the authorship of the inscription on the stele in a manner which is com- 
pletely different from the Chinese: 

Recorded (i.e. authored) by Jingpnga monk of the DaQin monastery 

Adam priest and ehorepskopus and fapsb' of Sin(i)stan 

The nameSin(i)stan for the Middle Kingdom is widely attested in Central Asian 
texts from the middle Sassanian era onwards and is also found in Greek in the 
writings of the famous Christian traveller Cosmas Indicopleustes as Tzinista. 12 
However, the one word in this first line of Syriac text as given above which a 
Syriac-speaker not familiar with terms used by Nestorians in China and did not 
know Chinese would have difficult) in understanding w ould undoubtedly have 
been jjsreis as it is manifestly not a Syriac word. MoULB, giving the word in 
transliteration isftpsbi i i.e. reading >*area in the Syriac) 1 ' had suggested that the 
term is the Syriac approximation of the verv common Chinese liuddhisi/Daoist 
term for a priest or monk: fashi &W ('teacher of the law'). 14 The problem with 

1 1 The medial l udh in ^fcau.^ is indicated hv a Rhhaea in the form of two vertical dots 

over t he o>. 

12 E.O.WlNDSTEDT(ed.):r^t-C/jnsn.oi Topography of Cosmas IndicopleuUmA iambi ioV 
1909, p. 322; Taji{joj}*vrj. T^Cvier™ ofrna ««Xoo|i4vii, nw&o»|*4«»| ni ■ sne&v 6nd 
toO ll/:/vo'j ... 

13 Cf.MoUU 1930, p. 35, esp 12 Unlomjn.uelv Mont e'i translation is not accompa- 
nied In either the < hiiu se nor the Syriac ten in original script 

14 According to Dl I tQWIU Barnett cited hy Mavu> Jashih was transliterated as pbab 
tbl in a bilingual Duiihuang document. Moule does not give the original Sjrni I 

Samuel N.C.I in' 

Mdi a mapk »!»*» « thii ^ ■ ,i[ w lmv m * anM ,vr ; u ; k ' !lK " Syn f 

equivalent of an ecclesiastical rank foi , priest « bo was effcrtrvel) a metropol,- 
i , n ol an aidwfiocese. The meet oto bus Sj n.K ehuicfa-hierarducaJ term m the 
context of the Sj riac would haw been *** W (< L -"> « m ,ts Graeacaed 
form ***** Wi P U» K Gl which W <h'* case does not mean 'I ope 

but a -metropolitan bishop'." The term would have been especially appropriate 
i , m who had jurisdiction ora the metropolitan see erf China which, be 
cause ©fitsdistance from other centers oi Nestorianism, would have conferred 
on the holder considerable high status. 

The preseni author visited Xi'an Forest ol Stone Tablets Museum in 2007 
and was able to personal l> check the reading of the word on the stone and there 
il little doubt that the word is written ^x±<<°> papsh'. The final '£ *.- is well 
executed. This could not entire]) rule out the possibility that it was a miscop) - 
ing In a Chinese stonc-mscrihcr who mistook a final 'E *.- (which occurs in a 
DC like xRtoiuaon I. 18} tor a final Yudh ,- and his mistake was left uncor- 
rected because iis^s or ^at<a was not a Syriac word. I am inclined CO think 
that the title «^ original!) mc^rt* but the term was phonetically transliterated 
into Chinese which would explain the switch from Semkaih o»toStn jt which u 
a much more commonK encountered sound in Chinese. The Chinese version of 
the title mow lost) then became so closely associated with Adam that it was re- 
transliterated into Sj riac t >thcr explanations are clearly possible and it would 
be good il more specialists in S\nac could be encouraged or persuaded to work 
joint!) w ith (hincse scholars to solve the many problems posed by this hapax 
Ugomcnon inscribed in S\ i iac s t ript and attested onlj on the Monument. 

The second In N iac is placed at the >.cr\ end of the main body of the 

nest text and in preceded b\ a Chinese version which surprisingly carries 
similar information: 

|lnscnhed| in the reign ol Ning-shu (i.e. Hananishu) as Patriarch I In King of 
the Law 1 ) ewer the ]mg (Luminous p, in/rat) congregations of the East 

aa-i-sipA rdoiioivo ^. ftinn . ,v» nTlMTiar^i r£=,r< pxio 

In thed.ns of the Hather of Fathers Mar Hananishu Catholictu Patriarch 

. iih his translation, unlike thai ..I SaEEI which gives both. Faiht mx\ hi. 
I h Mrsaui m s has suggested to me personally, to his r«.!e as a preacher 

but 1 nilt rinJu incottgraous nrx tuch i term to appear in Syriac transliteration in a..' 1 " 
i requires i title no junior than thai of a metropolitan. 'Mi readier of 

would serious!) dowrujradi U» position of Adam. In uq easeareadei ol the 
uucriptuMiwhoonlj km Quid not have understood tht ti inSyriat 

irinditcratinn and with it ihe entire phrase 
15 "" ion is not new. It waif d by dwa^ai Syriac scholar J. S.Aaaetnani 

«earlv, M<P«LL«OTl»96,p.m).Sf«alsoSAsaii9 l-Si rhep 

lem has been vcrvlmle Jin. u,u,l in mom receni literature 

Epigraph ic a Nestoriana Serica 


It is genera IK accepted that the Catholicos and Patriarch Hananishu died in 780 but 
news of death at Seleucia-Ctesiphon had obvious!) not yet been received in China 
in 78] when the stele was erected. 16 It is not the other w i$c unattested 
S\ n.K term in 1. I ol the S\ riac text (\ i/. ijar<i) might Keen a transliteration for 
the term fazhn <k i. 'King ol I aw' which would certain!) hi the seniority require- 
ment and here given as translation for the S) ro-( neck word at. -u-u^ "patriarch". 

The most substantial portion of the S\ riac text inscribed on the Monument 
is lound below the main body of the Chinese and the text reads vertically and 
from left to right. The Chinese characters in I. I 3 are therefore shown in their 
correct vertical position on the inscription and properly aligned with the Chi- 
nese main text above and next to the S\ i i.u ' : 

^VtvKd ... - VfN .air*' ^"--i (3) 

ndu_to \»K\z>1c. ,V> rtiJ<\.l (4) 

« v re , KnsVi\ r^SievaoaxarCicv^o I 5) 

jui \= re"i\(\»l2n a\x.\» (6) 

^7)1 ttty.wn QaA*2a r^K&l (7) 

^ iu»i(x»,i\N. <^a\i.\» ul-i (8) 

rtlartfil rilra rtjjcCi TQAnrC' (9J 

m^Aiuui m=> T =L»*rial (10) 
^ om^oteiXaa ^oovas. (III 
rejdsi fc\nls. ^mri'i ( I 2 I 

fSSf «^^ (13) 

\3 "'"Ss"' ■pre'ire' (14) 
r^acLomiir^icia 1.1A31U (15) 

In ihe year One Thousand and Ntnet) andTwoofthe Greeks (1092 Sel. =781 Ce) 
My Lord Izd-buzid priest .mil Cborepiscopua ol Khumdan (he metropolis, son 
of tht lata Mills pi irst, from Balkhacity ofTahuristan (i.e. Tocharistan), set up 
that tablet of stone. The things which are written on il [are] the law ol him our 
Sink, ii, ,ind the preaching ol them our fathers to the kings ol Sm.ivc. Monk Ling- 
bao Adam minister son of Izd-buzid Chorepiscopus. 11 

This section of the inscription was clearK intended For reading onK by the 
Syri.u speaking monks who had come to the Middle Kingdom from Iran and 
Central Asia follow bag the collapse of the Sassanian Dynasts to the Arabs. The 
dating formula used ('In the year ... of the Greeks ...') is thai of the Seleucid 

16 Cf.Mout-E 1930, p. 47,n.43. 

17 While ii is not impossible toure modern computer technolog) m print these lines vertically, 
i.e. exact!) asthe) spwar on the inscription, it would hi -hisliK "Hum. « I.u ilu reader Mund in a number ofl iiropean institutions thanks 
to the efforts of tht Danish icholai I arrsHoLMandsquee/esol the inscription re sold .is 
souvenirs and frequentl) encountered outside ( bins mdon. setotih. s^tiee/.es is available 
l..rconsuh.u...n ,u ihe Manichae.ui Doeumenution Centre at Macquane University. 

18 Trans MoULh 1930. p. 48 (modified). Wiksir SuNDl MUNM thinks the word trans 
lated a* 'miniate! b) M sl.-u.ld he rendered 'deacon' in tin* p.n. kuI... si .ind 

that l/d stands foi 1 ./.id". 

Samuel N.C I 

calendar inaugurated on I Octobcf 311 Bt and was used widely in the Near 
H and particularK bv Christians living under the Sassamans. Us use is par- 
,[arlv well attested on pagan Inscriptions in Palmyra. 1 '' The lines are verti- 
cally inscribed from left to right in contradistinction to the Chinese which was 
inscribed throughout the monument vertualk from right to left. The Chinese 
ne-curter was probabl) given a hand copied Syriac text of these lines which 
tt written horizontal and he turned the test round ''0 degrees to conform 
with the Chinese custom of writing \erncalk which is fortunate for the mod- 
ern Syria* scholar because had these lines been inscribed Irom right to left as 
well as vertically, the modern scholar will not only have to turn the photograph 
squeeze of the these lines through l >0 degrees but will also have to read the 
text Irom the bottom line upwards. The use oi the term Sinya r£^ s for China 
is worth noting as the scribe had reverted to I form oi the name more natural 
tor Svrians instead of the Persian sounding «, ^kuai^. Smistan used in a more 
official context in I. 1 of the Sj nac on the main part of the Monument. Accord- 
ing to Thomas oi Marga, a monk called David from the 'king of monasteries' of 
Bet 'Abhe (.-'-- kus) near modern Mosul was elected to the metropolitan see of 
Bet Sim a (ri»i»^ fc»=) at the end of the Eighth Century, probably in succession 
'.i im These thirteen lines oi Sj tiac would be readily comprehensible to 
theS\ njl ^peaking monks at the monastery or their visitors from Central Asia. 
D the names oi the capita] cities of Tang China: Khumdan for Xi'an (the 
western capital) and Sarag for Luoyang (the eastern capital) are well attested in 
a in other Central Asian languages such as Sogdian and Turk ish.- 21 
The thirteen tines are followed by two further lines aftera space on the stone 
oi about 12 cm: 

reicuuanA'CioiO (17) 

Mar Sat^is priest and Chorepiscopus. 

repiscopus(<Gr.j itrv-bishop'.ora suffragan bishop 

in modern parlance, is a very common rank among Nestonan clergy of Central 
tod is en cou n t er ed in lines 5 and 15 above. How these two lines relate id 
sense and contest to the previous lines is ru>t clear. 

The next few lines oi the inscription are bilingual and give the names and 
ranks of the monk responsible for erecting the tablet and that of his assistant in 
both Syriac and Chinese - once more with differing information especially on 

" SatmJ! ' V T'l* CUH Polmyrene Arumau Texts. Baltimore 1 9M, P P s ' 

p. 238 is (text). Thii ,s u ertremel) important source as it is the mosi 

' '••. l .kK..,.., l ...N„„ ir i JnC .h r i slianilvin , r4 ndlranaMhl ., 

„ , Monument ioXi'aa. 

-' > Anucm Letters." In: BSOAS 12 


I pigraphica Nestoriana Series 


the title and status of the monks concerned, except in the ease of Gabriel his role 
as nffcsni. -ti'hcad of the monastery" is faithfully rendered into ( hinese as uxbu 
■%jL lit. 'monastery chief' or 'abbot'. The task of reading these lines is compli- 
cated by the fact thai although the Syriac reads vertical!) from lelt to right, the 
Chinese reads vert k all\ from right to left. The hybrid text reproduced here has 
the Chinese rearranged to tit in with the line-order of the Syriac: 

t^XAMD i.csxJ-valB fifffJli (18) 

IChin.l Supervisoi oi the erection (of the stele) the monk Xingtong 
[Sj i | Sabranisho (orSabr'isho j^om±^\zhi>) priest. 

^«\n.jaS<<a i^iiio J_ri>\a»^ (I") 
Js^sano (21) 

|Chin.| The Assistant Supen isor oi the erection (oi th< stele), the abboi and monk 
Yehli(i.e. Gabriel) who was awarded dbepu^le*«w«*(i.e.monastu robe)b) the 
Taichang ching through (public) examination. 

|Syr.| Gabriel, priest and archdeacon and abbot of (the monastei iesjol Khumdan 

i i.e. Chang'an) and Sarag (i.e. Luoyang). 
The special local honours acquired by Gabriel would have only impressed a 
Chinese reader of the inscription and no attempt therefore was made by the 
compiler to find equivalents for them in the S\ i iac version. 

On the two side-panels of the Monument an inscribed in four rows the names 
of some seventy Svrian monks, some with titles and most with the Chinese 
equivalent of their names, making this section probabl) the most 'bilingual part 
of the inscription. Of the 74 names in S\ nac, hi are accompanied DJ names in 
( hinese. 22 For monks whose names had no Chinese equivalents one can 
onlv surmise that they saw no need to 'go native' and were content to be known 
solely bv their Sv ri.u names. I >nlj a small proportion of the names ,n C hinese 
are transliterations or translations of the Sy nac Titus, oi the hve monks » uh the 
same Sv rial name oi Sargjs (Sergius), none have the same monk-name m Chinese 
which show s how their original name was pronounced in Sv nac had little influ- 
ence on their choice of Chinese equivalents. A good example, though, of a par- 
tial transliterated name is in 1.22 of the Svn.K.M/ . the first name on the list: 

\]\ lord Yobanaua Bishop 

:: iiss.KANTWWknu,, toMOUp 13) bdawaj » oftb. ■, name „ < fa ,- havereh 
tivdj rimilirpronunciariooinSyriacbutwchahi i aver, ^"PJ™"™ 

can m,. be abiohii « *« Tang pronunaanon d «om, ol tht characters w 

ilusi t hinei< name* 

Samuel N.C. Lieu 

tor v, hah the Chinese equivalent is 

Dade ("Great Virtue" = Bishop) Yaolun *.ct>Hft 

Yaolun is clearly a transliteration ol Vobanai] because the name m Chinese means 
int wheel' which though Buddhist sounding is an odd choice for a monk- 
name and the characters were most likely to have been chosen for their phonetic 
value. The use of the seemingly unrelated phrase dade (which is used in Buddhist 
teats to translate the Sanskrit term bbadanta) for the title of bishop is also at- 
tested on a Nestorian inscription in ( hinese horn a later period found in the port 
vit\ ol Quanzhou. 2 * Another exception is the monk or priest Ephraim on I. Js 

Alrem priest (Chin.| monk Fulin 

where the Chinese characters used tor transliterating the monk-name 'Fulin' are 
almost exactl) the same as those used to designate the Eastern Roman Empire 
during the Tang Dynasty i: infra) and have no religious significance. Another 
possible hut less obvious phonetic transliteration might have been the Chinese 
equivalent on I. 45 for the Biblical name of Noah: 

|Svr.| Noli (Noah) |Chin.) monk Lftiwei 
( htt pair of names though is ol special interest. On 1. 48 we read: 

oxxiiA^ji^DKU) f£ & it 

(Syr.| Qosrantim I onstantine) (Chin. | monk Juxin 

To see the full Greek version of the name Constaiuine in Sj riac instead of the 

more common abridged version of Qoshtanz ,,'V "-. used widely by Nestor- 

ral Asia for both Constantinus (masc.) and the Constantia (fern.) 24 

' interest in itself but even more unusual is the fact the Chinese monk-name 

adopted In th.s Sv n.u I ?) monk Juxin & ft means 'constant in faith' which bears 

some relation to the meaning of the name not in nor in the Greek from 

watch the was derived, but in the original Latin from which the Greek 

was derived. The Latin meaning of the name (from which the English words 

•taa and constancy ' also derived) appears to have survived transmis- 

acrots Central \„, p r „luok ( hrou K h some type of lexical aid. 
wh.le most uf the names of the Nestorian monks in Syriac on the Nestorian 
Monument are of Biblical or Semitic origin, a handful of names like Sargis (i.e. 

ft *. * Quintal lmvuo fh ,k e * m * * c «/= RchgWHS Slant 

" ESS ^*»o^ M ^.i MM «m 

l pigraphica Nestoriana Series 


Sergius) (ai^w 1. 20, 53, Sf> etc.), Bacchus (wcvaa I. 82),- s Cyriacus (a>aa.\ao 
1. 81), : " Posi (.jscca 1. 57)-" and Mahdad Gushnasp (Afluiw^nm 1. 26) a is of 
pagan or Persian origin. However, most of these names ate so firmly rooted 
in the martvrologv of the Church of the East in Mesopotamia and Iran (both 
Nestorian and Monophysite) that they cannot be used to determine the racial 
origin of the monks ol the community which set up the Monumem 

The Sy ri.u version also gives l/d-buzid, priest and Chorepiseopus ol Khum 
dan the metropolis, as the son of the late Mills, a priest from Balkh in [achat is 
tan as the person who set up the stele in 781. The link with Balkh as a possible- 
source or intermediary of Nestorian mission to the Middle Kingdom has drawn 
little attention from S( hoi ars. The ruins of Balkh now OCCUp) the sited modern 
Bala Hesar in Afghanistan. As Bactra in ancient times, Balkh was capital of the 
[ndo-Greek kingdom ol Bactria. It later became the capital of the kushan Em- 
pire and hom the late fifth century onwards it was occupied by the Hephthal 
ites. The evangelization of the city also featured in the missionary work of the 
legendary Bar Shabba in the fourth century ,r and the city was also said to have 
been evangelized by Nestorians during the Shahanshah Kawad's exile among 
the 'White Huns* as he was said to have been accompanied by two Nestorian 
priests.' 1 The fact that it was linked to Tocharistan in the Svti.u part of the 
inscription is worth noting as the citj was captured by the Arabs in the Eighth 
Century and was made the capital of Khorasan. The great centre of Nestori- 
anism in <■ entraJ Asia at the time of the Islamic conquest of Central Asia was 
Merv and in 651 it was the Nestorian Bishop of Mcrv who buried (Ik corpse ol 
the murdered Yazdgard III after losing the decisive battle of Nihavand (642) to 
the armies of Islam. Nevertheless Balkh must have been a highly multicultural 
and multi-faith citv i m he decades before the Islam u conquest as it wasTes.the 
King ol Chaganian and Tocharistan, who sent a Mozak (rmtche), i.e. a Man- 
ichaean priest of the highest rank (= magister in Latin sources), who was well 

25 On the acts of the famous SS. Sergius and Bacchus celebrated b\ both Mnm.physiicsand 
Nestoriana lee I. van di Ghbyw "Passio anriquioi SS Vi;n el B icchi" in: Analeaa 
BolUndum* 14 (1895). pp. 371-J95. See also the important stuck .,t I K Poi DEN; The': 5 mbttween Jtome and Iran. Berkeley WW, pp. 101-173. 

26 On the legends of Cyriacus and Julitta in Central tsiasceSms \\ missis 1992, p. 52. 

27 Pus.ii (Gr. Pusaeus, lv I '.'ii -i I- ■•' Possi) was *tb« chid crafuman' "t .n 
K.,rk.v..! t - 1 ediniheraamifseturingol lilh before he was martyre 
AcunumyrumttuuictonmSyrUa «d>bj P. Bkojan, Paris 1890 1897, vol U,p.208. 

28 I oi the name Mahguinasp to paartyrdoni acts i« references given in I |usn iN9s: h.t 
nischti Vamenbuch, Marburg, p. 186. 

29 See also the cautious appm.uh to the question ol ethnicity of tin monks as suggested bj 

their names bj Ribouo2001,d] biononiastit study «l the more unusual names 

in Syriac listed in the Monument is long overdue. 
JO Chronica* Seerumis 40 to ft Si hi r (ed It Histoir, mi in£dite(t brvniqi ■ 

\,,,i Paris 1910 (Patrobgia Orientalis 5.2). pp. 253-256. On tin legend ol iui s..h.i see 

N. Sims Wilj iams: ", in: Elr III (1989), p. 823 (with lull WW 
H ( I Mo. n ii 1998, p. 208. 

\ C, Lieu 

raned in istrologj u hwoj w the Tang court in 719. M Balkh was decisively 
occupied bj the Arabs and used as a military base tor the conquest ot Centra] 
Asia from ""34 onwards." The cit) Mood astride a number of main routes and 
• them which goes through the Qara Kotal Pass to the plain ot Bamian 
basin has the advantage ot being the shoriest tor travellers from the west as well 
as the easic 

2. Da Qin - Fulin - Rome 

The Chinese title of the Monument, which is prominently displayed in large 
characters at the top oi the stele, is Da QinJingJMO Uuxing Zhonggno bet *.4 

* tt 'JrtB** 'Monument to the diffusion ot the Da Qin (i.e. Roman) lu 
mini. us Religion firtgjum) in the Middle Kingdom*. The title raises two issues 
which have long attracted the attention ot scholars interested in the diffusion 

eign religions in China in the Tang period Firstly, the name Da Qin ^.4 
which in Chinese means literally the Great oi Greater Qin (Empire). The char- 
acter use for Qin #. is exactly the same as that lor the title of one of the most 
hated but fortunateh short-lived d) nasties ot Ancient China (221-207 bc). It 
saw the unification of the China through military conquest by the Qin state 
and the birth ol a superstate fl uh a name bj winch foreign states would come to 
know the Middle Kingdom - Qin 4 (Ch'in in Wade- Giles system of translit- 
eration, hence China) I be name ol the dynast] also lives on forever in popular 
Chinese memory as a model t\ rannieal and legalist regime which completed the 
building ot the Great Wall at great human cost and which was forever cursed 
bj Confucian scholars for instigating the burning of the Confucian Classics 
and the burving alive ol Confucian scholars who opposed the strict legalism of 
BC The term D.i Qin *.#. (lit. 'the Greater Qin State'), however, was 
usul from the Han 1)\ nast\ onwards as the designation of a might \ and Uto- 
pian state to the north-west ol Persia which could only have been the Roman 
Empire The title of Qin was conferred on the Roman Empire out of respeel for 
the territorial expansion ot China achieved under Qin Shihuangdi &-*k±'$ (i 
the Founding Qin I mperor, r. 221-2t: m | and us resultant rise in international 
status. As the compile! i-t the Dyruutu History of the Later Han saj s: 

Thev .th, Romans) resemble ik I In. people of the Middle Kingdom'), 

and that u wh\ the country is called Da Qin u.e. Great Qin or China). n 

P"WI.4b s.,« t , HAVMnna p B 1913, pp. 152-lSJ, and W.B. Hkk- 

•1 int Toctunui I, i.s, &? p,- yt \;, „ 570 

a [ ! '' , ' " hlll > "■ H n ln„„ d„ Arab Conquest CO the M 0B *ok" In: 

Hrlll (ISHS). p. SK8. 

* 2 \ rhv.Mn E[rlll(1989),p. 588. 
^Kmcfaftftt 1*2919. trans. I Wi/pTa* 

f pigraphica Nestoriana Sun 1 


The Nestorian monks and priests who had come to China because ol the col- 
l.ipse ot the Sassanian Empire and the subsequent Arab conquest ot I1.111 and 
adjacent i enwaJ Asm, were anxious that their centers ol worship should not be 
known as 'Persian monasteries (£osi 1; ,£*'! -% )' and petitioned 10 base the title of 
their monasteries changed to that of the 'Da Qin (i.e. Roman) mon.isu 1 us {da- 
qin si Jt^--^)'."' This desire of these Persian Christians to return to their 'Ro- 
man" roots marked the sect's decisive break with the now discredited Sassanian 
Dynasty. It also underscores the desire of the Nestorians to distance themselves 
from Zoroastrianism which was disliked in China for its approval of incestu- 
ous marriages and the exposure of the dead. I lowevcr, as I have pointed out 
elsewhere, 1 " 1 he Nestorian Church, with its ( atholicos noim.illv resident in the 
Twin Cities of Selcucia-Ctesiphon (near modern Baghdad), had been an integral 
part of the Parthian and Sassanian Empires of Iran tor 11e.nK h\e centuries. 

With the conquest of Byzantine Syria by the armies of Islam, the sect's 
know ledge of the Roman Empire was largely based on events which took place 
in the New Testament. Prior to the Islamic conquest, Nestorian clergy in the 
Sassanian Empire were very aware of their need to remain an independent entity 
owing no political allegiance to the Romano-Byzantine Empire. Cross-frontier 
contacts were few and this is reflected in the lack ol B\ /amine sources on the 
historj ot the Nestorian Church from the end of the fifth century onwards. 
III. adoption and dominance of Syriac as the official language of the Church of 
the East only served to reduce contact between the Nestorians in Iraq and [ran 
and their fellow Syriac- or Greek-speaking Christians on the oilier side ot the 
Romano-By/.antinc frontier.- ' We must also remember that the most common!) 
used name bv Nestorians for the Roman Empire was not "iraomi (i.e. Roma- 
nia) nor M^nomi *ia(Land of the Romans) but x^> av= (Land of the Greeks). " 
By this period «ia,o<m *c=(Land of the Romans) usually means not the Roman 
Empire but more specificalrj Rum. i.e. Asia Minor because Constantinople, 
its chief city, was the New Rome. 40 How the Nesioiuns m ( hm.i could have 
equated 'Land of the (.reeks' with the Da Qin ot Chinese historical sources 
raises a number ol intriguing questions. Chinese historical sources state that 
between Parthia and Da Qtn was the city of An Ku which main scholars had 
regarded as Chinese for Aniioch (on the Orontes) but it is also clear that An Ku 
was not seen as the capital of U.i Qin a name ulmh must apply to the whole 

36 Tmngbniysa Hit* 49.1012, cited in Moui.e 1930, p. 65, and Sai m 1937, p. 45f> (Appcn 

37 S.N.c! LlSU! "The- Luminous Religion in China." In: Mustaia/'Ii ISA) a 2007, pp $15-316. 

38 S. Gero: Bmruutm* of Visibit tnd Pmum I bratuuuty t» the Fifth I mtury, 1 ouvain 
1981 (Corpus Scriptorum< hrituanorumOrieinalhira4M;S«b«idia63),pp.33-41,and 

GtLLHAM Ki UIKI H I999,pp. Us 

39 B1M...1 |S*M. |. r . us I ins,' ll.p.587(transl.). 

40 Ibid, md cornm, *d foe, See also G. Le Strais, 1 l'». / mdt aj tin I uurn ( *Upb*t, 
Cambridge 1905, pp. 127-158. «p. 127-I2S. 

Sami sxN.C l in 

of the Roman Empire and noi fan to the Roman East.*' One would expect a 
Syriac-spcaker to haw 1 teaaooahle knowledge oi the Roman Empire through 
Syriac lourees but the NestoriM monk or monks who composed the < hi 
text oi the Monument had to draw on Chinese (rather than Svn.ul historical 
sources (esp the Han and Wei D) nasrie Histories) tor a description of amythi- 
,nd now Christianized!: DaQin Empire: 

:«/; fitikMOL ('Illustrated records oi western lands') and the 
histories of the Han and Wei (//.HI Wei l*«l ft ** fc ft), the land ol !>.. Qin is 
hounded on the south In the Mianhu (»*» Le CO! ll) Se.i; on the north it stretches 

uxb the Zhongbac ?f Mountains; on the west ii looks cowards the JCian- 
I W-it (lit- 'Region oi the Immortals') and Hualifl it**- (lit. 'Foresi oi Blos- 
soms'); on the east it borders on the Changfeng fcS. (lit. "Long Winds') and 
Kuoshm <4*>K lit. 'Feeble Water"). The country produces fire-washed cloth (as- 
bestt thai restore the soul, bright moon pearls, and rings that shine in 

the night. The was ol the people is to be happy and peaceful vs ithout thelt and 
rob) ton but the 'brilliant' jing (# i.e. Christianity) is practised, .1 

ruler who is not virtuous is not established lln lands are extensive and broad, 
the civilization prosperous .mil enlighrened.'-* 

This decidedly Utopian picture of the Roman Empire is similar to descriptions 
ol the Seres ithe people ot silk = ( hinese) in Roman sources/ 1 The use of the 
term Da Qin was decided!) archaic as another term lulin which is much more 
as curate phonetically '.\ Sogd. pr'wm-, Bactr. ifgOUO 

etc.) had becomecurrent as the designation tor the I. astern Roman Empire in the 
Tang period." Th 1 ins in China showed awareness of this, especially in 

their translation oi tests from S) nac into ( hinese. Though they situated Naza- 
reth ft u h m Da Qin." they plated most oi the other Gospel place-names within 

41 CI I im n (iski)imh l')%, p|> sv,~* wand 67-72. 

*? N..:,.fi.i'j Ifomanrnf (< h,n ;, ll U-15 (line numbering following the system oi I'm 
hot mis. pp lf>9 fV, |i t \i MMmni, p. 4. transl. I hsi n Garihmk 

«,p 115 

41 s J and transl. |: Tcxtet d'aHleuTS greet etlatmt relal- 

i)\jl'ritrfmt Orient Jcpmsl. , Ui (jH ',.« 14"" iieclt apresJ.C, I'.iris 

19IC, r*p sH The lirst Furopcan writer and traveller to unambiguous!) 

idcntils the Seres ssith the 'Cauifcl I athav = Chinese) was the I lemish 

r w, Kuhru.k iWitlem van Kubrock) who travelled to the Mon- 
gol. I Sraqorum in March 12S4 si», set l> J.m KSOM/D. M.OXGAN led and u. 

Rnbrtt<k, London 1^0, p. 161. 

44 See turrh. .,, lourcei mum unpublished) given in 
u Sl ^»"s,, fimki-HomUic«inmitteIpersischer5prs 
ctM?",u UommmgmomH.S Nyktrglt, r eheran/Liege 1975 (Aclr 5}, p )02, n. 49. See 

.ramourraf earlier debate on the l.uanon of Fulin in H II Schaeder 1934: /mi i 
in (Abhandlungcn dcr (.escllsehalt der Wiasenschaften /u Gottineen Phil Hist 
(>p 24-83 CFu-hni 

45 /Aifinrmi/MoxMR MMiwfi/iifK *4*Ht *.*.* , I. i.ed.SACKi 1937, (ten icction), 

">• »I2(tn •orrainl.I i I s *<: 2002. p. 199. 

1 pigraphtca Nestoriana Series 


the boundaries of Fulin. 4 '' Nevertheless, the author oi the Monument was ada- 
mant that it was irom Da Qin and not from Persia that the first major Christian 
ens o\ to reach China in 635, Alohen (i.e. Syr. >,ih.ui ,pi 'our master')/' Was 
sent. Moreover, Persia (bosi it *i I features in the Chinese tc\t on the Monument 
only as the land (oi people) of the gift-bearing (Magi) at the time ol Christ's 
birth. 4 * This obsession with the Roman 1 mpire as the native land of Chris 
tianin is more understandable it the Monument had been set up b\ Mclkiic 
or Jacobite (Monophvsite) missionaries given their greater association with the 
Roman land Byzantine) Empire and both these Christian seels were active in 
mission in Central Asia in the Eighth Century. 1 '' However, the Nestonan ori- 
gin oi the Monument could easily be proven as the patriarchate of a Ncstorian 
Catholicos at Selcucia-Ctesiphon was acknowledged in I. 2 ol the Syriat and 
many of the names of the monks listed on the side of the Monument are oi Pea 
sun origin or are Sj n.u Persian In buds. The use of the term $inistan for China 
instead ot Bet Sin or Bet also points to I Strong link « ith Iran and Iraq 
rather than Byzantium as names of regions ending in -(i)stan are common!) 
encountered in the administrative geography oi Sassanian Iran I he modern 
tendency to translate Da Qin as 'Syrian' would not base pleased the Nestorians 
who knew their geography better. Adjacent to the west oi the Sassanian Empire 
was not Svria but Mesopotamia (Assuristan) an area of dispute between Rome 
and Persia. Northern Mesopotamia, after the expulsion ot 1 Ik School ol I dessa 
to Nisibis in 489, was strongly Monophysite and so was the Roman province 
ol Svria south of Antioch. A Ncstorian bishop of the marches like Baisamna 
(b. 415, consecrated 435) would guard the Persian allegiance oi the Nestonan 
( Inn J, with greal diligence as il was Ins accusation that the then Catholicos 
Babowi had made dangerous political overtures to Byzantium which brought 
the latter's downfall and painful death. To designate Da Qin as 'Syrian'* 1 would 

4b CI. Kiting msbttHo(he) jing *ttit*»rW*, I. !«. ed. Saki 1937 (ten section), 
pp » |41(transl.) See also transl. Li Tang 2002, p. 154 (1. 127\, ud Sbiz*n»ushhm 
#jf.*^j^ I 74 ed. Saki 1937, (text section), pp 56, 212 (tramL), and transl. Li Tanc 
2002, p. 173. The last reference is particular!) interesting because I ulin was said to be 

ruled l>v a jixi * A i-e. Caesar (MFers. * „. ... 

47 NatorianMmKment(CW> n .),\.\\.cd.^Ki 1937, (us. section), pp 4, 57 (tranai.). It is 

quite common I M translators in ttu I log , d to add the prefia s ... an- to 

foreign words beginning with r- to aid pronunciation ttispossibli that the name ot this 

dericwasRabbanNNNbuttheChmeseofficitiswhoprd Itohavi Fomgn rwmes 

„o longei than three oi maximum tour character! as in Chinese ,.., ...»l> i. ."sl..e, 

»ted Ins tide and noi Ins i 
is Veswrwii Monument (Chin). I. 6, ed Saeki 1937, pp. 2,55 (transg. 

49 i >,, the actis ities ..l Melkites and Monoph) sites in Iran and ( il As, , „ ,1 1 ol 

the Sassanian period see SlMS Wll I IAMS 1992, pp H 52, and l«( -Msnimu I, 

Christ,..,. I He, in Middle Iranian I anguages', mi I h V, P p. 534-535; Gil lman/ 

guMKBiT 1999, pp. 220-221 and 241 MorFETr 1998, pp. 246 

50 Ct M Moaosn trmqofter the JUmmic Con quest. New Jersej 1984, pp. 125-164. 

51 a rag -.o,..,, put Forward U w n mm «st |990[IW). P 51- 

Samuei N.C. Litu 

Epigraphica Nestoriana Serica 


came problems of historical thcolog) as Christ was meant to have preached 
in a place in Da Qin called Nazaluo Wl $ (i.e. Nazareth) which of course is 
in Palestine ' lb tX) thai bj Da Qifl ihc Nestorians in China implied Syria 
\\ ii USHUaSl has done could lead to an entirely link in the minds 
of scholars between the Syriac-speaking Nestorian monk-, who had tome to 
, from Iran or Central Asia with a pros ince of the Eastern Roman fcmpirc 
is.»\\ lost to the Arabs and thus fall prey to the very myth of a Roman origin of 
their mission which the Nestorians m China were ti ring to perpetrate. 

In an important studs on the name of the Christians in Tang China, TlMO- 
ihv Barrett has drawn attention to the lact that the name Da Qin was used 
of an Utopian Mate bj the Daoists before n was found used in the Dynastic 
ks to designate the Roman Empire and even featured in a debate be- 
tween Daoists and Buddhists/' This could explain how the Nestorians came 
to know ol Da Qin as the monks at their monastery at Zhouzhi would verj 
probably had active intellectual exchange R ith the Daoists in the famous temple 
iguan "4*1 which was built on the site where Laozi £-?, the traditional 
founder of Daoism, was said to have transmitted his Daodc jing ]£(£$£ to one 
of his disciples." It is still a major Daoisi establishment (thanks to the generos- 
it\ and devotion ol I donor from Korea) and situated only on the other side of 
the same valley. The two religious communities were within easy walking dis 
tance from each other which would have encouraged regular mutual visits and 
discourse I he 1 taoists could have been a source of Da Qin as the term for the 
land ol origin ol Christians lor the Nestorians. The Manichaeans in China, 
followers ol another religion from the West, had put forward the idea that Mam none other than an avatar of Laozi, the Founder of Daoism, who did not 
west and converted the 'Barbarians' of the Western Regions to his 
on to suggest that the choice of Rome as the source 
tuanitj was not unmotivated In political reality. The inexorable ri 
I had forced the states ol Eurasia , n its wake to establish diplomatic 
relations wnj) each other and an embass) to the Tang court from Byzantium 
was recorded tor 667 and .he B> untitles might have been conducting a 'cultur- 
pofk, ■ m Asia The granting of permission for dissemination of 
tonamsm by the Tang edkl mighi have been preceded bv the Byz- 

antine mission or 742 and such missions were often accompanied by clerics 

iS^S^S^T^ UM """ — , P p.S6,55(,ran S l.,. 

H [Zvmi l-c barbarians, controversy S.N 

S,> '* PD 5'-SU <i.- .1 I J 

-mpp. 56-59 rdi ' cd ""■ ***"*"* "*" b > W,LMS " 

1 lowcvcr, it is hard to believe that Byzantium which had just emerged irom 
major doctrinal battles against Monophysitism and Monotheletism would feel 
in any ways inclined to I ut t her the fortunes of a few Diophysite Nestorians in 
distant Taugast (Gr, Touydoi < ( tfd Imk. tabyai 9. mtiaV' - the name by which 
Northern China was known to the Byzantines - whom they were probably too 
ready to anathematize. If the Nestorians in any way wished to be associated 
with B\ /amine missions then it would have been more logical to prefer Fulin to 
I > Qin foi i he 'Roman' part of the title of then religion as the Byzantines were 
bound to have presented themselves as Rhomaioi (Gr. ''ot) - * designation 
by which the B\ /amines were known until 1453. Perhaps lulin would conjure 
up images ol a pei sec Ul ing heretical Chalccdonian state whereas Da Qin would 
for the Nestonans recall a period of Christian history before the bittej parting 
Of the wa\ s between them and the Melkites and Monoph) sues at the council of 
Chalcedon (451) and the Synod of Seleucia-Ctesiphon i4 4 >8). 

l.Jingjiao - a religion of luminosity 
or of fear and reverence? 

The second issue concerns the choice ol thechai t lor the name of the 

Christian religion or teaching in China. The word is normally translated 'lumi- 
nous* or 'radiance' but this is not the most obvious meaning ol the word which 
for most Chinese would call to mind 'vista' or Vision* or ' illustrious* rathei tl 
'light*. Although Christ vailed Himself 'the I ight ol the Wo, Id', throughout .is 
history in [ran and Central Asia, the Church of the East was nevei known Foi a 
developed theolog) ol light. For a religion which was centered on the figure of 
Christ a more logical name tot the religion in Chinese would have been mis, 
jiao sUtfitfHtt (Messiah-religion), or Yishu jiao £«,#: (Jesus religion bu 
really recommendable to the Chinese as the transliteration means Religion of 
a Migrant Rat*) or sbengzi jiao t^-ft (Holy Son-religion) or ttamnn jiao *# 
& (Lord oi f leaven-religion) - the phonetically transliterated names i ishthe 
and Mishihe as well as the translated term Tianjun can all be found in the main 
Chinese part of the inscription on the Monument. To underscore the concept 
of lighi ol radiance, the Nestorians could have simpl) called themselves mmg 
jiao mn (Religion d light) or glWBgmwg |W0 -fflft ('radiant religion') and 
there was no competition yet on this score from the Nlan.ehaeans. Despite then 

pronounced doctrine ol thi conflict of th« I athei of Greatness v*^ f»<) 
dwelling in the region ol Ughi (rfWw ^M and the Pnnee ol Darkness 

57 Th C ophylactu S Simo l a,us.// r[ r„,,u.VII,7,ll.eJ I 1 k, ,ev ised In !■. ". iki ii 

Sum, ,'n 1977). 257.20. On the full extent and purpose ol In /antmc diplnn, 11 

iaChin.seeK.HANwasTaDi-Lesrelationi i ;- I., rr*nse«i«s« « I Vw 

CenmleauaS'etS iftclei 'In tyzantum 25-27 (1955-1«7). pp. 481-416. 


Samuel N.C. I 

I pigraphica Nestoriana Serica 


(•otao* ^b.) in his infernal kingdom, Miuidueans m China throughout the 
Tang period were known as mom ftSO *£*t (the rdigion ot Mani). The tact 
tnjt , mom are nearly the same as those used tor transliterating 

the mum part oi Sakvamum uhe name of the Buddha) gave the 
instant Buddhist camouflage. There was no open mention ot their connection 
with light in am official documents and the term mmgjiao only appears in a 
Manichaean context in the fragmentary trilingual (Chinese, Sogdian and Turk- 
tshi inscription at karabalghasun in Inner Mongolia at the end ot the Eighth 

uirv where the word svsng eould mean "to understand' or 'realize' rather 
than 'light' or 'enlighten'. 51 It was only alter the religion had moved into South 
China, especially in the tut Dynasties and Soul; periods that Mamch.uans 
came to designate tfn on as Mingjiao. This has now been confirmed In 

bowls inscribed with the phrase mingjiao but >fl*Jt^ ('Society ot the Religion 
ot I ight*) found near the site ot the extant Manichaean shrine on i luabiao I till 
in Jtnjiang near Quanzhou in Fujian.* 

The Nestorians in China were onK a small community and when ihe\ 
hrst arrived they saw thcmseKes as religious colonists with strong cultural 

with their co-religionists in Iran and Central Asia. How their religion 
was called in Central Asia, to my mind, must have a strong influence on 
their eh' ' lunese term lor the name of their religion. In the Sassanian 

Empire, Christians were called by a variety ot names. In Syriac martyrdom 
rature they called themselves krisfyine | -'■\"--'^). especially when faced 
with Zoreastrian persecutors who derided them as nifrdye (rt^i,_j) - a de- 
| term derived trom Vi/arcth (ttt-a) which stresses the humble Gali- 
lean origins oi tin iect. 1 lowever, tor much ot their history in Iran, they were 
referred to by the Middle Persian name of tarsdg '(God) fearer' (hence Sogd. 
This term v. I i Iran but was widespread in Central 

und in a Sogdian Manichaean historical text where a Christian 
lady (fern. trs"k'ncb) »i- d by the preaching of Mani." 1 Even in the 

Mongol period we find the area around karad/i-.u i ,tan nicknamed 

ikent because it was home to a large Ncstonan community."- The term 

58 Chinese tcxi in I .. p 194. 

rediefcuat »n disappear", in: AoF 15/1 r 

pp. 201-208; P. Bus HOO/S. GlVBRSBH (cds.): 

■seated to Pnfator fulicn R, ts on the Occasion oi 
.muth Btnbiay, Louvaifi wi (Mtnichactn Studies I), pp. 35 
W ' runismdyofl db Bwis: •NajranJ (NotT^taoc) and hanti 

lies on the religious w bristianiiy and of Islam." In: BSOAS 

pp I-2C. 

M »»{»Lp of she whole ttxt)td , n J tranaM u Km k I )a- Bekchrung , , 

hnnin zum nuntch Glsubcn." In: Mlstai ■ :007, p. 58, seealso n. f.2. 

U Sec the important eiplsnation ot the name l»v W Kins r, amic hc < 

t*m « rf™ HsnMivcgrn J».. - tan b» ,«,„ 14 fh , Tnrnhoui 2000 I 

lies III). pp. 132-136. 

tarsdg even appears in Chinese transliteration as taSUQ it^ in the main Chi- 
nese text on the Monument." 

The word /wg in Chinese has several meanings other than 'luminous' and one 
ot them is 'reverence', Moreover, there are a number of Chinese words with virtu- 
ally the same sound as jing like (ft (reverence) or $ (fear) or ft (fright) the mean 
ings of which could be transferred homophonally to the character jing #. 1 his 
is a veiv common phenomenon in Chinese. A \crv good dailv example 01 what 
is known to linguistic scholars as the Rebus Principle' is the word mien t& (face) 
which is often depicted outside noodle(*§ w;cn)-bars with little fear ot it being 
misunderstood bv the re.siau rant-goer who knows Chinese well. 1 he choice ot 
the charactcr/iwg under the influence of the word tarsdg would fit very well if the 
Nestorian monks at Zouztu still thought ot themselves being called 'Cod fearers' 
and this would explain whv thev decided to go for a term in Chinese which had 
no connection with sacred ot theophoric names like Jesus or Messiah oi I or J ol 
Heaven unlike the modern Catholics who chose a term for their religion (tianzhu 
*li) which is remarkably similar to the ihin/.un (Lord ot 1 leaven) in the NestO 
rian texts. The word jing is used very many times in the inscription and terms like 
Zfffi &*%,jhtgf* f&,j»tgjing fcfr./mg U * *,/»« mmg ** can be better 
explained bv the reverential awe' aspect of the meaning of jing. 6 * 

The word jing is .i\^<> written calKgraphically on the inscription in 1 manner 
which is completely unorthodox in that the sun' (n a ) radical at the top por- 
tion of the character has been replaced with the 'mouth* radical kon o and then 
versa for the mouth part ot the lower and phonetic part ot the charactei 
»ng % (which literally means 'capital'). This could be the personal preference 
of the calligraphy as he uses the sun radical ol the mouth Foi the stand 
alone character jing % in I. 12. It has been suggested bv Wll MSHURSl that the 
calligraphic change was deliberate so as to suggest that the " 'brilliant 
,s a doctrine co be spread to others, to be communicated bj word ot mouth . 
I o, such a subtle trick to work with an average Chinese reader, 1 believe thi 
mouth radical has to be moved to the left side ot the character instead ot leaving 
it on top as the majority of Chinese would regard it as a calligraphic variani \ 
variant it certainly is and the present author who cannot tail to note while on a 
recent visi. totheDaoisi Louguan Temple on the other side o the valley from 
the probable site ol the monastery « Zouzhi, that the character /mg, 
which features on ., .ui unpublished Daotst temple inscription dated to 751, is 
written also with minor variation to the orthodox. In this case the sun radical 
at the top of the character is written without the bottom stroke and thereby 

n3 NWrumMomimmtmn.),\ 2*.ed SaatBl997.ftt.tate .),pp.8,M «l) Sa 

extensive di^. and other poasible interpreM tin Pen rr >90-292 

64 Seetheutefullistoftei «h the characteT/wghitedmXuLoNcnTii 2004, pp^ ,1H U5 

1), Mikkbubh In, drawn nix .mention to th« fact that the term <m& on alto mean 
'grand' or 'imposing' "i addition to'laminout' or 'r.ui> 

55 w*n imkuksi 1990 11993], p. 52. 



depriving the /ing part of the charactei ol its dot .it the top. However, 
the Nestorian version of the character is certainly unique and almost unattested 
as it is not riven in am of the standard dictionaries ot the Chinese language. 
nportantly, h became virtually .1 logo for the religion in the Tang 

riod and tenures in at least two Nestorian texts in Chinese found among the 
manuscripts brought back bj Sil AtnttL Sth\ from the Cave of a Thousand 
Buddhasin Dunhuang and one tl no! both of them could have been the work ot 
rVdam-Jingjing- the Nestorian cleric who was also the author or recorder ot the 
( hinese and Sy riac texts on the Monument.* 4 

I the Ittmjittg had been adopted as the title of the religion, Adam became 
aware ot the potential ot developing it in Chinese by adding the luminous' and 
'radiance' dimension to the meaning to the title ot the sect. This was expounded 
by him in the Chinese part of the inscription on the Monument: 

\ true and eternal w.iv un religion) is often too wonderful to name, but as (our 
religion's) merits and achievements an SO conspicuous that w« have strong rea- 
sons to call itjmgju 

However, this light-radiant-illustrious theologv is tound no where else among 

torian texts in Chinese from the Tang period found in Dunhuang and was 

clearly not developed beyond the text on the Monument. As a self-promotional 

il was clearl) not a success is the term Jingjiao - the term by which 

Storian religion in China is known to modern scholarship- is virtually 

unattested outside the Monument and a few Nestorian texts from Dunhuang 

already mentioned. 

Both the Old and the Vetn Dyrutstu Histories of the Tang period (compiled 
in 941-94^ and IC44-I06C respectively) do not mention the Nestorian monas- 
teries in Chang'anand assj mbols of 'Roman' presence in ( hinaeven 
though both works state that the country now called Fulin was once called I >a 
Qin. M The sect's effort to re-badge itselt as a Roman" religion, however, was 
not altogether wiihom success as the name Da Qin was used in conjunction 
with the sect in Tang administrative records. According to an edict of 638, the 
sect of the T riprares' {boa jingjino ,jt*f*Stti was originally from Da 

I permission was thereby granted for their monasteries to be known as 
Da Qm (i.e 'Roman*) and not as Persian monasteries. 61 In the local bistor) ol 
Cbangan mentions 1 Nestorian monastery 'north-east of the cross roads' in the 
^ imng quarter of the capita] which was of "foreign Persian' origin which was 

M. Sece.R.thft 1 tlcoliln\oi. 1 rut,t,l 1 ,n J ,n, | bweae: Dgqmjingjuo fftfl 

"»<•»*« «"*i**#Ai*t/Hl 1 ph l .ti. l ;rjr«h..f manuscript ficingSAEKli'i* i Z66 and 

.. " niil«inHW«.i „»***. I IS l K. r | lll „. l ;Mph..l„;s.UunmhiJ..,s ! 

«-h.n.). I. IC. ed Vm, 1937, (tew M, author's own 

tmuteuoa. Here the term would certainly exprcai the meaning of 'briU Lao 
t,u Ting 6* g*f 198.5315 j.,J Kin T*Kgtbm itftf 22IB.6260 

69 Tsmghmft .m, pp. 26-27. 

t pigraphica Nestoriana Series 


established in 638 by a monk called Aloben FT ft* (Chin. Alosi WS#T [sic]) 
from Da Qin. T: This renaming had the desired effect. So much so in fact that 
the name Qin fh rather than Jing $ came 10 designate the sect while the Nesto- 
rian Monument laid buried c. 783-c. 1625. During the Mongol period, Nesto- 
rian monks and missionaries and their followers re-entered China as members 
of a privileged foreign religion. They were collectively known by the title ol 
Yelikewen tM'l^' 1 but in one of the bilingual Syro-Turkic and < hinese in 
scriptions from Quanzhou (Zayton) in Fujian dated to 1313, we find (Da) Qin 
[iao as .1 sect of the Yelikewen along with the Manichacans (v. infn I he tinal 
triumph was the mention ol (.hristianty in the sec 1 ion on Da Qin/Fulin in the 
chapter on the Western Regions in an official dj nastit history of China. Sadlv 
11 was not the Nestorians who achieved this but the Catholics whose priests 
aided the Manchus in the W ttl hi WW of the Ming Dj nasty (1368-1644) - the last 
dynasty to have an official.} compiled Dynastic History (completed in 1739). In 
the chapter on Fulin (which precedes that of Yidaliya &*.*']&. i.e. Italy 1 m the 
Ming tbi V\ £ {DytUSUt History of the Ming Dyansty) we learn that the nation 
ot Fulin formerly called Da Qin had not sent embassies to China tor a number 
of years. During the Mongol period it received as envoy a man by the name of 
Nigulun(J£**a> i.e. Nicholas, Gr. N>.xo> xoc, ace N( The tection con- 

cludes with the arrival of 'men from the Great West Ocean {Da Xiyang *i5*, 
ie Atlantic = Europe)' to China in the Wanli % /ft period (1573-1620) who 
claimed that it was in Rudev.i lor Yudeya *.ft£ i.e. Judaea) in ancieffl Da Qm 
thai Ycsu AM*, the Lord ol Heaven (tianzhn K ■*. as used in the < hmesetitli ol 
the modern Roman Catholic Church) was born, but this, remarks the Contu- 
cianist (?) compiler, is 'an unbelievable hearsay'. ' It is extraordinary thai while 
Jars in Europe-Japan and China debated on whether Da Qin 
or I ulin m Chinese sources was indeed the Romano-Byzantine Empire m the 
early Twentieth ( enmrv, ' the methodically trained < Ihinese bureaucratic his 
torian had known all the time that DaQm was the old name of hulin and he had 
three earlier correctly placed the information (though "dtculed) on 
the birth of Jesus geographically within Da Qin. The Nestorians ol Jang China 
« , ,uld have been delighted 10 see the link belatedly but officially (and correctly) 
made between the origins of Christianity and the.r Roman Empire. 

70 Cha»g'amh,k*.t 10.10, Chinesemt in Saeki l9J5.(te« section). P p li-Mjimnsl. 
uiSaeki 1937,0.458. 

71 On the probable derivation of the term see below. 

7 Sadl7he P could not have been tl N 16 Polo, the father of Marco... iih-th- 

Sola, came to China a. the end of the Yuan Dynast] and was stranded m( hinawhen 

Mo£ohS U.Psed.< dominance of\ eovc. By»n«um a he. -the 

conquest ..1 < onsia topi* in 1204, it is n n, ible thai Ntcbolu wa. . Venetian. 

73 I ; Sj/msCfBe 1, Iff* < « » tl Ia» IW. (teal section,. 

DD. 18-19. 

74 Seesumman in LBSua/Gaaon«» 1996, pp. «u-«vi. 


Samuu N.C. Lieu 


B»B«err.T.H. 2002: "Buddhism, Taottm and Chinese Christianity ." In: BSOAS 
P P 555-560 [repr. {with Chinese characters tor proper names and key 
M u i k/Hofkii hiik 2006. pp. 45-53). 
5 1893 The Book of Governors: the Historia Monastic* of Thomas, 

Bii ), . : , D S40 Nl ,i. i; /. text. Introduction. Vol. 1!: The 

English Translation. London. 

t ,nu«,v,0 [■ I'.m oi 1913 "Un trail* manicheen retrouve en Chine. In: JA 
1913, pp. 99-199 and 216-392 

■ vl 11. J KiiMhHi i" ftians in Asia before iJOO. London. 

I i m i . . 1 » I ) K .11 .J. Gardiner 1996: The Roman Empire in Chinese Sources. Rome 

di Oriental) W 
L, i . . \ study of the History of Nestorian Christianity in China and its 

ogetber with a new English translation of the Dunhnang 
Nestorian documents. Frankfurt a.M. 
Mai i K, K l> Hofru hti r (eds.) 2006: jtngjiao. The Church of the East in China 
and Central Asia Sankt Augustin (Collectanea Series). 

. S.H. \W8:AHist>< I t.Vo\A:Begumuqptolf00.2° i 

edition. New York. 
Mm 1 1 , AC. 1930: Christians in China before the year DiO. London. 

■ , i . \ | iubacm (eds.) 2007: Inkulturation des Christentnnu im Sasamdin- 
reich. Wiesbaden, 

mi. P. 1996: [.'inscription nestoriennt de Si-ngan-fou. Edited with supplements 
\ I>'kii hvoto/Paris (Italian School d East Asian Studies, Epigraphical 
Series 2). 
Riroi D, I' 2001; "Tang." In: N.STANDAEXT(ed.): 1 1 andhook of Christianity in China. 
Yolu -ii-ISOO. Leiden (HdO 1V.15.1), pp. 1 42. 

iky6 no ki searches onjingjiaoj. Tokyo. 

— 1937; The Nestorian Documents and Reins m China. Tokyo. 

O, M. 199 in and Turkish Christians in the Turlan and Tun- 

huani; manuscripts " In: A < idonna (ed.): Turfan and Tun-huang - the Texts 
'•unter of civilizations on the Silk Road. Florence (Orientalia renctiana 4), 
P P 43 '.I 

DIAManm, « 1995: "Soghdisch Kwit'nc 'Lehrerin'.* In: AOH 48, pp. 225-22" 
*u turn km, D I99C [)993|: "The 'Syrian Brilliant Teaching'." In: Journal of the 

Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, pp. 44-74. 
Jf.1 LOW I Die nestonamsche Sti :n. Begegnung von Chrtstentum 

una her Kultur. Bonn. 

Sogdian Gems and Seals from the Collection 
of the Oriental Department of the State Hermitage 

\ i adimir A. Livshj is, St. Petersburg 

Gems and hulls with So-dun lettering are few in number. At the same time 
there are many hundreds d S.issanian gems and bulls.' The intaglio, with the 
figure of an elephant, two diners on its back and the goddess Nica dominating 
the scene, can be dated to the 2 ,u '-3"' century. The gem ffi .is found during the ex- 
cavation of the sue oi the ancient (own Kundzhile tepe (1.5km from the site d 
the ancient town lr-kurgan, Kashkadaryinsky region, Uzbekistan).' There is 
an inscription near the i ighl sided the gem that obi iously contains the name ol 
us owner: JSy'n BfO Va /.mpus/ or /Vayanzatak/, lit. "son ol gods'", comparable 
n uh Old- Indian devaputra (Kg. I). The shapes of some letters, chiefl) alepb. and 
gimel, are more archaic than in the oldest handw mien Sogdian texts we have - 
"The Ancient Letters" (313-314 < t). Datable to the 2 nJ -4 ,h centuries is the gem 
with a depiction of a standing goddess (probably Nanav/Nana) mu\ .1 Sogdian 
inscription: xswro to the right of the figure, and hpmk to the left. Again this is 
probablj the name d the gem's owner: riwroh JSmk /Xsor6-vandak/ "slave d 

557), Middle Persian fnohr "gratitude, contentment", Middle Persian and Man 
ichaean Parthian "snwhr, 'snwhr /isnohr/ "id." (Fig. 2 and 1>\)* We also know 

of two gems with relatively mt.ici Sogdian inscriptions (ol the 4' -5' centu- 
ries?). Oat of them is kept in the museum ol C .ileutta.Thesecond.iii 1 Ik British 
Museum, shows the same (full-face) busts of a man and .1 woman with crowns 
or diadems on their heads, the letters are almost the same, tOO. R. GHIRSHMAN 
tried to read these nisei. ptions as Parthian, 5 but actually, as W.B. Hi nni 

I W.B HBNUme said ihottl SaSMJliafl glyptic* " Km.,, .he las. rehire ot the 

ancient an of stone carving, gave us a pre. amount genu, th« eolle. urn. and careful 
examination of whic] of the main deaidcrauof Iranian Studies rhelegeodson 

thesealings, generally conuining the name, of the owner and oftra hi. title or rank, are 

impomntnoto. ingui and paleography, but ako for history, chiefly for 

iiudv.n ion' (Hi mnini 1958, p. 45). 

See K Auni iiAiv/S. RAiMKin.ovl994;LivsHiTs2000,p.48. 

DiimiiN-MnsiiHiKNst 2004, p 94 

Publication of the gem: A. CuHNtwi 'p 115.M.XU.N 13; compare with Liv- 

siurs 1959. p, 57.i, 52 

K Ghwshhav 1912. pp. 107-112, PI KXl,!*a5i 

Hissin., 1958, pp. 57-58; 79, n. 17a, 


Fig. 2 

i-ig. 2 a 

And A.I). H Biv^r noted, the) are Sogdian. A superb photograph published 
in lli\ mi's catalogue helps to perfect the readings of the inscriptions w Inch have 
11 proffered earlier: (1) 'y t myfirh cwn ') ntwmyc (2)p'np > sn s n'ntyh "This gem 
is trom (propert] of) Indian mistress (oi 'princess, empress') Nandy."' 

The oldest gem kept in the Oriental Department of the State Hermitage is 

prohahU the gem W ith the signature Gl 1239. It is made ol almandin, 1.2 x 0.9 cm. 

:e is an engraved figure of I man's torso and lace turned to the right Mile and 

with a short beard. In front oi the face there is a short Sogdian inscription in 
rive letters: y'nk (less probably y'ny) - the name of the gem's owner may be 

call) related to Sogdian van - "strength, power; skill". 
A bronze seal (Gl 1300, 2.7cm in length) with a representation of a horse 
sttms from the Kastalsk) collection (Tashkent). In front of the horse's lace we 
read hrsrj (01 ;nw\. stnwy?), above the horse: BRY mwk'ny *§noy, the son 
.-I Muhin(?)" (Fig >). A golden seal with the figure of a rider on an elephant's 
hack and a Sogdian cursive inscription to the righl side of the figure: prn /farn/ 
"happines and an imitation ol a (.reek inscription is kept in the 

Department. It is mentioned in BfcLtNiTSKv's work 10 (Fig. 4). 

last 1969, p. SS, PL 4, BB 2. 
i here i» i mistake on ibi gem from Calcutta: pnnj&n. 
fee I rvutrrs 1969, p S 
il Buamcan r9tt.pL "- 

Sogdian (.ems and Seals from theCollecdon ... of the State I Lermitage 249 

CSii.c Hcrtmugc Miucurfl 

Fig. 3 

Fig. 4 

A gem with the torsos of a man and a woman similar to figures on gems 
in the Museum of Calcutta and the British Museum," is kept in the Depart- 
ment (Gl. 496). There is a cursive Sogdian inscription on it which was parti) 
destroyed when the stone was engraved a second time. The preserved pan is: 
](pr?)y'/z n'[ (Fig. 5 and 5a). 

I am ver\ glad to devote this article to Nicholas Sims-Wii HAMS who is 
an eminent scholar and I am proud of our friendship. Among his other works 
I should mention the wonderful description ol Sogdian gems from one ol the 
Italian collections. '- 

ii Seeabi 

12 Sims Williams 1997, pp H3-314. 

Fig. 5a 




Abi> tys. r*«kwlov 19M: -Sc«tt triumfal*n mme .z 

K iskadarva). 1 In: Vestnik Dn one) tstoru :. pp 50 -58 
Bexattcu], A \*h»: Zc»irjb>un , Munchcn Genl Parist ^rchaeologts Mund 

\t.,rmh,ira,i MnUi, mdPertbia*. Ichcran/ 

Irou^A-D.H IjwrtijiH >*«J II: 7»f Smmumh 

Dynssty. London, p. 55, PI 4, BB 2 

. \ 1192 "< "ins ot the Kushans, Of ( Yue-tsu." In: The Numts- 
m*ttc Chton. urnjl of tbt NianUmmtu Satiety V J serie, vol Ml. pt. I 

■ ki\ MihTiRiKssr, D. 20C4: Corpiu Fontum \Uutich*etmm. Dktionmry of 

ntrml Asu and China Pt. I: Dictionary 
mltidHtl ' J t'artbian. Turnhout. 

t \s. R 1952: "Qneknic iatailla du Music de ( alcana, a legends en tokha- 
ncn. pchlv i araacidc et pehlvi sassanidc." In: Arcbaeologica Orientaha in m. 

fork, pp. 102 115- 
Hi I B 1958: *Mmdiranisch." la: HdO 1.4.1. Lciden/Koln. 

\ 1949: "K otkrytiyti h,iktri|skikh nadpisei na Kara-tepe." In: B. l \ 
i>: BudJi/tkit pel ' i-tepe v Staram Termeze. Moskva, 
p P A on pp. 208-209. 

- 2 i Sanak, a Manichaean Bishop ot the 5 l early 6 lh centuries." In: 

BAI H, pp. 47-54. 
Stau-Wn 1 1 "ims. N 1997 "The Sogdian Inscriptions-' In; Pn ki rani i s< oCaj i ieri: 
rfumJ ie*Im& from tbi ' tftbi Indian subcontinent and Afghani - 

iU- ituryAD). Naples, pp. 313-314. 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 
An Edition of the Pahlavi Hcrbedcstan Chapter 5* 

Maria Macuch, Berlin 

The most extensive survbmg test regarding the religious education ol Zoro 
astrians in the pre-Islamic age, reaching from the Old Iranian to the Middle 
Iranian periods, is the Herbedestan", a source which not onlj discusses mai- 
lers related Co religious training in its and Middle Persian versions, hut 
also allows insight into the fundamental changes which were brought about in 
the Sasanian age. Unfortunately the text does not wield its information easirj 
due to several reasons. Besides problems connected with the various te< hniques 
incurred in translating fcvestan into Pahlavi,-' the main difficulties lie in th« 
short elliptical style ol both the Avestan text and its Pahlavi '/and as well IS the 
extensive use ot an unexplained technical terminology, taker from the fields ol 
theology and jurisprudence.* The specific language of these fields was employed 
especially in the Pahlavi commentary, allowing the exegetes of the Avestan text 
to treat complex problems on a highly sophisticated level, withoui havmg to 
resort to complicated explanations. There was no need to define such techni- 
cal terms, since thej were well-known to the trained theologians and mnscon 
suits ol the Sasanian age. Bui without exact knowledge ot both the religious 
and legal background ot the test and its technical vocabularj the content ot the 
Herbcdestan remains incomprehensible. An adequate treatment ol this impor- 
tant source, taking its technical jargon into consideration, still remains to be 

carried out, despite the two recent editions In lb \in.u H and ElfenBFIN and 
K.OTWA1 and Kri-yi-nhkoi k 

Another intriguing problem which has not vet been addressed adequateh is 
the consp.cous dw repano between certain sections ot the texl in the Avestan 
original, on the one hand, and the Pahlavi version and its commentary, OH the 
other One ot , he mam tasks of the Pahlavi commentary was to relate the con 
tent of the Avestan text, regarded as binding to Zoroastrian religious and legal 

The Aveatan text has been edited bj AlmutHint2 lisvolume 

i Onthevarious translations ol The term see Ko.*A./KRhVBN6ROKi t992,p LS 

2 See especially loss phson 1997 sndCANTHitA 2004. 

3 oi th I terbedestanu a legal source s.Macucs (forthcoming a). 

4 Humiim II I I MMIIIN 1990. 

5 KoTWAL/KasYSNaaoEK 1992s see also review ot ul«5». 


cams, to the completely dunged conditions ai the Sasaman age. h* in dlle- 
J sv stems based on sacred scripture*, the jurisconsults and theologians d the 

bu. then arguments and decisions on the rules laid 001 
m the sacred text, notwithstanding the fundamental social, cultural and polm 
cal changes .hat had taken pla.c during the long period ol manv be- 
tween the compotirioil of the Awstan tests and the development of the Sasanian 
Church and State, The commentators" task WM not onlv to explain the archaic 
ECZI to their contemporaries, but iJlt .nstrate its continuing relevance to 

their own age. The result is thai in a large numki of cases the Pahlavi commen- 
un n to have am disecr (table connection to the Avestan original. 

Bui this t, exactly what we would expect, since the Pahlavi exegetes 

were not s.. mueli interested in expounding .he Avestan text as in using it to sup 
port deeisions relating to the prevailing conditions of their own time, which had 

red fundamental!) since the Avestan version had been created. The follow- 
ing attempt to understand the Pahlai i version of 1 ler. 5 in its religious and legal 
will hopefully be an acceptable tribute to Nicholas Sims-Williams. 
in admiration of his invaluable work in the held of Iranian Studies. 

\i sol HlMTZl has explained shove in her edition of the Avestan text, 
the first eleven chapters of the I lerhcdextan deal with the circumstances under 
which family members [men, women or children) should leave home in order to 
pursue an aetivnv sailed rfMPWIM- in the Avestan text, asroih and herbedestan 
kardan in the Pahlavi version. Chapter 5 treats this question with respect to the 
head of a family, the master of the house, and his wife. In the two relevant man- 
usenpts ot the text this ih.tpier is extant in TD , but missing in HJ", and this 

.tes additional problems. The corresponding passages in the two recent edi- 
tions of the I ,iu ^ I S. 1 1 in that ol I h si n v< H and ElFENBHIN (H 1 
in the following)" and 5.1-5.5 in that of koiwu and Kri mnbkoi k ik'K in 
the following)' . The following text and translation is divided according to the 
numbering proposed bv km » m and Kkh ENBROEK with the additional mark- 
ing of the sentences bv letters of the alphabet to clarify the structure: a) Avestan 
us i Lie cording to Hivrzr'sreadingand translation); b) Pahlavi translation with 
short {losses in square braekets; c) Pahlavi commentary on the translation (in 
5.5 there is no Pahlas i version ot the Avestan text, but onlv a commentary"). 

forthcoming a), 
' gOTVAl ftOYD IWQ, 5r-5v. 

s SanjaiuU 

Hi si km H 1 i iinihs ISS;, pp. 40-4' 
- kmi sRRom 1992, pp it -tl 
tl Thciri5vln<:rai„.n.,i ih. Pahlavi uvi follows the system of O. Huisxif wish a km si 
leration*. «c* Macuch l l >' . }J 

Disseminating the Religion 


Text and Translation 

5.1 {TD5r.lO-l2; missing in HJ; K K and 111 5.1) 

.0 kataro adtarunam 'pAt*ii*l \U) rtiirik* va nmdnS.pMtis m 

(Av.) W bJeh <'iie ot the two should go away for service, the wife or 
the master of the house? 
b) (12) kt'r pi 'srwkyh m'npt ktkhwr \ 

kaddr pad dsroib ( t) manhed fkadag-xwaddyl- 

(MP) Who (shall go forth) for priesthood ( ?): the ol . he house 

[the paterfamilias]. 

5.2 (TD 5r.12-5v.lj K K 5.2; H/E 5.2-3) 

a) yeztca (13) "uua gaeda vimd 'katarasat 'parau,u_ 

(Av.) If both administer the possessions, either should go away. 

b) (14) HT' KL' 2nyn"L gyhV bndkvh YK-s'n hw'stk srd'ryh(15) 'y(w)twm 
twb ■„' krtn : ktr-c-'v BR" HN' SC-YTWNv l\ 

agar bar donin' 1 6 gehdn bandagW ' [ku-ldn xwdstag-sdlartb (15) ew-tom 
tuwan kardan} kaddr- iz-e(w) be e rawed. 

| M P) If both (are suited) Fot sei i iced the possessions [that each one ol them 
is able to exercise guardianship (xwdttag-sdlarih) of the propertv alone), ci- 
ther one may go. 

c) (16) sws'ns gwpt' pt hyrptst'n' krtn' (5v,l) natrttd ratio k I 
Solans guft pad berbedestdn kardan (5v.l) nairiio tutus "kdr". 
(MPcomm.) Solans declared: "as to attending the herbedestan, the mate u ' 
ratu (nairiio ratal) (is) in force." 

5.3 (TD5v.l-4;K/K5.3;H/t. S.4i 

a) nman6.paitilg(2)a0aniirika M pamuat 

(Av.) (If) the master ol the house (administers) the possessions, the wile 

should go away. , .___ ,.,,,. 

b) m'npt V <'L> (3) gyh'n* bndkvh 'YKs hw'stk s,d Vsh sn R twb n (4) 
krtn'nv.vkBR v S(,M'\VNv.'. 

mdnbed g" <6> (3) gehdn bandagih (ku-$ xwastag-salanh web tuwan (4) 
kardan I ndrig be *e rawed. 

(MP) (If) the mastc. of the house (is suited) lor serv ice ol the possessions 
[that he ,s able to exercise guardianship of the property well], let the woman 
go forth. 


K K 5 1 : fci;H7E 5.2: do m 

K/K 5.2: •kunigih; H/E 5.2 -i-igih. 

K K 5.2 MiriidMtuikir-*i; H/E 5.3: jwiww wO*f **r-e<w>. 

fl>5v.4: vsn i»»»«, i.LJ its 

m-np, sad W written if one word inTD *r.2 irn'np.V); k/K 5.3: mtnbvd. no. 135. 
m'npt n;H 1 "> 4 .tjnbed *niw. 

M\ri\ M v i • m 

5.4(TD5v,4-IC;k KM. 11 I 5.5 

„ tfe looks aftei the possessions, the master ol the house should 

B >ryk VgyhWbndkyh \ K Ihw stk srd Vyh twhn'Wm'npK n>BR" 

SGYTWN , ,, 

(hi ndrigo" gebdn bandagib Iku-s vwisUg-sdldrib tuwanj (7) 'manbed be 

e rawed 

(MP) (If) the woman (is suited) foi service ol th< possessions [that she tssuited 

guardianship over the propert) |, the master of the house should go lorth. 

c) H* I In' I rMripyt'k H NY5rj(8)pi sEd'ryhtYJ'thsVpimtkwrs'yt" 

HWHi'l^TMH s>tYHWWNyl 1 K ths i wrhr'n'ZK ■ \ »g) w'k(10) 


bad edar paydag kit ran (8) pad sdldrib (i) dtaxsdn pad mddagwar sayed 
bdd(9}dnob liyid hawed ku dtaxi i Wahrdm an <i> gydg (10) nilanibi. 
MPcommjThat is, lure u is revealed, that in principle a woman is allowed 
.ardianship of (sacred) fires. That is true,and it is allowed there, 
where a Bahrain tire could be established in its pi 

[TJ5y.10-15;K £5.5;H/1 S.8 11 
ma diitim iirudatiai 
■ Not e\en one will infringe the law. 

II IMI.Ipw k Y& pi wbycyt' §'yt' I I\\' UN' r"d I 11) Ml.l/.M.I ills 
i M'SI.I /K \ thn V&V 1 I MNW(LV) uwn'YMLLWNyiHWHt' 
bm'j pi whyeyt' I'j t' MN (14) /K gj w k pj ik | noit) 'aeuuo 'una ddtthn 

..<,/> >\vuj ; /\\\ /K YHWWNyt' MT'thSZKgyw'kUYT*. 
.mob paydag kit pad wibezid 11 layid. bad id ray (12) ce en dtaxs i xwei 
an <i> diaxs i kasdn. ant ke (13) edon gowed bad bame pad wibezid idyed 
ai { Ml in gydg pa\ddg ('noil ■ M diitim 'iind{\5)i%i{na)t en "any 

hawed k.i it* I > : dn gydg nest. 
MP umim.) (11) There it (is) revealed: in order to spread (the Good Reli- 
ved hres) it is allowed. That is, because this tire is (her) own and that 
p) to other people. There is (a commentator) » bo declares: That 
that) it is always allowed m order to spread (the Good Religion /sacred 
revealed in the (Av.) pas even one will infringe the law. This 

is 'different, it there is no fire in that pi 

17 k K i • Ills, (1> 

l« k K- H/ESJMC 

Disseminating the Mardayasnian Religion 




General observations on 1 Icr. 5.1b 

Comparing the Pahlavi translation with the Avestan sentence, the firsi obi mis 
difference is that the corresponding MP word lor Av. nairika "woman", which 
would be nirig (according to the following sections) and the translation rot 
ydraiidt, "should go away" (rendered in the follov, ing sc ntence 5.2b with the 
optative fre e rawed) are missing. Both recent editions .M "woman" (KVK) or 
"v. ile" (H/E) to their translation of the Pahlavi tew in compliance vv ith the Av- 
estan original, but in fact the Pahlavi version makes no mention ol the woman 
at all. As transmitted inTD, it onK allows the "master d the house", manbed, 
sed bv katUg-xwadiy, 'paterfamilias*, to pursue priesthood (isroih), I bis 
could be merely a copj ist*s mistake, especially since women are referred to in 
that context in the succeeding sentences. On the other hand, it might also in- 
dicate thai the topic of women setting forth from their homes to engage in reli- 
gious study oi lue. .me priests was either too far removed from the social reah 
ties of theSasanian age to be ol central interest to the exegettS ot the Avestan 
text or too alien to the legal system. Women were generally regarded (with 
only . teu exceptions) as dependant persons having either no legal capacity or 
, (1 certain cases (to be discussed belo* ) only limited legal capacity. I hroughout 
life they were under the guardianship (silirih) ol a male (lathe,, brother, un- 
cle) either from their original lineage or, if they transferred to another descent 
group bv mar, iage, from that of the husband. All persons under guardianship, 
that is, all women including wives, unmarried daughters, sisters and aunts, as 
well as underage children of both sexes, were obliged to obey the rulings of 
their guardian (tarsagdyih, "obedience").'" Under these circumstances it would 
not even have been conceivable for a woman to pursue anj kind ol education 
involving her departure from home without the explicit consent ot her male 
guardian. This seems, in fact, to be confirmed indirectly bj the PahlaA I gloss CO 
the hrst sentence ol the following Chapter ft (addressing i he question ol women 

setting forth to pursue religious studies; K/k 6.1; 1 ! I 6.2). 1 lere in the I ahl- 
avi commentary the woman is expressly told bv he, husband to go and pursue 
religious studies: - berbedestan kardan ua "go to attend the I [erbedestan (on 
berbedestan kardan see commentary to 5.2c below), a command which must 
have been necessai j to enable a woman to com P K w ,<l, the rules ol tarsagayth. 

Moreover being themselves under guardianship, women could generall] 

operate as guardians ol the Eamilj (as d&dag-silar) or ol its property (xwastag- 
silir) except under certain circumstances -another problem the exegetes of the 
Avestan text had to solve (see commentary to 5.4b and 5 I 

is Mack h Wit, pp. 8B-89 (no. 26) 

Maris M 

kadag-xuidJy, "paterfamitui ' 

lusunlikekthatthegloss*.,,/, wasadded to the translation solely in 

order to explain minted, since m the Sutnian period the latter term was cer- 
tain!} well-known to theologians as the usual translation of Kv.nmano.pam-. 
Rathe. In explaining »w»*et/ by Wag-v.. «t*J « link was created between the 
Avestan text, hi Zand and the social conditions of the Sasaman period, relating 
the term to the pontic* of a paltrfamiliai {haiag-xvaday), a lineage or de- 
■ group head, whose rights and duties were clearly defined by social norms 
and the legal system. In the Sasaman period the SOOaJ system was based on 
M group*, which were the backbone ot political and economic power." 

I | u . )r less powerful lineages paywand, nif, idbmag)-* were the basic 

political, religious and economic units ol soctetv, in which the head of a house- 
hold (kadag was hound to both the community and his sovereign by 
several important obligations ." Legally he was regarded as a person sus inns, 
one whose dut\ wis to represent his lineage in the religious and social lite ol 
the community. rVi the only person capable of contracting and dealing with 
transactions for the family, he was obliged to manage the property ot his de- 
r e;roup as the so-called tmutagdir, lit. "possessor of the estate" One 
ot his most important tasks, explicit!} ret erred to in the following sentences 
IS guardianshi] ib) H over famiK propern (xwastag-salarib, 

commentary to 5.2b) and guardianship over the women and minors within 
tin famil] d:iJ.;. < All these complex and diverse obligations were cer- 

tainly well-known to Pesagsar, the author of the edstag "doctrine, teaching" 

m which the text of tin il in wi is compiled,- 5 and are implied bv the 

Jc expression kadag-x 


bar donin, "both" 

The Pah lav i 1 dmg problems, even though the content is fairly 

clear I irst ol all. how should the letters M following bar do be read, rendering 
e. 'mm, "both""' K K interpret them as the adjective suffix "- : <->i", and, 
connecting u to the preceding number, read "bar 2- 'en" "both", whereas H I 
read "net* * "qualified" ('bar do neu". "both of them are qualified"). Neither 

:: S 

21 Mmmm 1993, pp 724 and 734, with farther references, 

i >n kinship jnJ dcKCOl (I M \< UCH 2003. 

23 Mmh m 1993, p. 734, with lurilui 1. 1, i, -, 

24 ihtJ , p rso, «.uh furrher reference! 

23 Sec the pn , n ,K g ;. p. >(.».; the whole paangehu been left out by 

H " "»suli ii dso mentioned' in the Sasmun t twbook (writ 

un ' H 1W, p. 765. 

1 lisseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


edition offers any explanation, but both readings are problematic and cannot be 
upheld. K K have to delete the 6rst letter i in the sequence ifi in order to con- 
struct --en. As will be seen below, this emendation does not take into account 
the fact thai all the attestations of (number +) in are written in this manner and 
thus that the initial I cannot be ignored. H/E refrain from emending the word. 
but the only argument which could support their interpretation a* Hi W is the 
short -loss to 5.3b, in which SPYR weh "good" - as one might argue - corre- 
sponds i n meaning to new, lit. "good". This reading is, however, quite improb 
able first ol all, since new does not even occur in 5.3b (H/E have to emend the 
preposition ll" V 6 to 'new here in order to construct the word), and se.ondh 
since m in combination with a preceding numeral is amply attested in the Panl- 
tvi translation ot the AveSM and has to be interpreted differently. 

In the Avcstan-Pahlavi glossary 1 nibang i Oim the ending is used in combi- 
nation with the numbers 2 and J:jtfisthe explanation given for Av. dHHOUa, gen. 
dual of dma- "two'," and or explains Av. drntm, gen. pi. ot drau- three 
AsG Ki im.i nsc.hmitt has show n,> the clue to the correct reading ot the I ,ihl 
.» , words may be found in the corresponding forms in Manahaean MI dv. n 
(and dwn"n) donin, pi. of dw do, two"* and sn'n tenin, pi. d sfa «, thro 
The Pahlavi words are s.m.larK constructed, but instead ot the pi .ending -an 
(as bn the MMP examples) the, have the pL -&., which is also used ,n Pahl.n , 
in several cases (e.g. fantflt" pL of fcflfeft "all" and kmm+m, pi. to hawtg 
■ ,|l"'') The MMP examples indicate that KI is to be read as -nyn/-ni« and the 
Pahlavi words are 2n) n ddnin and 3nyn semn respectively. The origin ol these 
curious forms is probably to be sought in the number "three . «.».,». «v,,» (with 
a second pi. ending -an, -in) from *sm < 'Vnarn. derived trom the Ol gen pi. 
dyam under the influence of the gen. pi. endings -inim, -m*m, ><nam. The 
form donin, donin is secondary, formed in analogy to senin, sentn. 

In these examples from the F7C*> donin and sentn explain the gen. dual 
and plural forms of the corresponding Avestan cardial numbers two and 
"three". Other attestations show that -nin was transferred not only from an 
original tenin to donin "two", but also to other numbers. In \d. 5.28-3- h 
whole range of numerals From one (!) to eleven is used m this manner m he 
Pahlavi version to render the corresponding Avestan ordina s (all ^heacc. 

beginning with £»* lln) »' yazdahnin (which renders 5.28 ae»ua 9 das»m 

26 FiO 1. 1„, 8; K. i« in it 1900, p. I82i h. inc. vs. „s J**™;*; 

27 II. K m 1900.P |s:.Kiis,.iss..,si,TTl9 f ,8,no I!. 

28 Ki im.i msi Usui I IShH, nn K 

29 L, i ,,kiknm 2004, P . 143 (under dw two I 

30 Ibid., p. 307 (under sb'thi 
J| Mm Kin/ii 1971, p. 43 

32 tbid.y 

33 K.1 ini.i nsi iimiii \'>'^, no 



iiifeMfM nom. fanctsoning u tec.] d «"««?' - [eveni 

vwk'ynftBm (rendering 5 \2p*omm "firsi (.Theft 


or in 


it attested both with figures representing numbers, as m ma wmn (s jb: 
^um, ^m- -un.tri. nxr <•«<« (5.29, 30: *&«», «r*«- "sixth >, 
■3T- <«& (5J1: fJ*nw. '«'"'*< "fourth 1 "), ST **« (5.31: frntim, *ma.- 

■ihird _ i, C9»2*ifl (5 U, « ' • "■ ' ■■' "second"), and with lully written 
numerals, e.g. iwiew- ftw&tiii <^ 28, 2 l ): *h*m»m, MtamM- "eighth"), inrer 
Jks^aiii i baptada- "seventh"), rHtftt>£««/m« (5.30: puxSfm, 

amx&i- "fifth"). In Vd. 5.31, 32 doisiii, the form corresponding to our text, 
den the accsg. bilim "second" The strange efcifn (for kv.paoirim "first") 
. I 5.32 indicates these forms were no longer understood correctly, M 
■nin could have been mistaken for the similarly written adjective suffix if 
Since all these forms in the \ idfwdid render Avestan ordinal numbers in the 
.k,. ig. the Pahlavi correspondences eould have been understood as numeral 
Ctives ending in -en, an ending which is not entirely unknown in this con- 
text In NP thi corresponding suffix -in can be optionally added to ordinals 
■nin "second", tin "third" etc.), On the other hand, we can 

hardly assume that the translators of the text would not have known how to 
render Avestan ordinals correct!) In using the regular MP ordinal ending in 
-am (other attestations show, in fact, that ordinals were translated correctly). 
For lack ol I better explanation we will have to assume that the origin ol these 
forms was no longer understood and the translation was made more or less 
mechanically. This seems to be confirmed by the corrupt variants transmitted 
in the enigmatic passage Y. 1 1.9, in which ipi in n is written if*^ -ryn (!), replac- 
ing^fbr I in the numbers from two to ten: 

do'nin (variant: it—p 2'mn), n'nin, ui/wr'nin, ptmftun lid iei'nin ud baft'niri, 
hjit'nin ltd nob' nin ud dab' nin 

Returning to our passage in 5.2b, there can be no doubt that Av. "uutt, "both' 
has been translated by MP bar donin. In tact, ex.Kth the same expression is 
used in another passage ot the FlO in an unmistakable context, explaining the 
Av gen. dual of Htta-, 'uuandi't 

l << > MDM kl 2njrn' (er) nywfc W SRY'. 

'mtuutil'-cil aim bar down nik ud :. 

oi both (MP) ol both, good and had." 

Here we have a remarkable parallel to our text, with bar donin rendering Av. 
uk a- (with the following gloss "gi tod sod bad", referring to the two antagonistic 

pov .roastrianism). I 'In plural form of the number in Pahlavi is used to 

M II Km. ium lS>0C.p 183; knM.tNSCHMiTTl%8, rto.J7. 

Disseminating die Maxdayaanian Religion 


elucidate the dual ol the Avestan word, as in our example Irom the Her. 1 '' bar 
donin also occurs in a short gloss to Yd. 13.43. 

aibin bandagih, "service of the possessions" 

! low is the following V <'L> gyh n bndkyh to be read? Both recent editions 
emend the last word: K/K have o gehan *b$migib, "responsibUit) for the mate 
rial possessions"; H/E have 6 gehan bowandtgih, " integrity ol (then) posses 
sions" (without mai king the emendation). The whole sequence is read and trans- 
lated by K/K as agar banc 2-*en 6 gehan *bunigth, "if both have responsibility 
for themateritl possessions", and by 1 1 1 .< ■ bowandagih^ 

-if both of them are qualified to (look after) the integrity of (their) possessions 
(which is also iIk version av suggests with the same emendation: 
hakar bar 2 ... d gehan 'bavandakiP"). Unfortunately the Avestan version IS 
itself problematic and of little help in deciding how the Pahlavi text should be 
interpreted, but bouandagih, In. "completeness, entirety, completion , could 
base been inspired by Her. 3.1 and 3.2.' 7 In these two passages geb*mg*n 
USfiHrrigimh and gehdnigdn mpnrrlgih, "integrity ol the property trans- 
late Av. gaidantm vd aspwno and gacdanam asp»nm respectively. In this 
phrase mpHTrigih/uspurriginib is the more or less mechannal translation^ Av. 
OSPmnab- "integrity" (K/K) or, as H/E have assumed, a mistake,, rendering ol 
aLnno.mazah-. In any case, uspunigih and bowandagib are sy nom ms both 
meaning "completeness; entirety, completion" 1 his correspondance could be 
brought forward as an argument for this reading. In ou, passages > 4, how- 
ever, an Avestan expression corresponding to aspwnah in 3.1,2 is lacking. 

|' hc onlv Otfaffl attestation of the phrase is to be found in anothe. d.trn Lilt 
passage 1 Ic. 2.3 in a context referring to several brothers who have ,o.n, prop 
ertyand are shareholders going forth to pursue religious .studies. Together with 
the preceding and following passages the text runs as follows: 
2.2 (Kk 2 l;H/E2.3;Tp2r.l r 3;HJ3r.8-10): 
para bitiio din para dnttio diti 

be dudigai i mwed bt udigar e* : rawed. , Mp T - 

"(Av.) The second (shareholder) goes forth, the th„d one go« far*. (MP)Th. 
.„,.! Shareholder) diouid go forth; thi third one should go Forth. 

35 n I ln.,, 1 nsL I1 ., 11 H l l,Mu, U e,. l 1 apl U .. l lto,".sse lJl -r „ 1«7, pp. UMJS. 

m liiiTiii.iiiuu 1404 1450 (under vt-malyl)- . 

S vSffiw™ s-Htwmhm lume.p.i«3(and 

n. 46). 

\i rD2r.2:Jiti,HJ3r.8:Ai 

39 TD2r.3:*r»»n»..i'i. HI W -l-KUiiaA ^><> scYTWNvt" 

40 TD2r.4:BB's.yc Y SernirNyt; HJ 3*10: lacuna: Bl SCYTWNyi 

i h 2 \1 VK! \ My ' ' H 

2 3 , k K.VVI! i 2.4;TD2i 2 fcHJ Hll-3v.2): 

jttapjrjiuiti"afagae&abii6'b>riti 4: 

k* jz J'i • ■' 1^ /""' r iyon-tT gebanan 'bandagib 

hend(ku t^j^^'ic p->d >Mjt 4 - b ls t'' b.tut'dj. 

v\ id, this one (?) he (= the shareholder] i;.^^ forth, when they arc (caring) 
,,„ mp, \\ hen be{= the shareholder) should go from that one [when 

n a different (direction)] whilst they are in sen ice of the possession, 
(that i%, the property has not been let! n ith a guardian]." 

J 4 i K k: 4.11 I 2.5j rD2r.8 [0;HJ h : 
aria gae&anam irisinlinjm raeie." 
an id <i>gcbaiLr 

•(As ones?) foi the damage to the damaged tWks(?). (MP) He by whom 

thcdan>< property (is caused), shall pa) tor the amount damaged 

Although these sentences are tar tram clear, in 2.3 MP gehdn 'bandagib (or: 
andjtgib) obvious!) renders Av. gaedd- (here gse&abiid dat./ There 
ts no term corresponding to MP 'bandagib (/bonandagih) in the Avestan text. 
This t ..uld indicate that the word has been added to elucidate the MP transla- 
tion. In this case both readings, bandagib and houandagih, are possible. 

(iiven that there is rm correspondence to bandagih/bowandagib in the Av- 
estan text, it seems that the word was added to gehdn in compliance with Yis.i 
man legal terminology. In 5.4c and 5.5c the Pahla\ i exegetes link the text con- 
,1114 guardianship ot lamiK proper! \ to the service of sacred fires, since fire 
foundations constituted an important part of family property in the Sasanian 
era (see commentary to 5,4t below). In this context the term bandagib, "serv- 
ice", is used in combination with ddur(an) to denote the dutv called "service ot 
the hrc(s)", for which women were also eligible. The tentative reading proposed 
here for the whole sequence as Agar bar donin 6 gehdn bandagib, lit. "if both 
(are suited) tor servrse ot the property", refrains from emending the text (al- 
though bandagib and hmtrnUgib are frequently confused and misspelt). The 
phrase is repeated with variations both in 5.3b (mdnbed 6 <5> gehdn bandagib), 
wnh the preposition written twice (eteographicallv as w' and again as the 
heterogram T.) and in 5.4b (ndrig a gehdn bandagib). In the context of fir* 
foundations under the guardianship of a sdldr, the term ddur-bandag K (abstract 
'-bandagib) is used to designate a person metaphorically "bound" 10 the 

41 [*D2r.4 rurjium, HJ Jr.lll - lacuna: ^im... 

42 Both rD2r.SasdHJ ir [J b>nnu 

*\ ri>:t (s, the parage unnl MVfVfil missing in HI 3r 13 
44 TDh ', HJ3r.t5:l*tuni .aW... 

n in both mtc bwndkyfa TO 2i . MJ3r.15). 
*t> 1 1' -'• ' Uli h I: bcuiu I I \,' 

i'.KUNtn'. Ill I \, 

>n4», irnantmim raeir; HJ .V2t.: lacuna: gae»an4 . jdMfin^m raeie. 
** TD 2c.l0; Wtwcj ,.na:r ... MM ns wiv 

tn ateaspnaafaa jnd „s pirjfld ,„ ( hc Babylonian Taimud sec Maiuch 2002. 

Disseminating the Ma/d.n isnian Religion 


rire with the responsibility, ot serving and taking care (ddnarib) ot the fire. This 
specific form ot guatrdianship seems to be precise!) whal the author had in mind 
in his rendering of the Avestan text (in 6 gehdn bandagib). since fires Ut Or 
presslv mentioned in 5.4c and l,5c and especialbj since guardianship ol I sacred 
rire or ot a foundation "tor the soul" was the onlv kind that (under certain 
.ireumstances) women were allowed to exercise alone (see comment U) to these 
passages below). 

xwdstag-sdldrib, "guardianship ot the property " 

As indicated above, one of the main problems of the exegetes was to relate 
the ancient texi to the conditions of their own time. We tnaj assume that the 
-propertj • ' referred to in the Avestan text, consisted main!) ot herds 

o, flocks. This is in fact confirmed b) allusions to the danger of wolves {yeztca 
vibrko gaedd "and it a wolf (attacks) the herds"^'), one ot the essential worms 
in a pastoral society, in which possessions consisted mainl) ot ( ittle. In the 
Sasanian period, on the other hand, the main form ot property was real estate. 
Leaving one's property in order to undertake religious studies at a specific lot ■ 
tion was a far more complicated matter legally, since the bead ot a descent group 
or kadag-xwadav would have to transfer responsibility tor the management 
of this property either to a share-holder (brad i hambdy) or to another guard- 
ian (sdldr, dudsgsdUr, xwdstag-sdldr). This was an elaborate procedure with 
exact regulations which are described in the legal texts (see commentary on 
5 4b bcloyy ) It we keep these differences in mind, the mechanical rendering ot 
Av. gam-, MP gehan (which is not a legal term in Sasanian law) had to be ex 
plained or at leas, linked to the corresponding legal expression in I -.May.. I his 
i s the reason why the whole phrase is clarified in the gloss b> , WOStag-salanb 
"guardianship of the property". Interestingly, the Pahl.iv, translator chooses 
this legal term which refers only to the management ol prop. atag). He 

does not use the more general term Judag-sdlanh. which encompasses both 

the management d propert, and legal reap ibilit) fa. o. nembersof th 

familv who were person** atitni mm (all women, including * .yes. daughters, 
S aunts etv.'undcrage children, disabled persons). Tins choice o word- 
ing is ignificant, no, onl, because »&«>• the legal term -"espo^ing < 
Jhin (e*M-), but also because women could neve, be engaged as dudag-talar, 
though they could practi* tg-sil&rib undei certain afcurnstances. 

Famih pioperty usually consisting.. ,. , states, yvas divided ,nto several 
distinct v., eu ,ks. These included property "in ownership" Mxm&.om 
wSfaniu/members had full power of disposal), propei ■ , m ****£« 

tuuonof S r«K/..''subs ( „u,esiK l ess, 1 ,n"l.isyyell.,sthat,vse,ved to, , he keeping 

51 WE 3 5 and 3.8. translate -and when . woM (if a»r) onrt p— -- K y * 

p. 34, no. 101-104. 

M*hi\ M 

d ihe80ul"fr^nwwiia^or*W«wto/| Rre foundations belonged to the 
Inter categorj (hence the illusion to sacred fires in 5.4c and 5.5c). This property, 
called i nni* "propertj of the soul", usually remained in [he founder's 

descent group and was bequeathed from generation to generation. Member's oi 
the family, including the paterfamilias, onlv had a title to its "income" (bar), but 

:c miiiiiv, iiiuuuin^ in*. /■>••'■■ i — 

i n K ht of ownership and no authorization to change its legal status." 

ie guardian >i/.irl, practising xudstJg-silirib, was obliged to manage these 
ree t) pes ot property. It be was didag-salar be was also responsible for main- 



three fj pes ot propcrt) b — 

taining all persons under his guardianship with food, clothing and shelter and 
for representing them in the public sphere, dealing witb legal transactions and 
claims. He also assumed the important religious obligation of performing the 
required rituals for the souls of the deceased (ruwin yazisn) 5 and oi keeping the 
cult of the souls of the ai namganik)**. 

General observations on Her. 5.2b 

The problem our commentator from the Sasanian age had to solve is thai all, 
whether men or women, who wish to pursue priestly services (a&auruna-) are 
A in the same manner in the Avestan text. The latter betrays no difference 
whatsoever In the position ot the man and the woman: either may take care ot 
the 'possession ither may serve as a&auruuari-. 55 Despite the dil 

lerence in the legal status of men and women in the Sasanian period described 
this also seems to correspond to the Zoroastrian ideal propagated in 
MP ,uil/.j>/ urc^" Women were regarded as just as responsible as men 

>J M -km mi. IS"M. ::;:. 2004, 2005 with further references. 
S3 Macuch 1993, p H9, with farther references. 

i ihis term designing the ritual oi the cull .>) the ancestors lee Klingenschmitt 1971, 

pp. MS ! 

55 1 hi- agrees wnh ihc result ..i \l mitin s< hwartz's recent investigation into worm 
.1 poiitjon u reflected in the Old rVvesta, see Schwartz 2007. 
the foUowing example from the tUUg andan i parybtkiiin "Selected Admom 
ticns of the Tea, , esc fVSAKA 1897-1913, p, 46, no. 33-34, II. 4 -U 

[33! (4) ce bar I ug ,„,J fc ;,, kardan (5) wmih i andar dan ud pah 

be dsmsian *biyid bi hi ,{, gang inyi m pidixsiy be ka km a (?) 

heTMenanb^kardanudundbtdinitU id ud mid (8) frozand 

andkarU) ktrbypHmz ti lit ..-,.,„ tbiyed ud ka-i en and be imoxt (10) W 

karudkirb^gtfrazandkuntdp.d udmado bat rd(ll) ud ka-i ne amazed fiozand pad 

'.?„.', . <mv; "" '* " h in * ,Md of ms,n h) ■ "** boned {I2)pid ud mad bt bowed 

3)Bci ttheworldi mt of religious 

UK the sin, which (u committed) by hand and foot, with the ea 

CfF " '" d bl <"* *« »bofiacludes) mending the I lerbedesiin und know 

I he father an d the mother ihmiid teach their own child good deeds 

en they have taught him this much, (then) each 

good deed that .he child cmnmrtaii credit , count) „, t , R f, th(a , nd lhl . minrH . r . 

*",,,' ^um ami the child rinasanaduk.ttherijitiscred 

,,cJ ' ■""< <**■ mother." (See ,1m. K «,ga I960, p. 25. no. 33). 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religii i 


were for the religious education oi children and ever) Zoroastrian (with the 

exception ol the deal and the blind) was expected "to attend the Herbcdcstan 

and to know the /and" {berbedestan be kardan ud zand be damstan; on the 
phrase set commentarj » 5.2c below). Theoretically, at least, there seems to 
been no difference between the Avestan and the Sasanian concepts of reli- 
gious education for women, 1 lowcver, the restriction mentioned in the follow- 
ing Pahlavi commentary (5.2c) indicates that the mawerwas treated drfferendj 
in practice from thai reflected in <m<krz-litcraturc. Despite the Zoroastrian 
ideal, the legal difficulties concerning women in the Sasanian age must have 
been almost insurmountable: onlj a male could exercise lull guardianship ol 
the lamiK and its property (including all three categories oi possessions) in 
the man. hi described above. A woman could only execute KWistag tilirib 
w ah respet t to I fire (or other pious foundation), which is the reason why our 
commentator was forced to relate the sections concerning women (5.4b,c and 
5.5c) to the onlv known form of guardianship allowed to them m his own time, 
name!) that ot a sacred tire. 

nairiid rains' 'bar, "the male (is) ratu (is) in force" 

Another issue which seems to have been discussed among theologians is al- 
luded to here in the quotation from the well-known religious and legal author- 
it, Susans^: the question. ,.s to whether women could attain higher ranks III 
the religious h.erarchv if thev undertook religtOUS Studies and attended . I ie 
Herbcdest.m. SdSans uses the Avestan quotation nairiid rami, "male mtu or 
"the male (is) ratu", to underline his opinion regarding women s incapabihtj oi 
reaching a highe, position in the pricstl) hierarchy (which, as we may add, IS 
also the view of the authoi ol tins text, Peiagsar, since this a the only com 

ment he adds here to this passage). Sosan's short comment IS lull of problems, 

cspecallv since the last part, written-*"*, has no, been transmitted correctly. 

I low is it to be read? Since the onlv possible unamended reading as the hctco, 

m,m K 1 ' wing "Voice, cry" is im, Me in this context, .« .s bestto assume a 

oipvi , ( s mistake lor either kV 'kit or (an opta«ve?) ** . 'f m f^^. 

boS recen, editions have also emended the word to 'bar- . (K/K), bar- M 
(H/L), neither has recognised that bit here is a legal term and cannot be trans- 
lated as "a question ot" (K/K) or "necessary" {WE). 

57 On, he lam hsrii *«* 

,,i,un wuluandtheolo i ' lge «e Gjgmoux W95 and Cahter* 

« t.° v 4 ' I i ' "i ,, ,„sl i» the whoh p i • '- r*ed«t*i karaan tudriii tatali 

"£i^SS2?J& .m ,, 7 M".,..i nT 

LIXuL nairiii rami ki ft pn «hg«u. .rudies a male Ratu |,s] 


Maria Macuch 

In j legal context kar often has the ipedfu meaning ol "valid, in force, eff« 

tm v its other frequent meaning of -procedure") and is amplj attested 

in this i dan pad i i i kar "convej rag i title (is) in 

oewithraf own(propert) 1 kar "all three state- 

men mh kit "the guardianship (is) .ilw a\ sin force*. 61 

Theoppositf 'it is void, null and void, invalid, ineffective, has 

no legal force", .is in biii kit nest "The divorce is invalid";' 'dan kar nest 

"pursuing (the trial) is ineffective";" pursiin i a/ xwah kar nest "an application 
by the sister no legal fori visn kirnist "the statement is ineffective".* 5 

Both expressions, i\ir and its negation kar nest, are attested in the following 
nan t pat ■ 1 1 pes kdr nest "the later disposition (is) in force 

and the former one is void*.** (See also kar nest in Her. 12.15-16 [H/K]; 12.3, 
4-5 The reading suggested here takes into consideration the examples 

we, in which kir in the specific sense ol "in torec" is never used with a verb 
(the copula being understood). 

vdestmn kardan, "to attend the/jfr/Worin'' 

r, what cxactf) da is mean by birbedestin kardan, lit. "to do 

bcrbvJcjtiin"? Although the surrix -stan is used not only for place-names but 
also (or chapter and hook inks it he book title "Herhcdestan" could therefore 
be understood - as in both recent editions - in the latter sense of "Religious 
Studies",'" and in the combination herbedestan kardan as "to undertake, pursue 
priestl) studies""i. in most attestations of the phrase a specific location must 
be meant. As ^ 1 1 U w has argued, the Avesun test and the Pahlavi Zand in 
1 lerbedestan demonstrate different concepts ot religious iraining, which in 

turn reflect the different conditions in .1 pastoral society, on the one hand, and 
'led one. on the other.'- Comparing the task of the exegetes of the Avestan 
to that ot the rabbis who interpreted the Bible under changed 
conditions, he argues that the Asestan text perceives the "priestly teacher" as 
an itinerant priest, who accepts an apprentice for traimng. not at a particular 
location, but essentially "on the road", whilst the teacher "tends to his (lock or 

W Mill' ,i, i-yv3.pp 2" 

60 MHD 95.15; t*W., pp. 605 and ( 

M MHJ . ! ■-„ 

HUM \\S-'t.,b,J.,pp. - , hI JIld56 3 

ibid . P p KK jr. I 
63 VHH»,-. ^.,biJ.pp .433 an. 

6* Mill) lCS )Q;tt,,d pp m; 

sthiapsa >nhcominea) 

*» SeeH/1 P - tnaK I 

nK K.p. 100. 

Disseminating the M.i/d.n isnian Religion 


herd, 01 attends his pi iestly duties", For the I'.thl.u 1 exegete,on the other hand, 
instruction was carried out al .1 certain place, the berbedatan, which could have 
been .1 "school" or maybe a smallet "stud) circle* comparable to early rabbini- 
cal classes, "with only a handful of students clustered around a master". ' In 
fact, mart] oi the discrepancies anil enigmatic comparisons between the two 

versions ot the text can be explained satisfactorily in this manner. ' In this con- 
text km w \i and K.ri:\i.nbroi k have analysed another question regarding the 
level of religious training in the kirbedtstin. n According to their interpreta- 
tion of the available attestations the herhcdestan was open to priesthood and 
laity alike; "... lengthy ami intensive courses ol religious studies wen Oflfei ed to 
members ot the priesthood, while l.n men and women who mereK hoped toac- 
quire merit could also attend such courses, but fewer demands were presumable 
made on them*. ra This would implj that "attending the herbedestan" could, but 
did not necessarily always entail turning fol official priesthood. Apparently 
religious training included Stud) bag did "law" and zarul "ilu I'.ihlavi version 
ol the Avesta with commentary", as several allusions indicate: herbedestan pad 
did ttd zand?* "herbedestan (consisting) of law and /.md"; herbedestan pad dad 

71 Ibid. 

72 Ibid. 

73 For example, the correspondence between the length ot time .. person ihouid sm,t. and 
thedisuna he should travel, as in 12.1. (TD 12v.l5-13r.2; III I6v,8 IMI 1 1 

K K 12.1) (As.) cttuat nd aetfrapaitim updisdt* yart drajd. (MP) mard land paymin 

birbedestin *Jwn tu/ibid tit dmbniy fftndar in 'ip&ym&n* tbagsjkfntMangJ. 

I I or how long shall j nun su) with ■ teacher? F01 tin duration ol 1 yeai (MP) 

I 01 how long a period slull .1 man attend the birbedestin} hir the length "' ■' u.u 

[within the time-span (endai in '£) ol .1 period ol (three) ni espondin \ to 

thins frasangs].' In the I'ahlavi translation ol this pasaagc an important change takes 
place; •< Ihupaiti- is not rendered by the usu.d blrbed (as in K K 9.9; 14.1; 15.2; 18.1; 
I, 1 9.26; M.l; 15.6; 18.1), but b -i.tu. which shifts the focui from a pi 

pi iestly teacher) t" .1 partieulai place, .1 cenm 01 school ol priestl) learnin ; ii ■ .rdmi; 
10 both the Avesun and PaWavi versions the pupil should itudj (01 "j year" (with the 
"priest" in the Avesun version, at the birbedestin in the Pahlavi one). The short Pahlavi 
would be incomprehensibU 11 we did net assume that .1 fund unental change had 
taken place in the manner of teaching: in the Ave* tthen id*; in the Pahlavi 

..„ u ■ certain locath 1 "sjiool" The gloss indicate* that the time span ol ai 1 

inderstood as follows: "three nightt" correspond m'thirrj fmsang" [am 

fmsan espondingto4 Roman miles). But bo* can men bi ■ correlation bei 

a period of time ("three nights") and a measun of length (JO ) 
obvioual) had to imd an equivalent lor the distance an irineram teachei anould 
whilst instructing Ins pupiL Travelling 1 corresponds in theii interpretation to 

studying three days (lit "nighta") at the school (On tin insertion a mpan HI 

2.14, K K2 fcandH/1: 4.13, nVK 4.4). 
JA ItoTWAl Krmismdik IW2, pp. 15-18. 

75 Ibid., p. IK. . 

76 Her. 2 .s (TD 2r.1T; HJ 3v.l5-4r.l); K/K 2.S (inscn < /herbcdnian i pad add ud tanaj, 

which is in neither ms.)j II I MO- 


Maria M.m n h 

1 tisseminating the Mazda] asoian Religion 


o> „rf «s»d "be ihould attend the Mte (ccmwstu^ of law 

and "and"; M*** H ** *' —' ' *»** J** *"** ^ ft 
M (consisting) of la* and «i". wl». .s the exact meaning of dad 
, ^t«t? In I lu : > did corresponds n the Av. term data- zaradusm-. 
which in turn is explained by .nW.te; "Avesta : 

latin pad dad ud z*nd kat databe zarMdustroii obastag iiyon dad" 

ld commentary fWMAv.) mat be- 
long, to the law oi Zarathustra {databe gar(a}&*;tr6ts)1 1 he Avesta as (1 was 
treated purem^M."* 

■ this definition it seems thai did refers to the original Avestan text 

opposed to the Pahlavi translation and its commentary, zand). However, as 

mum has shown, data- umtostri- is not always generally equated with 

tht , h is m thiscaw Avestan anj Pahlavi texts distinguish between 

law, referred to as data- vidaiuua- (MP dad ijuddiw) and 

.(- zamdttftri- (MP dad i z*raa 

General Observations on Her. 5 

In the light of the above considerations we may interpret Sosan's comment as 
follows, Both men and women were allowed to attend religious teaching at a 
centre ol learning, called berbedestan, inorder to study Avestan texts with their 
I'.dil.n i translation and commentary. However, alter baying completed training 
at the bcrbcdea.r: onlj a male could achieve the position of ratu. Sosans under- 
lines this interpretation of the 1 loly Scripture by quoting an Avestan passag 
nairiio rami, "the male (is) ratu". This rule is "in force" ("fcirj, and, we may 
expressly excludes women from reaching the rank of a ratu. In the Sasa- 
nian the rad a as one of the most important dignitaries of the Church 
and State. 1 te had two main functions, first as a personal spiritual guide to the 

77 II \l > .11' W I in l»i n- .k k \ltv.U I 1 2.40. Both mss. have: hyrptrt'npj'd'd 

i Wznd"j BfYDWl 
7g N. S2J m-vNh.K K 2003, H.2, p. I50f. 

Boihmss. YHBWNl i Ili:v I, ||| ti 

80 Translated differently in the two editions, f\ Is. 2.5, p. 31: "(((when goinj; to pursue) 

iou* uudics wind) include the Law .in J Commentary. What oj tbt Lam ■</ Z*» 
HowwasthcAratacKau ,•■,... s.j.i,-,/ WW" H K 2.1 1-13, p. - ^ 

given in the Law and its Commentary. 2.\2. What belongs to the 
' u ii haa Ken <. n-jicd/given (fn God) ["he bi 

I s -006, p. 59. 

81 ' 'wo legal categories ud their reflection in the- division ol the naaks in the 
Dcnkard 8, see Can 6 ud Mai i . h 2007, pp. 153-155. In Pahlavi texH the) 

ol prieitl) «,.rk, dealing with "sin 
n S '" tht •'' ' rmeantg} and the other * ith "sins regarding adversaries" 


belie, ei. I moral leader even /onus,, ,an was obliged to choose to, himsell ,rad 
ixwii - on e*s own mJ'T- and secondly, as a judge and high official {kardtr) 
„f the Church and State, one who had - besides the moubed - a large range 01 

|lulu „l , lul administrative dtraea." 3 Noi surprisingly, Sosans restricts the posi- 
tion ol rad to men (, however, does not mean that women are principal 
banned from exercising other religious functions) 

General obsei v itiottS on 1 let 5.3b 

Here again the Avestan version is quite clear in allowing the female to pu, 

sue religious studies at the UMtf*. The Pahl.n , /and follows the Avestan 

text in letting the woman attend the berbedestin on condition that the uuw 
of the house" {minktd, explained by kadag-xwaday, patvrfamdm m 5 lb) is 
qualified to exercise guardianship over family property (xwauag >ai 
described abo.e, this normally did not cause anv lega problems. since guardi- 

S5 of lamilv members and property noimalK belonged to the importan 
, „ks of the k idaz-xwsdiy* The Pahlai i text has no further coromenta. > here 

^d « t dtscuss the Interesting que,, whether the rehg, .ducaUOn 

ut womcn M th e hirMeuin had am lurthe,«des pro, tding Aemwttha 
foundation for bringing up their children properK and te.uliui;; hem - 

Zoroastrian pra, ers and texts. As we have seen, m 5 2c SoHns ^ected Ik ,1 

that women could reach the high position and rank of a rad. bu. th s docs *» 
mean that they could not be engaged in other acm itie* 01 be allowed to parttc 
P t ,n the Zoroastrian ritual in an official function. A shor. Statement m Sni 

SVLieatesthis, ibiln sw ,th the words ,.,„ pad ,»/,/• ,- 1 ,!».;« -W A 

woman is allowed to practise the office ol 101 (s-OWl I for women . 

xmisug-silirtk tnw-n, "suited for guard.ansh., , the property" 

As the following Pahlas nmentarj (5.4c) to this sentence reveals Visanian 

cs s bav found ,, «3 difficul, to relate this p .ase t ; , the legal re- 

quoc,,,,,,, ol thei. age. The Avestan passage allow, the head o, a household 

^r::: r :^ - 

lso eomrnentar) to 5 *feb 
85 SeeTAVfcDta l»30,p 145 


Mvkis M 

,o proceed to the herbedestan on condition that bu . ife IS «ed» manage 
JP . topfactisel .cordtngtothcdo^Replacmgi 

ww'« » i-*- °* *• ,imiU - imi to rr ^ ,tv r? T \f T 

.„a„ bw. It was required to install . new ,,!a, ri the head d . bou* 

hold was absent lor . long period ot time « died III the following three ^ cases: 

■ ben -men. underage children and disabled persons were m the family, 

d fire or (3) .mother k.nd d plow foundation foi the soul (pad 

had been established by the k*d*g-XW*di} himscll or another member 

„, Jamil) under bil guardianship." The general rule states that guardun- 

sh.p can onlv be practised bj a nude, who is of age (at least 15 years old) and 

1 egal texts distinguish between three different types 

urdians according to the manner in which thej are chosen: (1) salar (or 

, bndag "natural guardian", who could be the mature natural 

lundical son or the paterfamilias, a mall i as "appointed proxy" (stSr i 

kardag), an adopted son (pus ipmdmfug) or i brother who is a share-holder 

id, bambi : did talir i kardag "appointed guardian 1 ', « ho was 

authorized bv the head ot the household himself as guardian either in his will or 

bs a separate statement;"" |3) (dudag-)silir i gutndrdag "nominated guardian". 

who was a person chosen by judicial authorities (rad, moubed, paddn i den) and 

held to be "most suite. tat) for the task. The procedure tor choosing a 

idian to replace the ktdag-xmtdiy was regulated exactly, since it was of the 

utmost importance to engage a responsible person most suitable for the complex 
duty of ma ragiig the large estates in the possession of descent groups. It was 
regarded as so important that the question of nominating a guardian could even 
be decided bv the sovereign hi nisei t as the highest legal authority (apart from 
the mowbedin mon-btd)^ 

In .ill these instances ihc general rule states that only a male could be guard- 
ian, though this does not th< content of our Avestan test and 
its Pahl.oi translation. As indicated above, the only exception to this rule is 
guardianship of i sacred tire or another kind of pious foundation "for the soul", 
pad ruuan, to which sacred fires also belonged), and this is why the commenta- 
tor in the following passage relates this sentence to the onh situation allowing 
a female to act as a en attag-idtdr. 

Kft General descriptions d ihc institution tie given iii KKA s.i-30 and 1)J. 55.4-9. Estab- 
lishing i ijUn'h u ilia discussed extensively m the Ssssnisn Lawbook. All Kti nation* 
sbouU He taken int. itton, sec M u I < 11 1993, pp. 702 and 7J0. On pious foun 

dati.'in CM 1991, 1994,2004, 

87 &EA5.4, 

».5;Dd J74;MHD Z6.10-11. The question, whether in adopted son 
could be i talari bidag is ■ controrersisJ one, see MHD 26 12; 69.9-10. 

S9 - tUyREA5.3;Dd. 57.5; MHD 25.11, 25.131 

l)d. 57.5; MHDA 14.9-11; 26.1 1-16 

•'i S« MHDA 14.10-12 \Un.ii 1981, p I43.0nthesisnij ice see also 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 



zan pa J tilirih (i) dtaxsdn pad midagwat si) id, 

"a woman (is) in principle allowed to exercise guardianship ot (sacred) hrcs 

We have good reason to assume thai the question of a woman being engaged as 
guardian of a fire * as controversial. This is probably why oui PahUvi commen- 
tator refers to the Avestan passage in support ot the possibility oj women acting 
in this capacity. The Sasanian Lawbook states several cases which correspond 
m the content of oui passage: 


I he (sacred) fire « hich has been founded bv a woman: guardianship (is) with the 
woman who founded h 

MHD 27 12-14: lea mardxmistag rowan riypaydig kardan nibtil hi-m ,<>»ixur> 
m ray tram.,,, dad zan az framin Hoy bv istid M fidixliy * I talari* kumsn. 
"When a man has written with regard to the endowment oi propett) tOI the 
soul" T have made the disposition thai ,m own Wife should hold 11 . the wile 
is not entitled to refuse the disposition of the husband and she has to practui 
According to these passages women were allowed guardianship (sdlarih) of s 
fire (it***) in tWO situations: (1) when the woman hersell had established the 
fire- (2) when the husband expresses in his will that his wife should practlK 
guardianship of a fire endowed bv him. In the latter case, the wife did not ei en 
have the right to refuse to act as guardian of the tare. The lollowtng sentence 
presents an interesting case, in which a certain Adurbad. son ot Mardbudw 
endows , sacred hre for his own soul (pad ruwan J Adurbad and Stipulates the 
sequence of guardianship in his • ill: first he transfers guardianship to Ins own 
wife who is also his sister (in xtt^-do^-matrimon) >. sailed Dadxwal; on her 
death guardianship should pass to a person called Farroxgyan and, alte. his de- 
mise, to another man. In tins sequence the first ot the hre ts a woman 
and onh atui her death does the guardianship transfer to the men named in 
the will: 

MHDA 36 6-12: Adurbad S Mardbudin bud fad ruwin i Adurbad itaxiniiia 
Tta^pad salarih I oy hi Datxwai i ham Adurbad *»ah«d zan buddaUan 

-gufidiitanriyfntt dadudpaddamearihita* ADadxwasanaia^ 

friz 02 Dadxwai Farroxgyan ud friz az Farroxgyan any man datum ray guft. 

J52 X U. the son of Mardbud, founded . (sacred) fire fa. the sou o 
Adurbad and declared, that th,s fire should be kepi unde, the guardianship of th 
one. ailed) I «dawas, ^ was -he nster and (a, the ^ ^^ f 

ofThe said Adurbad. H I I « 1^^ ^ lit, \ 1 

guardianship) and founded the (sacred) fire i ling to (this) entitlement. And 

92 Macluh 19«I, PP . 3ft, 143. 

93 Macuch 1993. pp. 198.203. 

MvR.S M 

he declared, tthat) Didxwd and ,her I I . M* «J "'- '— B "' 

another man should hold that (sacred) hre i.n guardianship). 

On the other hand. ,1 guardianship o. , Stored fire was bequeathed b) a father 
to his daughter who subsequent!, married, it was then transferred to the daugh- 
ter's nen guardian, Le. to her husband: 

WH1 bihkikadtaxipadtilirihadw 

\d*hidmddu isay*zz*mbbebdtd 

b be mined tydb abiz 6 bm tawed saxwan ud 

ir pjdii mgeridan . 

-And this is i ndered together with the (sutcment) written in a (cer- 

tain When he (= the lather) placet J (sacred) fire under the guard 

,|,ip n daughter and the daughter takes a husband, {then | it (= 

guardianship) is transferred to the husband. And il the husband dismisses her 
faun ma, die dies, (there .ire several) statements and disputes 

ling the question), whethei guardianship remains there (with the husband) oi 
res ens t<< us source (= the original lineage ol the daughter). 

The whole matter of a daughter exercising guardianship of a fire seems to have 
been controversial, since another passage states expressly - in compliance with 
the genera] rules of siUrih described above in the commentary to 5.4b - that a 
daughter is not allowed to exercise guardianship ol the fire (ataxs-sdlarih): 

MJHD 110.2-3: duxt/wa idyed ud duxtdad oh gumarisn. 

"The daughter is not allowed (to exercise) guardianship of a (sacred) tire and the 
.; .■! the daughter (dnxtdid) should Denominated 

The question, whether a woman, wife or daughter, could be accepted tor the 
. uardian in the case ol a hre must have been ol utmost importance u> 
jiian theologians and lurtsconsults, since tire endowments played an im- 
portant part in the economic, political and social life oi the State and Church 
and were, moreover, i source ol income tot the families of the founders and the 
like. As mentioned abi rtdowraents belonged to the important 

family propert] set aside "tor the soul" (pad ruu'dn, ruwdn ray or 
pad '••', and used to finance 1 pious foundation.'" Apart from reli- 

oneof the main reasons for establishing a charitable foundation \\.i^ 
to secure an income for one's own children and descendants or those oi other 
tamih members and friends. In the case of tire endowments, we have ample e\ ■ 
dencc that thev were furnished W ilh income-producing property called 
( itmxf* "(property in) nw nership ot the tire", vrr lit*xs(in ' "pioperis oi the 

Mm i . ii 19*1 pp U :ivt 
95 Macw h iW, pp. 193, 200 ind commentar) no. 9, p. 208. 
Macoeti 19*3, pp. M5.652. 

• -302,2004 wuh further references. 
98 MH DA 39.6. 

WHO 54 I; 93.4; MHDA 24.13; 27.1,3. 

Disseminating the Mazdayasnian Religion 


firefs)" or simply ddurdn *d dtaxSdn™ "of the fires", l'ropcrn dedicated ... th« 

hre usually consisted ol .eal estate and could assume huge dimensions, as nidi 
cated b) the examples given in the great inscription ot Sabubr I on the Ka base 
Zardosi and the description oi the hie foundations established bv the famous 
mtnistei Mihr Naneh. 1 ' The founder had the right to assign the management 
or guardianship (silirth) oi the foundation to the person of his choice, winch 
could - but did not necessarily have to - be a member of his own family. In 
the case where no particular person was named as a trustee in the endowment 
deed ot tlu Founder, his SOD 01 another relation was requited to serve .is guard- 
ian inildr) of the foundation." 8 In the instances described in the 1 awbook the 
main of the property dedicated to the soul were fam.K members 
of the founder. In this manner the endowment remained in Ins and was 
bequeathed as a distinct part of the property of the deceased to his descend 
ants The beneficiaries had no right of ownership , /"o, v , . wAi. thej were not 
authorized to change its legal status, but they d.d profit from the foundation bj 
their right of usufruct (bar-xwefih).™ 

had, "that is true, and/but" 

The translation of had follows S*] I RV0*l observation that the fuac 

tion of the particle is. nfirm a preceding sutement while adding u lelabora- 

..™ > ■ 1/1 " . "V.,r ,n.l fillill/ ><•.. hilt 

tion or restriction to it: "That is true, and/but . 
only). ." IM 

or "Yes, and (also)/Yes, but 

General observations on Her. 5.4c 

The Sasaman Lawbook indicates the existence ot a large numlu, ol different 

sized hre endowments, which could be treated different!, according to their 

religious and economic significance. This source distinguishes between three 

categ * Oi fire, the large "cathedral" hre. the it*XS Wthftm, which was es- 

tabushed bj collecting fires from L6 different sources and placing them « 
speciallj constructed sanctuary, the dadgib, dm elaborate mud. o punfica 
tion; a general categoi , « huh .s not death, specified, called ataxi, and a third 

minor fire called id*f6g "tittle" which could also burn ma place oilier than 

a didgdh and in most case, m.o have been ,. tam.h fire.' Although each type 
oi fin was endowed • A property, the extent of the estate gran « them must 
have differed considerably. 

100 MHDSOJjMMDA 16.4 hudtaxiin- 

101 MAcucH2002,pp.U7 123. with funnel reference* 

102 MHD29.9 H.-*' 1 15-17; ; 

103 MHD24 16 17; M 25.2-5; 46.4-9. 

104 Skjakvo (forthcoming). 

105 See Bon i I H 

Maria Macuch 

I, « Knid our passage in this context, the question of transferring guardi- 
ansh.p of a foundation or fire to the righi person appears to have been not onU 
ofrXious, but also of economic importance. The Zoroasman clergy most have 
been interested in encouraging the establishment o fire foundation* .even if it 
meant entrusting guardianship to a woman, either because she herself was the 
founder or because she « as granted guard.ansh.p by the head ol the household 
m the best interest of the I. e passages quoted above). Our exegete in- 

reu the Avestan passage, allow ingthe woman management ol the property, 
in the following mannej th« texi reveals that in principle a woman is allowed 
iiardianship ol > fir belonging to the second category of 

fires mentioned above. But in his opinion guardianship is only granted to her. 
tf a larger "cathedral" tire, an itttxi > Wabrim, "could be established" {midnlhc 
opt. pass, of miittan, "to found, establish") 106 in place of the original 
fire. The question which now arises is: may the woman also be guardian of the 
tire it it has been established from the tire which she founded? This 
question is discussed in the next section. 


pad wibizid iayed, "in order to spread (the Good Religion/sacred fires) it is 

I 1 1.. u is no Pahlavi translation m this section, but only a commentary 
Continues the discussion ol 5.4c (with reference to the Avestan passage in 5.5a). 
The problematic pa J wihizid iayed has been read and translated differently in 
the two recent editions K k h&vtn'yct' fayed, "... it is barely permissible"; H/E 
[5j&-lQ)rtmipsdwibi2edsayid, "... on condition ol 'wihezed' she/it issuitable", 
w ith no translation or explanation oj 'uibczed'. The verb is wiaizidan, wtfn 
"to move forward oi in ever) direction, to expand", with ul "to move upwards", 10 ' 
MM I" win/ "to move, progress, set out [he corresponding nouns: wihiz, 
ibezib, L.iheziin "movement, progression, expansion". 10 "* In the spe- 
cific context of the extend mean "intercalation", (an 
extra period of time inserted into the calendar), the caus. uihezenidan "to inter- 
calate". I use in nunc forward, push fonn ■ pikez also has a meta- 
phorical sense, denoting the "passage, departure" from one world to the next 
(as in DkM i example from the Denkard, describing 
the growth of mankind, tbf noun is used in the original sense of "movement, 
progression, growth in ever) direction, expansion": 

106 On the optative ending > rvb -^ ace CaimftA 1999, pp 179ft 

I9»,pp i pnm 1977 

s-MumimsM 2004, p U2 
1CW ' l974,p.2Ut;MAcKKNza 1971, p. 342; DuxxtN MEtSTtaBftNST 2004, p. 342 

110 SccNihi :il, jnil ■HIcsUtuinsGlGNOUH/TJUAZZOli 1W1 n 4M 

w SaealsoDl 1947, p i:t i, v i (,w, p ,,:, ,. \ i , (! /,J. t p . , 

Disseminating the Mazda) Religion 


DkM 594.10-N: uJ pm a/ in vaxt ohm htriinib mad 6 Siyamag i .<„ ejin pus 
„J kampmyumndan ait ih (ms.: wyhyc" V I o ktlnm keiwai ud kustag 

t„, . bin an dmhniy hi dadai 6 ■■ *d kmttas} wold 

rds i= aftei Maiyi and Maiyanag) (.In task of) transmitting the 
message i .one ... Si) imag, » bo (» as) their son. and the spreading (abai 
ol (their) offspring to each land and each region ol the world (was) to that extern 
which iheCre.ii.ii chose foi thai land mu\ region." 

General observations on Her. 5.5c 

The corresponding^ wihizid (fat) "in order to expand" tits well into thecon 

text of our v, although it is not clear « hethe fel ! »p« *< ^ » 

the gTOT th ol hie foundations or more generalh to the promotion of the t.ooa 
Religion. The exegetes ol the Avestan text express twocUfferenl opinions; 

I, The fil nmentator declares that a woman is allowed guardianship of the 

fire if it leads to expansion (of the fire or, in a general sens,, ol the Good 
Religion). But she is onl) allowed to exercise guarduuiship, because it is her 
"own fire" (itaxi i XV el I. Le. one which she has established herself, as in the 
example given in MHDA 14.1-2 (see commentary to 5.4c). Referring to the 
last sentence in Mc.this commentator distinguishes between "this (en) hre, 
which is her own, and "that one" (in}, i.e. the large Wahrim tire. Which be- 
lon.s to other people (itaxi i kasin) b the opinion of th.S excgclc. a woman 
would not be allowed to practise guardianship of a \Uhr*», hre, even ,. he, 
hre was used » establish it, but onlv ol . personal Inc. I he statement con- 
tains a significant restriction for women, since a man who has established a 
Wahram fire is regarded as its guardian 

maul i pud wahrimih S didgih nUaa pad tali i iirtin ,,-.-,,, 

.. , h , ,„,'„ whoha s placed (thefire)_as a Wab - fin in itssanctuar) (dadgab) 

a to bi regarded as us guardian (saH\ 
2) The second commentator has no qualms about admitting ItWU as guard- 
" } i:.l a l.„,e "Cathedral" hre: she should "alwaj Mb. allowed guaxd- 

umslnp ,t i! leads to the promotion (of hres or of the Good 


At mut Hint/, has shown in he, dise U ss,on of the Avestan text that the ,u,n,n 
TaTaLna-, for whieh Maxdi-WO«hipp«« leave their homes ,s conncUe 
With the spieadin, i,l th, M.„d.iv.tsm. Ugion. Am nunlbel ol a household. 

whc.hcr man, won,., bild, "who had the greatest esteem for truth and was 

tU MHD- -he whole passage 94.3-6 M I - W H.MHO110-5 II, 

,bni ,p.6 


Maria M - 

least needed to manage the proper! j couW engage in the* orkof the .,.W«>: 
rh« expression is translated b) «r»t* "pr^thood and combined with the ac- 
tive called berbtdestan kardan, "to attend the berbedestan , m tin commen- 
ts ring the pursuit ol religious studies at some sort ol school. In the 
Pahlavi version ol the text the main aim ol the Sasanian exegetes was to relate 
content of the IVvestan text to the completely changed conditions ol their 
ow n age. Since the text mi regarded as sacred, the translation keeps slavishly 
w ti , J, using the well-known technique of rendering Avestan terms 
In their exact Pahlavi derivations (such as manbed for nmino.p «'»-, giba n foi 
g ae 9 None ol these expressions were used as legal technical terms m the 
Sasanian period. In order to understand and explain the implications of the A\ 
esun text, tb ■ used Sasanian legal terminology in the short glosses to 
link the teu to the social and legal conditions prevailing in their own time. Thus 

v. with the technical meaning of paterfamilias with far-reach 
implications, explains man istag-salarik, "guardianship of property , a 

term referring to a large range o! regulations related to the proper manag- 
nt ol possessions, elucidates geban bandagib, "service ol the property" 
In the Pahlavi commentaries further explanations were added. Since the 
ten shows no panialit) in its treatment of men and women, the 
main problem the exegetes had to solve was to explain how the text should 
be interpreted in the context ol a religious and legal S) stem in which men and 
women were treated differently. Although religious training at the school called 
ttan was open to both sexes, m 5.2l the famous commentator Sosans, 
usn in legal terminology and citing an Avestan text, restricts the posi 

.it a rjtu/r.iJ to malts \nairiio ratus 'kir, "the male /isj rata [is] in "force"). 
Another problem to bf sobed was that, in contrast to men, women were gener- 
ally nut allowed to serve as guardians or managers ol family properly (xii'ditag- 
lilar) with the sole exception ol fa sacred fire. In the event thai ■> 

had been founded b\ the woman herself or guardianship had been granted 
to her h\ the head of a household, this was permitted, since, as explained in 
5.5c, it was in the best interest of spreading either fire foundations or the Good 
Reli tiayid "inordei to expand, it is allowed"). The question, 

whether she was i«nh allowed ■ is the guardian of a minor fire (ataxl) or 

also of a larger ""Cathedral" fin Wabrim) is discussed by the commenta- 

tors stating different opinions in 5.4c and 5.5c. Thus, finally, although the Av- 
al was adapted to the changed legal conditions oJ the Sasanian age with 
its different laws regarding men and women, it seems as though its main goal, ol spreading the Mazda] unian religion, was still understood perfectly by 

the Pahla\ i i - I the Avestan text 

Disseminating the Mazdayasniafl Relig 


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!K.:;:;,;.'m ■m";', .«« e**»*. .. n mm **!»*. 

MSSN 1 .Beihefi 15). 
k .vs. ,.M I |960:e^H«td^'^^*«« fl »° mba 3 
t /K, e eKoTWiu7KRKBi.»ottl992.lW5and2003 Brlaneennn- 

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SoatlCrfeoftkePtrtkmSajuManTimtso, mVkbgftm Ha*MrD*d*nm, 1 1 II. 

Bonib.i\ 1912 . 

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SCH.ART,, M. 2007: "Women in the Old A.esta: Socul PbtlUOU and ies.nal ( KU- 

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^cS5SS™i a— '■ - ** '"■ '"' 


I l> see Kotwal/Boyd 1980. 

Sm tAM^A V .990- 7*« MM R.W3-. Acco^»y«« J« D^««» ' /J -"« 

Pi L wir.M„«„. 7—; .a*rfGl~9 Pi " Trnnslatum, Commen 

taryandPablavi Text. Copenhagen, 

Hindrances in the Khotanese Book ofVimalakirti 

Mauro M-v.i.i, Rome 

As an all too small tribute to N« hoj m Sims \\u i i kh%' outstanding conm- 
bution to our understanding of so m.tnx Iranian texts and languages, 1 ohcr 
here a metricall) arranged re-edition with a new translation and ^mentarj 
of one more question and atumerfrom .he Late Khotanese HookofVtmJA-nn, 
, catechism of Mahayana Buddhism. The passage, which is concerned with the 
hindrances (Sanskrit £«■«»<) to correct ririon concerning .he true nature ot 
th.ngs and to awakening, Las been onlv handed down CO us m 11. 264-293 ot 
t he «ry carelessl, written miscellaneous m, Ch. 00266 in the British 1 ,W.„, 
(= Wm Q, so .ha, us interpretation depends on the delicate balance between 
the necessary hut always risky emendation ol the manuscript reacungsand Ae 
respect for the transmitted us. in .he light of all linguist* , Olographic, met- 
[K .;i M d doctrinal detail* I hope I have overcome mOSl d .he m the 
was ot interpretation. , „ ,■, 
This is the Ht.h article in a series devoted to the ,„n o his dif- 
ficult . ate Khot e us."' .ha. I 1 lecided to publish »«d o mg 

rears before the interpretation of the text can he completed I hope eventuall) 
Sec, .he l^araWarticles in a fuU-fledged, updated edition with transktion, 

"*ZSTE$ SmllScephalous, in .he prev but artides I 

nu bcrcd L first P-cser.ed verse pt iomul, as , I. MM- 

articles, I adopt here a more precise ,erse 7^ 7o o m PM26ol 
counting hack Iron, .he verse numbers found m lines -60 ol n». 1 2026 Ot 

H Hbl o.luoue national, de France (= Vim P), the onh »thc I the 

t 1. h overlaps with the las, luus o. \ m < and tains the las, preserved 

, ;. 1 e .ext Unfortunately, the verse numbering .n I m Pu wcomplete 

. , i.\, t~ no. expressed, so that the hist preserved verse, which 

L^uden^ bXeen the provision! numbering and ,1 « adopted here . 

shown in the following table: 

Mr ! .003b 1 2004. J n J >007.,.,. 1 U...„,^K, 1 | 1 „, ,lu u,, ..,,.1 „ 



\1 VURO 



tnufcripi 1 

Edition and 

Old verse nos. 

224 232 

Macci 2004 

1 s 


232 263 

\\\t u\i: 




\i «... i :::3a 








Macci 2003.1 








Macci 2007 


The passage presented here opens with a question which has its starting poini m 
two seeming.) contradictory statements taken from the vaimttn.m^ala sttitm 
uid the karmavaruifavisHdb* tittm (v. I34ah) respectively. ["he quo- 
tations ire marked hv double quotes in the translation below. For the second 
quotation which is in reality an abridgment ol two separate though contiguous 
sentences from the Karmiummuvisuddhuiitru, both the Sanskrit original and 
the Tibetan parallel could he readily identified. 

the other hand, the quotation from the vajrramiincLilu iiittra escaped 
identification at first. Since a Vajmnuufdanimadhdmifi is preserved in two Chi 
nev.- translations and a Tibetan version* where the terms 'dad cbags 'passion', 
/At >./.,,;. n' and git mug 'delusion" occur together a numbet ol times, 

I took the manuscript reading as a lectio facilior for vajrramanda/la/ mttra. 7 
Unfortunately, it proved impossible to locate the relevant quotation in the 

;'ijji!ii.i«.ir«,iii/i.ii,un tor the simple reason that the quotation comes from 
a different text In fact, there also exists a Prajnapiramita taniric teal entitled 

.:>>>ariij.i!.tmkjni. This is preserved both in a Tibetan version, whish contains 
a passage corresponding to the Khotanese quotation, and in a partial Chi i ^ 
translation.* The espunction in Vim 133a va)rramandajlaj is thus confirmed.'' 

3 VV 120-121 ikotnM iasvi 21-22, 

4 \j the present article dials » «ili \i. 133- 153, .1 metrical!) arranged edition is now as .11 1 

: -t i »s with the exception of s v, 164-170. 
1, pp. 87 and S9-90. 
6 Tanha 1344-1345 and Tahokm 139 ropecth 
r NU«,(,t 2003j. pp H7 and 89. 

I Dpai rdo rj |m ba'i rgyud kyi rgyal po chen pti = Ski trivajf*- 

i t.Tohoku 409) and 4>IWi|>Ji**l*i** t * *tt - * 
Jingingchang zhudngysn kitmUAotudmidud jidozbong yifin (Vajra esseni 1 ■ " nament: 
x pjn oi the Prajfii] 1 ti correspondii 

the lut pan of die Tibetan (h< i Nasahvba 1980, pp. 328-329, Tst 

■ - * [soon 1989, b 22 
Sanskrit title was <i.ind<*l>jhmkaTam.ih.\l,tntrarai 

anil »n given J,-. Snvtipjnu' hi < OWIl 
and Nakamura, possibly under the influence 1 it \ liratnandala as the name of a samadhi 

Hindrances in the Khotanese Book of Vimalakirti 


Like other quotations in Vim," the quotation I33cd brr.ya ysura ,ad t ba,sa 
ba'ysusu, bviru, 'Passion (rdga), aversion (dvefa) (and) delusion (mob*), all are 
to be known as awakening [badhif is not a close rendering but a condensed 
rewording ol the corresponding passage, thai in I ihetan reads: 

'dod chag* mam par dag p., 'i gMJ ganger, pa de n, 'J, haste kysng d»*«m, dpaj 
gnasso || zbe Jang mam par dag pa V gnas gang y,n pa de n, d, la U* *fij££ 
semi dp., ) gnas so || gti mug mam par dag pa'i gnas gang ym pa de m d, IU 
bytng chub semi dpa'ignas so || 

'That which ,s the state purified 0, , n (rdga) is su< h as the state of. BodraW 

rva That which is the state purified of aversion (dvtsa) 11 such as the state oi a 

;;,:,|!,s.mva That which ,s the state purified d delusion | ha) m .uch M the 

slate of a Bodhisattva'." 

1, is W onl» ..1 not. thai the VH/n«w*a«»**" <!»"■."'»" jj •" *"j|" 

SiSELdS^S. o. d.if *. *- 1 " — ' 

ship bOTMn Km and the VrnMOmurttUtntf. 

ta .s«ai*aiiffls 

refer to the rr.a™s.r,pl lines, txt . t ^ , mfs „. 

been dr.,.,,,., J^tctK,. ■ " "^ J^ LJ „ „„„ ,, ,.™, Mra l. l.irt.nn s 

10 Cf. Macci 2007, pp. 207-20« 4 ^_5). The quotation « ■.. ,k...dh located 

, oi '„ u | n (,,, , .SNSMSMIMI. 

12 Cf.L*Morri 1962 p 274 

13 KBT 104-113 and SDT\ hAVi 

M m kii MaGGJ 

Tart .uid translation 

1 n [264] tti vajrramanda|la| SUttra maista |[+ +]] ba i rahasa 

raiu ,4 hvabrriy5 ,5 ys6[2651ra jirfTbaisa baVsusta bvana 
Question. - Then (tht i \ *}i .un.Hid.iM.-n i .1. the great Buddha wj 

Then it is said thus. 'Passion (raga), aversion (dvesa) f*»<*J delusion (moha), 
.i//.irt' ro fre /blown «j awakening (bodhi)". 

134 u karmavaranaMsudrta siittr.i \ira vara tta tta [266] hva 
j s- u >ra i.idi brriya h\ and ba'ysa da bisaga byana 
And, in the KamavaranaviiuddhisOtra, there it is said thus: "Aversion, 
delusion (and) passion (are) hindrances (avarana)", (and) "the Buddha, the 
Doctrine, the Community (arc) hindrances'. 

135cudaist<a:>na" , [267] samai sai' "artha r suje js.i sai' cu sa' rahasa 
hvaria va mvaija |s.i pate a [268] hiva kaina satva va hv<i>dai tta 
\\ by (is) tbt meaning (of those seemingly contradictory statements) equal to 
one another? Whatever the mystery (is), tell me, then, out of compassion for 
the sake of benefit towards beings. 

Answer. - ft is mid to yon: 

136 ba'\ IUSU prr.ira jf* drr.ima sa khu vina pyaura [269] asa' 
hadai hlsidahaua byava ivatve" pyaure 

ikenmg (is) by nature just such as the sky without clouds, but lightning 
:J) chance clouds come upon it. 

137 tta tta ja[[+]]d<i> is brrha [270] \sura' a|sa'|[[ha]]vatva 20 baisV' 
hadana ya[271]va nati dra-badu vara nai by<au>rai 

Thus, delusion, passion, aversion, incidental defilements (agantu- 

klesa) from within to without they are not (to be) found then in the three 

H M ted in r.'j b\ th( COO] 

baa bar, inetcad d three, deicendio) 

py feinew bv Bah 1 -. 
17 Vrmtby Rnadati 
in Raad uoh win J i<\ l lufuu k. Sixdu . 2.124 

tpptenen bj b<n n I 

20 K •r>inui..ii..I.., In Kim, hi, K , Siudn-i 2)25. 

21 Between fram and b*da„j the cop) in deleted the words {(dharma abychimc jut) '/ mis- 
takenly written by him in anticipation »f the following* 

Hindrance! in the Hhotanese Hook 0/ VWW.M-/>n 


138 ttunaijsadaharb.usa dharma aby<e>[272]h jaattufi 
ku sta naista ksana-masa dharma >."' jsa ba'wiMa stasa 

Inthai way,, dipt'- i.dharma) are empty through not-attaining: where 

there is no phenomenon for the space of a moment there is just a wakening. 

139 bya[273]na va tt.i vaifia hvldc ba\ suriavuysa maista 

kus<| .1 burai" *ana a [274] •himive* n* ia" baudhawtva hvanu 

hindrance' Oarana) is described to you as /.» the great Bodhi- 
tatPtm.V henever a notion (samjna) should arise for one, he M ROl i<> be called 
a Bodhnati 

140 ysvarai-sana brriya-sana jadi-sana [275] cai ttye » hi mis I 
ttyesa' klrtnai byani nai sai'baudhasatva hvanai 

When a notion 0) aversion, a notion of passion, a notion o) delusion should 
occur to htm, for him that Us) a hindrance due M action (karma-avarana); be 
is not to be called a Bodhtsattva. 

141 cu tivc va |276] se' ba'ysa-sana diva-sana bisaga-'" -sarta 
ba'vsusta. hvanr" maista nai [277 1 sai ' kiudh.isacva bvafiai: 

Or when he (has) a notion of Buddha, a notion of Doctrine, a notion of 
Community, (that is) a great hindrance for him (on the path) to awakening: 
be is not to be called a Bodhisa: 

142 ka ja va sai" baudhasatva cu ysurai hivi paiskala 

[278] oil nairvan|d|a-paiskala daitta vasustT kTrlna, bj ana 

But whichever Bodhtsattva sees the state of aversion (dvcsa-dharm.O 6 

state of extinction (ninrina), forhm the hindrance due to actum u cleared 


143 k.. ja va iai' b«adhasal279lm cu jadl-pai«k* la 

|ttu oairvana-paskak] ttu nairva<na> ll -p<a,>skal, daitta y asustai 

kI[28C)tin.n In ana 
Or whichever Bodhtsattva sees the state of delusion (moha dharma) as the 
state of extinction, for htm the hindrance due to SCtUms U cleared at 

22 <me> supplemented bv Bam I 

S ^^K'niitikeryM.inkM -V, trefoundb 

25 tssist -1 w— ir* ■— "— ■ - dt °- 

26 *bmavi B) emendauon iorm- ham - ■■ ■ ■ 

27 ki„ ttionfoi ma. ban I ■ < " 

2g ted to U b\ 1 Ik eopj i«l , 

29 A Uun ink tpoi i [ipoiwd woaoaaiu 01 rowd dial 1 ttu under »-. 

JO SuppU mil-mi by Bah 1 1 
}1 Supplement b) Bauji 

\l w ro Magci 

144 k5 Java sal* baudhasatva cu brrlya-paiskala 

rta na.rv<a>na- P ai[28l|skala daitta WSUSta. kmna, bj ana 

Bodbisattut sees the state of passim (riga-^anna) « r*r «*re 
ztinctkm, fa him the hindrance due to actions u cleared away. 
, j a va sai" IttudhasatW cu vainai [282] ttu avaitia. daitta 
" vatWa^ttnillkirlnaibyj liajvatta byeha sai ma.sta 


him the hindrance due to actions U t lawed away and he obtains the great 


14-. ka [283] |kau| |a va sa' baudhasana eai ba'ysa da yava bisaga 
hamagtie prrarai isa dai[284]tta nav una sa>' bau[[+]]\dha/satva 
frwUdbrVrr Bodbtsattia WO the equality ( fr? ^«rf of the Bud- 
dha, the Doctrine, OS well as the Community, that Bodhtsattva is a deter- 
mined one (niyata'i 

14" kj ja va sai" baudhasatva cu baisa hir.i' 1 ttuia pa[285]ysauda 
ahimva B aja nasau'da *navuna 5 * sai' baudhasan 

Or I Bodbisattva has recognised all thing* as empty (sunya), un- 

ortgmated (anutpada), unborn (aniruddha), tranquil (prasanta), that Bodhi- 
,i determined one iniyata). 

148 ka ja w jai' [286] baudhasatva cu ksamide parsa' ysuska 

badfi 31 barbaiia ba'ysa jasiuiiau p,i[2K7]jsamyau uera 
Or » kicbever Bodhii i bes to serve all the dear Buddhas of the three 

times appropriately with divine honours (puja), 

149 ttyc Namahana akhaus{.a a\ jrautta aysmva staka 

live ttai pajsama[288]da haimare dra-badii harbaisa ba'ysa 

a mind unsupported in unmoved concentration (samadhi) (is) necessary for 

him: all the Bud. be three times become honoured (pujita) by him. 

I by emendation lur ms. u M 
)3 JI'J below the line without 4 caret. 

J4 mrndtriwn rot ms. bin (Magci). There is j T- stuped sign after hara and a 

- in the right margin. 
35 VAiwjm by emendation tot ms.ahimy*(}A>.. 
M *A«B»M by craeodktion far ma -i.i; >.in<i (Ma< ■ 

37 After b*udka>.i deleted the word ({brnftrntuij} mistakenly written by him 

in anticipation of v, 150. 
"jJm corrected BO ba<fu. 

Hindrances in the Khotancse Book ofVmudakirti 


150 ka ja va sai" baudhasatva bajvatte [289] kusa' ca jsana 
,u ,i\aisaista suttr.i *ksamlda w siyadii \ c 

bichever Bodhtsattva should look for a isdom, whichever sutras with- 
out distinction it should please him to learn and retain, 

151 live nairva[290]kalpa akhausta samaha bavafia sa vyachai 
aharina vamaM.i harbaisa [291]$UtOt5 artha 

he must produce a concentration free from discrimination (mrvikalna) un- 
moved: as soon as he is intent upon it, he perceives the meanings of all the 
mtras without remainder. 

152 Lima in cV : [[ita]] *pvadc 41 rrasta ttu vasva ba'ysa da 
bychldt bvl[292]ma maista vaina-avarana haimara 

\\ boever (are) those who may hear correctly the pure Doctrine of thi Bud- 
dhas, they obtain the great knowledge, they become free from hindrances, 

153 asa" manada akhau-ta awnva na parail<i>[293]ka ttslda 
vyach<I>da bavafia gihna vasva nairv<a>na 4: pan i 

(their) mind (is) unmoved like the sky, they do not go to the other world (pa- 
raloka), (yet) with the aid of meditation they are intent upon pure extinction, 
deliverance (vimoksa). 


133a: On the expunction in vajrramandaflaj see above. 

133b- For the supplement in ba'ys<u>na rahdsa 'Buddha mystery' cf. Vim C 
347 SDTV hA^banuna rahdsa and Ch. i.002lb.b 5 SDTV 6.553 ba'ysuna 
rahdsa. Kh. maista ... rahdsa apparently reflects tnaki tanlr* IB iru -Sanskrit 
title Yararnandalamkaram.ihatantrard/a as given in the Tibetan translat.on. 

135a Tlu occurrence o\ the particle sf<d>na after cudat may be compared with 


m fsara t uda, am pnsa m bajsemi 'Why do you no, collect completely whatero 
j;rain you have thus?'. 

I35d- I take m m satVA M as the Late Khotanae continuation of OKh. vara, 
vari'wwttds, with reapertto', which gowrns the accuaanw and u found in e. & 

vi *kf*muL In emendation fm a>i.*f«n«*(MA©oi). 

40 » fB |,. aon Eot ms. iw(Maoci) 

41 *pvide by i HU /•■.■•■>. (M 

. ipplemem bj Ban i>./)r,f l\hs.v.pari. 


\i v k" M 

Z3 ijyummfmm^m^nmudfobaaff I hisimerprewionhasihe.dvaiitmge 
thai « pennin us » keep the manuscript reading, 1 fowever, >" consideration of 
the many copying mistakes that art found in this manuscr^two other inter- 
pretations based on emendations arc theoreticallj possible. On the one hand 
the occurrence of OKh Z 2.189, 12 58 W, 1221 mm* van- and UJ 

, mm II 41. 13.44 mum cfti Wards beings' would suggest emending the reading to >^ i«> with LKh. w<OKh. wr* and viri. On ch 
other hand. M can also continue ( >hh :•.»*.. tor the sake ot. on account of , 
which is construed with the genitive-dative, so thai an emendation urtv<£> va 
towards beings*, to be compared with OKh. Z 3.77 satvam vaska, is equally 
likely and cspcc.alK attractive in view ol the omission of the a diacritic m the 
gen.-dat pL governed by cu - tmska in |/wi C 379 r/v<.i> im 'for them', where 
the omission is assured hv the variant Vim P 13 ttyam va. 

I36d and 137b: Emmeuck's masterful readings 136d dvatve pyaurv 'chance 
clouds' and 137b cirfkiM ' afia Wbajjva: ■•' ' ivatva 'incidental de- 

filements' tSkt. iganta-kL I rid of the ghostword vatva- that Baiu i 

read m a asm "or fleeting (sudden) clouds" and *&sa'*y* 4 * (blurred ha) 

i 'fleeting into the mind iB[uddhisi| S[anskrit] •soya-)'"* 7 . However, the 
following baisa need not be expunged as I mmi u< k suggests: whereas the inser- 
tion ot the spurious aksaras >,i" and ba in ifsa'l[[bajjvatva is most likely an echo 
..i l J6bt is'a'badai ami was favoured bj the common initial a-, the subsequent 
wrong insertion in baisa ([dharma abyebame jsaJJ was written in anticipation 
baisa dharma aby<e>hd<me> and is an obvious mistake that was 
favoured by the (-)baisa common to both passages. 

I37d: drm-badi (also in I48t and Mfd) jj an instance of the LKh. nom.-acc. pi. 
ending -u of -ua- adjectnes, as was noticed by Bail FY, which can be added 
• >kh. -uva and OKh. and 1 kh -va that are the only endings recorded by 
I m vi i kh k (besides the rare OKh, neuter ending -Mir). 411 This suggests that 
the LKh. nom.-acc. pi. ending -vd of -ua- nouns is not "due to confusion Ol 
-] Accusative] P[lural] -im ... with L[ocativc] V -va"\ as was posited 
by Emmhuck/* but rather is another instance ot the LKh. spellings va and ua 
lor u that arc otherwise known. 10 

i to, towmi 
44 tHa 'for' 

124-125 J.v. 'vatva. 
4«> 1 1 isa'<ya>. 

1 ht reading* a vmw and cii Uhajj vatva are still retained by 

ski » rvo, who Jot--, inn translate vatva-. 
** ' U* and Diet. 3*C Poi • plural note also K 108.288 drabadii ha>! 

bj'yu i\\ iiuJJIuv ot the three times'". 
4-* S(,S 124 

I n the l.Kh spellings m and ».i t.. ( » v C c Emmirk k, Siuditi 1.16 I.V. al'iaiia and 
»*so, SiWiej l.BC w tan*. 

Hindrancea in the Khotanese Rook of VtmaUk'tm 


!38b; The insertion of <e> in aby<e>hd<me>. though not strictly necessary as 
the SJ liable is not stressed, is based on the deleted ([akyehame ftaJJ in L 270. 

138c: For sa at the end of the pada ct. the similar padas 174d hamye hana da 
fa M, I94d hamye ksana dd vaista >a 'at the same momeoi onl) the Dot 
trine remains'.'' 1 

I39b-d: This passage corresponds fairlj closely, apart from the slightly dif- 
ferent wording and the here unnecessary refeience to 'a being" \>atva ). With 
Van I0a4-bl AT 3.22 dsubh&ta ba«Jbi<satvd>" ! satva-samha hMmata m 
baudhmitvd hvana, *\\ 'hen, Subhfiti, « notion of a being should arise lor a Bo- 
dhisattva, he is not to be called a Bodhisata ■>', Ski. facet subbute bodhnattvasya 
sattva-samjna pwoarteta, tia sa bodhisativa iti vaktavyah." 
142b- The Khotanese word pnkala- "part, division, element, region, section. 
chapter"" corresponds, in ysirm bivi paifkaia 'state ot aversion, 143b j«*i 
paiska<la> Mate ol delusion*, 144b brriya-paifkaia 'state of passion and 142c 
nairvdn/d/a-pa.skala etc., to Skt dharma- in the sense ol 'state, condition 
which also occurs in the compounds dvesa-dharma-, mok*-dkarma- and 
lobha-dbarma-™ as well as in the phrase mrvrlau ... dharma 'in the state ot 
nirvana' in RastmpaLiparipraha 9.6.** 

I42d: vasis'ti kirinai byana may be compared with Amnta 14 1 (urnaqu M27V3 
SDTV6.138 / + byana thatau vasuita '[his] hindrance [due to ,u I ions] is quickly 
cleared .us a) '. ribetan de'i las kyi sgrib pa myur du 'byang ba. 
144b The suggested equivalence o( brriyd-panUa 'state of passion' with Skt. 
rdga-dharma- rather than lobha-dbarma- is based upon the equivalence ol Kh. 
brriya with Skt. rdga- (Tib. 'dod chags) in the Sanskrit parallel passage in the 
Karmdvaranavnuddhtsutra as quoted in itksasamuaaya 9C 
U^,\- The manuscript has na hajvattd byeba fai'maista but the clear •mmu was 
tacitly emended to baista bs Bailey, who offers the translation he does not get 
wisdom; he u-uleistood ,f with the foUowing eaplananon: b«su- ****+ 
•known'"", BAILEY'S reading is followed In Skj.ikvo, who does not translate 
this pada. Bam i i a translation, which does ,n, make much sense fronts doctn 

nal viewpoint, has to be changed on account ot the reading mat**, although ,n 

51 See Maooi 2607, pp. 209, 213 214 and 221 (vi TSanflW). 

52 Sopplemeni bj I i umann 1912, p. 80. 
si Ed ( "N/, 1974, p. 29, 

54 Did 241i.v.,DBOBNBBl989,p.9».v.^EMMS*icitW3,p.«>. 

55 See 5 WTF 2.513 m ''•'>' diwniM-wiwwWiograpftjf. 

56 See «//S/) 276 s.v. ''dharma 4. 

57 Ed (hacaki I987,p.231. 

58 Sec M Af.m 2003a. p. 90. 

59 Diet. 305 i.v. baista. 


Mai ro M 

another passage the cop) isi actually wrote mania as a lectio tac.hor tor 'batata 
*hc realised' (v 192 rtunately, the reading m fe^wstri *ye«« *»'«»««« 

can onI> be translated 'he does not obtain the great knowledge', which is non 
u because this is just the opposite oi what one would expect in the context. 
The way out of the difficulty is the minor emendation oi na not" to *« 'and', 
which onl) differs from n.t In * short leftward flourish- Another occurrence 
oi m instead ot h is found in 159b karma *u vava anha 'the meaning of action 
(lurman) and fruition (vipike 

I46d: navuna is the same word as Sudb A 42 navune = C 90 navyane = P 16 
. , .... .Bailey translated this as 'certainly and explained the form as con- 
taining 1 Kh. [*]imm- < OKh. nitata-fnagata- {Bbais, Sgh, Suv, Z) from Skt. 
niyata- 'held, firm, sure' (cf Gandhar? ni$ir«-) and the LKh. 2 sg. enclitu pro 
noun -e < OKh. if. but was unable to account for the -n-.° Although the adjec- 
tive is not to be found in Almuth Di CI MI k's work on Khotanese suffixes, it is 
dear that 1 Kh. MtwiM- derives from niiUU- with the addition of the denomi- 
nal suffix -una-, which forms adjectives from other adjectives without change 
of meaning. 1 " 1 The adjective navuna (Skt. myata) determined' refers to "the 
truebodhisattva ... who will certainly attain Enlightenment and whose wa\ to 
bodbi is fixed as to the duration and nature of Ins rebirths" 10 The adjective also 
occurs m I47d where it is misspelled navyana. The similarly mistaken spelling 
Sudb C nsvytne, which corresponds to A navune and P navau'nai and occurs 
in the same manuscript that contains Vtm C, confirms, if necessary at all, that 
Vim I4?d navyana has to be emended to *navuna. 

147c: An identical pada occurs in Man) 2 (v. 2b) ahamye aje nasau'da. 1 * 

I47d: For the emendation of ms. navyana to *navuna see on 146d navuna. 

148bc: lor these padas, that literally mean 'whom it should please to serve all 
the dear Buddhas ot the three times', I follov i k's interpretation 'der il 

len lichen tiuddhas der drei Zeiten dienen mochte'."" To translate parsa' ysiiska 
KCCcpuble service' as given by Bailey seems unlikely in principle since he 
himself provides three Late Khotanese examples of ysiifka- as 'dear' referring 
to person 

60 See M 

61 S 

U Smdk A = P 2S573-jftt KB r II »• Sndh C = Ch. 00266.44-223 KB 721-30; Sudh P = 

:2S 80-267 KBT 13-20. 
h3 Bmi ii 1966, pp S2I-522. 
64 (I [>n ists 1989, p. 169. csp. S28.B9.3. 
■rrs I958,p 693 with bibliography. 

66 Set Emmeki. i IW, p 82. 

67 [Hr.isn 14S4. p 292».v. [*]pa- 
it Did. 354 ■• 

Hindrances in the Khoianese Book "I Viwatakirti 


|4Sd: Bah m s translations 'suitable to the celestial worships' and 'suited to the 
celestial honours'"' are superseded because jdUt unaa pa/samyau is an mstr.-abl. 
expressing the means and ucra is more likely to be an adverb than an attribute 
of the infinitive fori*'. 

|49ab- ttye iamabana akhaum avarautta aysmva itika 'a mind unsupported 
in unmoved concentration (is) necessary for him' may be compared with \a,r 
20a?-3 KT 3.24 battdhuatva avarautta aysmu itaka 'an unsupported mind 
is necessary to. i Bodhisattva*. Skt. bodhnattvena . . . apratntlnta,,, attam 

150d: For *kt*mU* instead of ms. ksamadu with the f-diacritic misplaced on 
the subsequent syllable ct. 148 hamide. 

isod- In tlyi dfrye, the infinitive -wye to m/-, siya- 'to learn* is attached to the 
im bigunu; , onjunctton a and dirye, not translated bx SkJ**V0, IS the expected 
LKh infinitive to dr,s- 'to hold', whose ppp. is spelled djU duta, darata-^ 
drtita- draita- (infinitive Z 20.18 drte) in Old Khotanese and dirya-, dtrya- n 
Late Khotanese." LKh. - is usualK a spelling for OKI, 0, « 'o. . bul a «n* 
tion Mearn or retain' is to be excluded because retaining a sum is not an a u 
tive to learning it. Another possib.luv is to regard this a as . 1 .ue Kixotanes 
SSL tor OKh. n 'and*. The practically identical spellm, a attached to the 
p' Sing word is found in Si §26.21 (147v4) k«i tcmtM* W Jg* 
Zmkhalyana trip* ha m paiana '(the lotion) «U« be smeared ^mad) 
on the outer skin (bah.b) around the eyes (locanam), and „ must no, be allow d 
o go into the eye' (Kmmhkkk's translation), where the context rules out the 
n eaning o ' - Accordinglv, uya dlrye means Mearn and retain'. This interpre- 
,on which does no, ,o,u,re any change of the tett, ts to b« preferred to a 
theoretically poss.ble emendation *,iyi (for ms. .**) dirye Mean, (and) retain 
ISIe- Bah iys "K 108.290 f*l" di »«m«ini4 WFf^iiM 'he real./es the reali- 
zation erf he Jharna -doctrine'- does not evis, as such, a. « . an erroneous 

and I5K twrw/wC- 2S °)- 

152* For the emendation »c* for ms.,« with interchange of the similar letters r- 

and I "t ■- V. VZ C 366 MJMtalt instead Oi ::^u,nr various' and, «.th C m- 

69 Dirt M I.V, »"r.i- and 200 

70 Ed. Con/e 1974, i 

71 SCS 47. 

(73 s.\. cwn 



75 < 2003a, p. 92 (v. 61 d). 

M vi no M 

I [indrances in the Khotanesc Book oj \ imsUkirti 


stead of : , [01 b dusaiturrdai instead ol dusji'vurrdtd hard to overcome"'' 
and 1 30b baspisva instead d hsspii i 01 the emendation *pvadt 3 rd pi. sub}. 

act. to pymf- 'to lit-ir" tor mupvirye, suggested In Sku rvo's tr.iml.uion "W'ho- 

may heart?)', d I Kh feu 3.10, II. SI I P 62r3, 62t4, 7W3) pvdmdc. VPPS 

I A7</ 61, s«: 3.74, 3.93 (P 70v4, 73vl) p;:i>ndi. all without the expected 

subscript hook. Bailey's interpretation ot tins passage with "na-vu<m> 'so 

to them" and the h.ipas. " drawn out" ("tta-vu pvarye rrasfa ttu vasva 
ha'ysa da bychida so to thetn he prophesied right; the\ attain that pure Bud- 
dhas' dbarma-ixxiTint'*) is supersedi 

\n identical pada is in Manj 173 (v. I 

I52d Since the preposition ; ma governs the genitive-dative or instrumental-ab- 
lative, and aiar.tna can hardK be a gen.-dat. sg. here, where a plural is expected, 
dat. or instr.-ahl. pi. unless one emends it to ivaran(y)a, I take vaina- 
!n.i as the nom.-ace. pi pound adjective vaina-avarana- 'tree from 

hindrances (lit. without-hindrances)' with a preposition as the first member. 
Compounds ot tins t\ pe arc e.g. the clear OKh. nom. sg. f. vdna-klaisa 'free 
from afflictions' in VkN 1.10.5 ktlysuitu kyc vina-klaisa nasaunda 'Buddha- 
hood, which (is) without klesas, at peace'" and the LKh. nom, -ace. pi. batsa- 
ided with i refuge 1 in Vim 105b pa/sage' satva ttu bad a hatsa- 
ispava hadmire 'The beings m the rive destinies gain refuge at that time* 80 . 

I 53d to see in nairv<d>na parri two coordinated nouns rather than a 

modif) ing noun followed In its regent noun as Bailey ("nirvana deliverance') 
and Sh.jtK\o (the ret, nirvana I 


Abbres utums ..) KhotanetC texts are in line with those suggested in Guide- Par- 
agraph numbers ot S;.Kvording in I sistiRUk 1982. II \\ |96fc "The Sudhana Poem of Rddhiprabhava." [«• BSOAS 29 3 
PP >3h-532. 

8HM> I EOCI ki,.v: tuddkin Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary Vol 2: 
Dictionary Nen I laven 1953 [repr. I >elhi 1985). 

ipdrmmui. Edited and Translated with Intro- 
duction and Glossary, 2 nd cd. with corrections tad additions. Roma (SOR 13). 

M (v. 2b). 

tomb, p 251 

> t uo,cd.nD,. 
81 Dm 21*,, s pari tad 193 

Conze, E. 1978: The Prainapanimtta Literature. 2" J ed. rev. and enl. Tokyo (Biblio- 

graphia Philologica Buddhica; Series Maior 1). 
|||.i\ik, A. 1989: KboUmistb* Suffix*. Siung.ut (Ml- und Neu-lndische Studien 39). 

Diet. = H \\ Bailey: Dictionary ofKbotan Saka. Cambridge 1979. 
Euuixti k. K.I . 1982: The 0) Ravigupta. Vol. 2; The Tibetan Version 
:/. Facing English Translation. \\ iesbaden (V< >HD, Supptementband 23.2). 

— 1993: "Notes on the Crosby Collection." In Medioiranica. Proceedings of the In 

ternational Colloquium Organized by the Kathoheke Universitek I euven from 
the 21" to the 23 rd oj Hay 1990, Ed.byW.SKAi uowski and V w-. 1 ■ ■ 1 kioo. 
1. euven (Orientalia I ..ovaniensia Analects 48), pp. 57-64. 

— 1997: "I rom the ManjuirlnairatmyivatSrasfitra.' 1": Bauddbavidyasudbakarab: 

Studies in Honour of Heinz Becberi on the Occasion "I bis H ' Birthday. Ed. In 

p k r PGutandJ. odendort (Indie* etTibetica 

30). pp. 81-90. 
Guide » R.E. Emmerich: A Guide to the Literature 0) Kbotan. 2" ' ed. thoroughly rev. 

and enl. Tokyo 1992 (Studia Philologica Buddhica; t Occasional Paper Series 3). 
Inacaki, H. 1987: The Anantamukba-nirbira-dbarani Sutra and Jnanagarbha'i 

Commentary: A Study and the Tibetan Text. Kyoto 
KB1 - H.W. Bah vf.Khotanest Buddhist Texts. I ondon 1951 [Cambridge '1981]. 
STTl-7 H W. Bailey: Khotanesc Texts. Cambridge: vol. I, l945;vol.2, 1954; sol 1, 

1956 [vols I V 2 ■' ed. in one vol., 1969; repr. 1980); vol. 4, 1961 [repr. 1979]; vol. 5. 

I9h3 [repr. 1980]; vol. 6: Prolexis to the Book ofZambasta. 1967; vol 7, 1985. 
Lamoi ii.I 1958: Histoin du bouddbisme indien des origines a I'eri Saka. I ouvain 

(Bibliothequc du Muscon 43) [Engl, transl ! Historj oj Indian Buddhism I 
Origins to the <,aka Era. Louvain-la-Neuve 1988 (Publications di I'Institut 

Orientaliste de Louvain 36)]. 

— 1962: L'emeignement dt \ imalakirti , VmatakirUnirdeJa), I ouvain (Bibliotheque 

du Museon 51) |repr. Louvain-la-Neuse 1987 (Publications de 1' Instil ut < Vienta- 

liste de Louvain 35)]. 
Leumann, E. 1912: Zur nordartschen Sprache und Literatur Vorbemerkungen mid 
\ufsdUe mk ■ Mralsburg (Schrilten der Wissenschaftlichen Gesell 

sehaft in Strafiburg 10). 
Maggi, M. 2003a: "Canonical Quotations in the khotanesc Book ot Vimalakirti." 

In: Buddhist Asia /- Papers from the First ( onfen >/. c oj Buddhist Studies Heldm 

Naples in May 2001. Ed. by G. Verahim and S. Vita. Kyoto, pp 85-101. 

— 2003b: "Mon Verses from the Khotanesc Hook oj Vanmlakhti. w In: Ktligious 

Thema and /< OS oj >'" Islamic Iran ana ■ .«, Studies in Hononi oj 

Professoi Gherardo Ciw/i on the Occasion of bis 6S* Birthday on 6* December 
2002. Ed. by C.G. Cereti, M M new and E. Provasi, Wiesbaden (Beitrige eui 
IraiiistikJ-ti, pp. 247 255. 

— 2004: "l.e hlu'imi nel / tbr<, di Vimalakirti cotanese." La Orientals Romana. Vol. 

7: Varia Iranica. 1 si In C.G. Cereti, B. Mm vsi < 1 hi and 1 Vviiiiiak. Roma 
SOR 97), pp. I II 13* 

— 1007: ' Vimalakt^ti'^rdmiasitra Quotations in die Khotanesc Book oj Vimalakirti.' 
In: Iranian I enguagtl and Texts from Iran and Turan: Ronald I Emmerich Me- 


M M K.I \l M.I.I 

mortal Volume. Ed. by M. Macuch, M. MaGOI and W, Sundermann. Wies- 
baden (Iranica 131. pp. 205-223. 
tUbivj/M/mttt - I :patti: Hon'yaku metgi taishu. \ d. in K. Sakaki. Kyoto 


- \mvih, H. I98C; Indian Buddhism: A survey with Bibliographical Notes. Hirak.u.i 

1 / I' 6 - P. O. Skj* rwv KboUatat Manuscripts from Chinese Turkestan in the Brit- 

■-.try: A Complete Catalogue with Texts and Translations. With contribu- 

I SiMS-WauAMB. Londbn 2002(0111,7, Texts 6). 

SGS = R.E. Emulrh k: Saka Grammatical Studies. London 1968 (London Oricnul 

Scries 20). 
Sm»kvo, P.O. 1986: "Khotancsc Fragment! .'I the Vimalaklrtinirdesasutra." In: 
Kalyanamitrdragananj Essaxs in Honour aj Nils Simonsson. Ed. h\ E. Kahrs. 
1 260. 
SoOTHlLL, W i I s 1937i A Dictionary of Chinese Buddha! Terms with 

krit and English Equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index. London |repr. Delhi 
Studies 1-3 = R.E. Fmmerick/P.O. Skii ru>: Studies m the Vocabulary of Khota- 
nese. w'icn: vol. 1, 1982; vol. 2. 1987; vol 3. cd bv R.E- ElfMUUCX, contributed 
by G. Canevascinj et el . 1997. 
I' I > SKj.tRvo: The Most Excellent Shine of Gold, King of Kings of Sutras: The 
■%tnese Suiamabhdsottamasutra. 2 vols. [Cambridge (Mass.)J 2004 (Central 
\-i an Sources 5). 
HI II = H. BechSKT led.i: Sanskrit-WSrterhnth der buddhtsttschen Texten aus den 
Turfan-Funden und der kanontschen iitcratur der Sarvdstivada-Schule. Be- 
• men von t Wai nsi hmidt. Gottingen t973-. 
Tatsho = Taishd shtnshu datzokyo. 100 vols. Tokyo 1924-1935 (quoted by catalogue 

Tohoku = A Catalogue- Index of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons (Bkah-hgyur and 

Bstan-hgyur). Sendai 1934 (quoted In catalogue number). 
TT = The Tibetan Tnpiiaka: Peking Edition. Ed. D.T. Suzuki. 168 vols. Tokyo 

Rl kamoto.K./Y.Mats, vs. v H.Inooa 1989: Bongo butten no kenkyu. 4: Mikkya 
kyoten hen I A Descriptive Bibliography of the Sanskrit Buddhist Liter., 
Vol 4: The Buddhist Tantra. Kyoto. 

.ikinimrdesa and jnanalokalamkira: Sanskrit Texts Collated 
• Tibetan and Chinese Translations. Vol 2 \ .matakirtintrdesa: Transliter- 
ated Samknt Text Collated uith Tibetan and Chinese Translation. Ed. by Study 
alp on Sanskrit Literature. The Institute for ComprehensiveStudics 
m buddhism, Taisho University. Tokyo 2004. 
2 = R ' ' ck The Book of Zemheuui A Khota 

l ondoo 1968 (London Oriental Series 21). 

tanese Poem on Buddhism. 

Einige uigurische Worter indischen 
und iranischen Ursprungs 

Dieter Maue, Codbc-Sehwarzenborn 


In die Viclfalt von Vol kern und Staaten entlang den Seidenstrafien, ihre Spra- 
chen und Religionen, Schriften und Artefaktc, deren Abfolge und wechselsei- 
tige Beeinflussungeil 1 ichl zu bringen, ist Aufgabe der Zcntralasicnforschung, 
die sich jedoch - anders als etwa Agyptologie und Altorientalistik - nicht als 
selbstandiges Fach etablieren konnte. Die Aufgaben sind auf verschiedene Dis 
ziplinen rerteUl Geroeinsame Fragcstdlungcn und Forschungen, die der Kom- 
plexitat der Verhiltnisse gerecht werden, sind eher selten. 

Zu den interdisziplinar besser beackerten linguistischen Feldern gehort die 
Lehn- und Fremdwortforschung, weil Lehn- und Fremdwortcrn in der Ent- 
zifferung und Erschlicliung zentralasiatischer Texte und Sprachen seit Beginn 
erne besondcre Bedeutung /ukam. Hier reihen sich die ..Indian elements in 
Parthian and Sogdian" i in, woruber Nicholas Sims-Williams refericrt h.u, als 
« ir uns 1981 auf der Hamburger Tagung .Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentral- 
aaien* Iteanenlernten. Es ist also nicht zufallig, dafi mein Geburistagsgrufi zu 
diesem Themenkre.s gehort. If it should happen, that 1 trespass too tar into for- 
eign territOl y and betray my ignorance, then 1 must beg lor indulgence. 2 


Das Snot? Xeyojievov, das seit Arat 1932 (S. 426, Z. 131) als abt/tzan gefiihrt « 
war vonAnfang an einc irucrpretatonschc und etj mologwche Crux, Arat ver- 
richtel aul eine Oberseuung, fragi sich aber in der Anmerkung zur Sidle [o.c, 
S 4^K) obetwa iranischer Ursprunganzunehmcn sei. und scrweist auf npers. j^l, 
d.sviniSiHM.ASsbescbriebenwirdakt.aparriculai kind *.i bathing vessel m..d. 
,,, coppi ., or iron, the full length "I the human body, hllcd with warm wate, me 
dicinally prepared, m which the pttieni sit, or lies down".* Die Etymologic wird 

1 sims-wiu.iasiv JM3 

2 SehrfreinachSiHi Wiujmo i l >8l.S.347. 
y Sthn<ass 1892.S. 8a. 

Dll ll«M\ll 

voi> ■ --■ vorbehaltloi ubernommcn, die Semantik fur die genannte Sidle 

orechjgeruckt; abuan ktlmii - ubersetzi cr durch „vou must give 

him i medicated Kith" Hiemach, wenngleich mit einem ge« issen Zweifel, Rohh- 
bors: .man soil tin Heilbad bereiten(?T. 5 Als .Heilbad(?>" begegnct .///;/,!>/ audi 
bei ZtXMl in einer Liste uigurischei Worter, „die neupersischen Ursprungs sein i ielkichi abcr .iuch aul mittelpersische Vorlaufer zuriickgehen".'' 

Den cntschcidcndcn Fortschrin bringt R.r. ElKMERICKS Idcntirmerung 7 des 

gmentarischen Texts' ilsuigurischeWiedergabe von Si 6.28-37. Der Zusammen- 
hang, hier Si 6.30, verdeutlicht, dais nicht von der Zubereitung eines Heilbads 
die Rede ist, sondern um def Anwendung eines Klistiers. Das im Skt.-Text vor- 
liegendc vastir .Klistier" scheidet als Etymon des uig. \\ ones aus. Eine andcre Bc- 
Eeichnung \sidttuvisaru-, womii ublicherweise speziell das olige Mistier benanm 
wird." Sie isi ins TocbB gekommen in der Form anuwasatfi. 10 Dieser sehr 
ist, was, wiedic Abb l Eeigt, in unsera uig. Handschrift an Sidle des bisherigen 
Mil geiesen werden kann: < nw n n>, in Transkription annv(a)zan. 

iied( liegen 1. im Sibilancen (uig. ,/' vs. tochB ,s') und 2. in der 

M3B vorausgehenden Vokahsierung (uig. ,0" vs. tochB .a'). Nach der herr- 
sehenden Lehrc, die dem Tocharischen stimmhaftc Konsonantcn abspricht, 
kann das \Xort nicht aus dem Tocharischen ins Uigurische gekommen sein, fl "i 
lul Nichtschreibungdes Binnenvokals hinzudeuten scheint. Als Geber- 

chf bietet sich vielmehr das Sogdisehe an. Es spritht nichts dagegen, dali 
da.s don hislicr unbetegu Won dieselbe Schreibung" aufwies wie im Uiguri- 
ichen, deren nichstliegendc mogliche intcrpretatio Sogdica /anu(i(a)zan/ ist. Die 

untitaiensequeiu {*)-* entspricht der im TochB, steht abcr im Kontrast zu 
j-.i der mutmalJIichcn prakritischen ^^^^^^^^ 

Quelle inuvizana-. Sic ist am ehe- 

stcn als akzentbedingte tochB Ent- 

itehbar. Triffi das /u. 

ist das TochB die Quelle rut 


Abb. I: <nwvz'n> 

IJB Jcr Htrlin Brandrfi 

hefc iu 

■ •. . 




S I 7 j. 
5 »7a. 


! 13 

if"* « DigirWm Tmrftn-Ardm DTA) der Berlm-Brandcn- 

. hen Akademie der \v , I ten. 

B Jui ii I9Cl,J24. 

l3 - m " M* kb« .washing, bath", die aul nacin 

M.IUmundmsvonl mts(W8,S 107 Lament bemlit, das neben intendienem 

.JUutiei am n ,\\ Sedcutet. 

w-» [cnisprechend in 

'* * N -l-lM-tAERT)9gO,Ji: 

_i uigurische W Brtei indischen und iranischen Urspi tings 


aiui\ia)zan/. Daraus wiirde tolgen, dais d,\-. ,s' im Toeh.iriM.lun summhalt 
realiaien wurde, Denn die Sogdcr, fur die A/ und /// phonoiogiscb relevani 
sind, wiirden wohl kaum [s) durch [/] substituiereo, Damit tntbclc /war der 
Hauptgrund gegen eine Entlehnung des uig. Wortes dirckt aus Jem [bchB, H die 
synkopierende Scbreibung rat abcr doch zum Sogdischen als Quelle. Der Ent- 
lehnungsweg im also vermutlicb lolgender: 

pkt. anus a/ana- — • tochB anuwasarp (anuva/an?) — » SOgd. *'(') nwvz ' n ^ nu P( a )" 

/.in/ -* uig. 'n\vv/'n '.vnu\(.i)/an/. 

2. gawmuiti 

Die bisher bckannten zwei Belege aus den uigurisehen Beatbeitungen des 
Siddhasdra" und Yo^i^aaka*" batten wohl einen Zusammenhang mil ..Ham, 
Urin" erbracht, abcr keinen belt -iedigenden Nun ut< ein 
drittcr Beleg hinzugekommen. I r stehi - /war nicht vollstandig erhalten, aber 
doch sicher rekonstruierbar-auf einem Kleinstf iagmcnt. das in memer Edition 
der uig. AftSngflhrdayastunhita unbestimml gebliebcn ist.' Zwischenzeitlich 
konnte aueh ihm seinPlatz EUgewiesen werden. Ausgangspunkt fur die Lokali 
sierung war aul Seite A (jetzc rerto) dieZeile a: [.. J kozi gttwmitlljtfi ... J .sein 
Auge, [sein] gawmust[i]". Die unmittelbare Folge von .Auge" und einem Wort, 
das in den semantischen Bcreich von I larn gehdrt, habc ich in dem umfangrei 
chen medizinischen Wcrk nur an einer Stclle linden konnen, in Das/1 «mi 
rick I9vs. [11, 9 ( -tictm-mutra-"). Dort hcilit es, dafi uberscbiefiender Chylus 
(rasa-) neben andcren Krankheiten Rotung von Haut, Vugen (skt, netta , uig. 
koz) und Urin (skt. mutra-, uig. gavmitsti) hervorruft. Im Uig. durtte das pa 
raphrasien worden sein durch .[seine Haul], sein(e) Augefn), [sein] Urin [wet 
den rot]". ls Das la/it aus unserer Stclle: gattmusti bedeutet „Urin" I )ie eintach 

14 Als nuitzUchei ^reument konnte icmand d.e phnweologisi b i bereinsrimmung 
schen tochB * rim- und uig. a ktl- brides (word.) .ein Klistiei niacken bemuhen 
wollcn Aber erne I'enphrasc aus Substantia und dem Allerweltsvc.b ..nuchen ist als 
Bewos ungerignet. Sic isi elementar und ..ft - » m vt in diewm ipewellen I »U du em 
zigc. nusindesi abet d.e bequemitt MogUchkrit. Verben tv iibersetaea, Iu. dteesinden 
ZieUprachcn krini /Iquivalenn gibt 

15 Arai 1932, r«l J.2 Ji"> 

i. Mai i vi'ih, 22 Hr. I0.S. in 

i M u i [ira Druck], Pen SB (U 6*21). Die Photos konotn .... [nteriwl aufijerufen wei 
da mDigiutm T«rf*n ln*« M>l \)da Berlin-Brandenburgischen fckadtmi. dei 

\\ issensch ifw ii . , . , v ... , . 

Die /unrdnung wild rolUg geskhert dadurch, di achdii abrigen Worter des 

menu im kalkuberteo Ahswnd ira Skt r«tauftmen:Einzt«serhalttt»esWortiii 
Zeilebisi kosiaU ira Hals' Die im Sanskrit Ksi folgend< Strophi ipnchi tronubei 

, urk , h .. im ||,U „,, ' (skt k.,„,lu--.ui,»,y Aul der RuckseiH bstfl WW ", 

( ,- and ; n do atrium ZeiN / tffl?** *o«W* ■»/ -«i«« 



Du iik\Im i 

erschemende Losung war zuvor unter andcrcm auch dadurch blockiert, dal* 
neben dcm indigenen 'siduk** „Urin" cin woterea I.exem gleicher Bedeutung 
nkfal /u t tvutm war I i -Jicint abcr, d.ifi das Erbwort fiir tierischen Urin 
aucht wurde: lava ntduki „Kamelharn " ;: , ud tiki ..Rindcrharn"' 1 , .Uku ukt 
.Xiegcnharn*", koconar stkt JX'iddcrharn"-". Zumindest gibt es keine Gegcn- 

An den bciden andercn Belegstcllcn-' 1 in nun /u pruk-n, ob der ncuc Be 
deutungsansatz sich bewahrt: 

- gaumuiu tjrnmifs .../ im Sinne von „J bci ] Beengung des Harn(,lussc)s" ist 
als Vv'icdcrgabc TOfl ikt. mutrj-krcchre „bei Dysurie, Harnzwang" (wortl. 
Jlarnbesehwerdcn") nicht zu beanstanden 

- Auch gawmttiti unmasar .wenn dcr Harn nicht herauskommc" ist nichts an- 
dercs als eine Umschrcihung von skt. mutra-krechm-, dcm Typus vei 
gleichbar mit gleichbcdcutendcm khot. cu biysma na nirime ' Problem 
im, dilS in dicsem Punkt das Uigurische von dcm Sanskrit-Text abweicht.** 
Dcr uingeklirte sac h he he I lmtergrund vcranlaLk allerdings nicht, an der Be- 
deutung .Harn" zu zweifeln. 

W u die Hcrkuntt des fremden gawmniti angeht, war und ist es verlockend, an 
em Kompositum mit Vorderglied gaw-, etwa sogd. /gaw/ „Rind, Kuh, Ochse", 
/u denken. Das Sogdtschc hat nichts Vcrglcichbarcs, dagegen das Mpers., dessen 
go-mez .bull's urine"-' sowohl das vermutete Vorderglied enthalt als auch unge- 
tahr die erwartete Semantik trirTt. Die auf Grund der Wortbildung verstandliche, 
abervomStandpunkt des Uig. ausstorende Einengung auf den Rinderurin ist in 
dcm npers. -J X'rin"-'" und dem abgeleiteten Verbum JJuj-i? „urinieren" : ' - bci 

i] schlafP; beides lindet iich in dcr BeachreiLrong dcr Sympcome sehwin 
dcndcrC EatMUU k 199S.1 II, |f,i : Verluat der Faroe (worth dl 'I izes.skt. 

prMj, uig. cog) und im Ende der Aul/ jhlun^ ilaihu-tamdhi-ta „dcr Zusund (ski. -U). 
in dcm die Geknkc fvkt. iamdh,-, a tchlofl (gkt (Utba-, uig kogsak) sind". 

19 Tatiachbch belcRt cnmul mdxk und % Bit, das vermutlich an siviik < 

Ink] kiintrihim in. 

20 AjLAT I 

21 Arai 1«J0, Z. 102 mil Komn 

\rst 1932, Ten l,2.95nnd I05(S.4I0). 
I 1932, Tctt l.Z. 106 (S. 410). 

24 Sic«ttdinMAUI im.S. l!K. J uNt u hHuKbcs P rochcn,sod i l J i t hniichhier a ufdjs\\ l 

'lithe beschrankrn kann. 

25 Kl IS 20,2 3. entspiulii in Si 2 W (mntra)kTCchra-. 

2h L )or< '\' li " Ju "- h Haramhr hervorgerufenea Pundn (ski.pii*k<i-).lKu BrQ 

ban Vmnch (Maui 1996. S I18),denui g l.-MdurchdenBedcutungsansat/ ummuiu 
.U' cb« ul«- damn ,n Eulklwg , u br.n B cn, und tile dazu tni Ubcr- 

lcKun|; ich «U ertedigt 

k,S7 '"" '-rms.mAvcMisehenbelegt. 

1§92,S 1 :47b. 

29 S is,:, s. 1097b How (ITOJ, s:. 226, on*» Mr. 1006) merk, *n. . gl n„, (4 , 

«*»,«) der *r.r«cnSuch«...u l h pmbtdem t bMtna' (...)smd«mmdiei nnbdcgf*. 

Einige uigurische Worcei indischenund tranischen I'rsprungs 297 

Ictztercm auch schonim mpers. gomiz- .urinate"' zugunstcn dcr allgemcinen 
Bedeutung vcrloren, 31 Dicsclln Bcdcutungserweiterung ware auch fur die 
Quellsprachc des uig. Ircmdwortcs zu fordcrn. Nun ist uig. muiti selbstver- 
standlich nicht Kontinuamc von mez o. dgl. Vielmehr muls, wenn die bisheri- 
gen Ubcrlcgungcn nicht vollig abwegig sind, eine dcntalanlautcnde Ableitung 
von dcr Schwundstufc dcr ir,m. Wurzel miz (< *migh) „ui mieren" vor!iegcn, ,: 
mit Labialisicrung des Vokals ' K mi- zu -mu-. Einen geruueren und belcgbarcn 
Vorschlag kann ich nicht machen. 

3. morvand 

Als Bedeutung von uig. morvand und seinem sogdischen Etymon mwrpnt™ war 
sen Mi mik" 1 um\ IIismm." die Bedeutung „IVrlc" weitgehend .ik/eptieii 
I ui das So U dischc hat jungst YosHnM mit uoeraeugenden Grunden itattdesseu 
necklace" angenommen und. was tiaheliegt, in dem zweitcn I eildl sWortes 
die Kontinuamc von 'bund* ..Band, Fessel" geaehen.* Fu» das Uigurische war 
bereits AnnBMARH von Gabain zu ciner ahnlichen Vcrmutung gekommen. In 
k st I, '/. 17 (von Gabain 1954), hat mtyin&ilug morvandhtr mit „Perlen - Kcttcn 
(>) u1 flbersetZl. Das ist nun vollauf bestatigt worden durch die sen kur/cm b( 
kannte Sanskrit-Parallclc mukti-snj- ..IV.Ien .Kene".- In einer einschlag.v, .. 
rjmersuchung «immi Zibmi zu, allerdings ,m, tui d.e.c Stcllc. Im ubngen Ea 
vonsicrt cr die Bedeutung „Perle". w Hieriiir soil GbNC/KumK! i I 1985, fel. 9a, 
/. 8-14 stehen, eine Passage mit erwas verzwickter Struktur, die bisher nicht vol- 
lig durchschaut worden ist. Es wird wohl geniigen, durch Gliederung des Texts 
und Ubersetzung w zcigen, dafi auch dortdie „Perle" nicht gemeint ion kann. 

JO MacKin/ii 1971.S ,. . 

31 i,„ Npers ist web aw dei I aingestaU nicht mehrdei Zusaminenhang mil ya »blei 
J2 Zu denken wire an tin PPP auf t»- oder ein Verbalabiwaktom aul u alaGrundl 

l»,s .. irird ill .. Vokal interprerien, Hilem Ghabib 1995, Nr. 5531. Der anugt 

Bi ihmT-Beleg im Uig. dagegen wei« o- auf. 

M0LL8R1922.S 15, I HI.M B4-67.Z 4 

In.So^l,,, I , i so\SNHl'M3-144M,S.468.Anm.4. 

Yoshida 2008, S *72 

lm (,i. I3 .SchmuckketM W- <*«< li( unbekanme lluk.nni de, sV 

gezegt-Daraiu VertMf«ruiMOujasundHai«WMEiium»«ui 

nicht nraaent waren. , .. . . ., . 

Siehe Mm i |im Druck], U-, 2. ■■ S nil Koam I in. andere, «e»tuchi wwn ■ 

shrdtywb.t i rprautionaUDvandvi Itompoaituin Pa 

IcnCschrmi r.luieiDBirlanden" /.ehtdcr uig. Bearlniu. nulu in Beiraeht. 

Ziemi 1995, S .. 

40 Geng/Kumk«ii 1985 S.104, und Zmu 1995.S 243, verbauen «ch den Zugang 
Vemindnii, indent tic "' "wrvandt montuk osnglmg aul den unminel bai 

foieenden Konig Sankha (itati aul Kenunatl) bedehen und dmna ^wiawraaSeii fol» 
richtig d. P«rl< [Hen K" iibeweuten 






Dieter Maue 

B "dmdtgkclunuiukant KJjfj 

B) die aus luwelen bestehende Stadt, Kctumatl, (A) wenn ihr 
<j er | tin-Hcrncherj Sank ha fehli,, (B') so « ie die Suvaxnasutra-Kette, 

Vitttnn ihr das Suryakanta-Juwel tchlt," 

4. gasni 

Zu den sparlichen Belegen dieses Wortes 43 k.uin aus dens unveroffentlichten 
Fragment U 5212a A l" nun noch <ha sni> hinzugetu'gt werden, das die spiran- 
rjsche Aussprache des Gutturals beleuchtet, wie die andere Brihml-Schreibung 
\w>" dessen Stimmhaftigkeit 4 \ Hiernaeh ist cine Lautung [yasni] 41 an- 
/unchmen. nach den sogd -uig. Schreihungen dagegen [Y(i/a)sni, Vtsni], voraus- 
r/i die beiden Former Miid tatsachlich Varianten dessetben Wortes. ZlEMES 
1 1******. S. J24) glucklicher Fund, ^ — i fulnr vmi der friihcr tiir das Uig, 

porgeschiagenen Bedeutung .Ferula asafberioV 41 weg zu einer anderen Ferula- 
Art, der Ferula galbanifhia unddem daraus gewonnenen Galbanum. Aus diesem 
sachlichen Grund ist die Verknuptung mit Ga/na auf/ugeben, die nach einer 
<ich brillianten kombination Laufers 4 '' auf Ferula asafoetida zugeschnitten 
w.u. v Sic war allerdings auch deswegen tragwurdig geworden, weil keiner der 
Belegeden zu erw.irtendcn stimmhalten Sibilanten bezeugte, Stattdessen scheitH 
mir sogd. <-,'sn> mit Norn, sg, <ysnv> A;asni/ Sl eine gute etymologische Op- 

41 Das audautendi -iistuncrkl 

42 Ami IM2.S »30,Z, 218 <qsny>;MAUE 1996.47 B -3 < B ,asni>; Zu m. l999,Tottl,Z 2 

N i'V>, 

43 DigitaJci Photo im iy, K „dlrn Turfm-Artbiv (DTA) der Berlin-Brandenburgischcn 

tenuc Jtr Wiuenjcb - 

U ' . 'I, J. 

rindeutige Schrcibung, die Jjs Mcrkmal .stimmhaft" bcglaubigt. 
4*. [-») beruhl tut den Annahmen, daG das Wort entlchm ist, d*(5 der Austautvokal aus d< 1 
( '"•' «J«rimt und (noch) nielu lauiharmonisch rerioden ist 

M dai Von mil abwcichendcr VokaJuieruttg 
pmj angetuhn ts Kammc mi dc-n. A/i-ri und id bu in die neuere Zeil ad dern 
-xnmarkt und in der Litcratur m Gebreuch ecwescn 
V I8K, Anm II. 

4H . '"" Anm ' +• und erntut 1919, S. 361 I eatgeoauite Stellc ist in 

\nrn. M.relencrt und hci ZitMt I9W.S. 125, ausruhrlkh aitieri 
■ n rrncuics tingchen daraul sich crul 

.d.c Herleirung aus den Naaen 
Gna»nau«n.i , , t ,|| t Wlfd - . Zur Ehrenrettua j vl „ , K . 

iemi » t n„ Khon mcht kmmi w doch wenigstens *»«i Ul ,d g„«i >U .1 

SI SSSS* P 1090a. v cr ,e,ehne, S ind: 



Einige uiguruchc Si 5d tei indischen und iranisthen Unprungl 


tion su sem I »i wortliehe Bedeutung „stinkend" i»t als BenennungMnotiv ein- 
[euchtend, wenn Uicfa vli in Galbanum cin wcitaus wenigcr unangenehmer Dutt 
zugesprochen wird als dem Stinkasant der Inula asaltietida Neben der sogd 
Graphie in Arat 1932 rindet sehwankende Vokalisierung ya/isni, wie d.iv 
bei Lehnwortern aus dem Sogd. ublieh ist, vgl. uig. dd/ucsapa/nt , sogd. cxi'pS 
USW. Unklar bleibt vorderhand, welche Rolle das Galbanum in da Medizin Zen- 
tralastens spielte Die indischc Mcdizin jedeflfalU keniit nicfat, «rohl alur die 
westliehe antik-ar.tbische Tradition. 

Gegen die vnrgesehlageru I osung gibl es einige moglichc Vorbebalte, Da ist 
zunachstdas bei dem;.ui ubeilieferte Woitxasrti. AK erster hat es Arat zur 
Erklarung von damals noch singularecn <qsn) ■ herangezogen." Es soil nach dem 
kasehgarischen 1 exikographen ein indisches Mmel /in Kraltigung von Babies lu 
zeichnen. Wcgcn der volligabweichenden Bcdeuiung gehort das W01 1 nichl hierher, 
1 in anderei Leatem hat ZiEME u beigetragen,cagat.Je«»»,nach Borovkov un Arab. 
*1» qmna „Galbanum" und im Pers. jjjU barxad, auch dieses .Galbanum". Ob 
sich dessen anlautendei stimmloscr Verschluiilaut mit der von uns angenomnuiun 
xt mini batten Spiralis in Imklang bringen lafit, kann nil Ilichl belli teilen. Sjnv ie 
rig gestaltet sich wegen des Anlauts auch das Verhaltnis zu man.-sogd 
wenn die von CiH 1 RSH1 mil H vermutetc Bedeutung „galbaiumi(?)" zutreffen sollte, 
es sei denn <-;snv> ware cine volksetymologisch entstandene Nebenform. 

5. imdc und Verwandtes 

Die unter der Bezeichnung tripbald-, phalatraya- ..FriK bieinas" zusammen- 
gefafiten Fruchte und ihre Tragerpflanzen stnd die schon im Rgveda belegte 
Terminalia beleriea (vibhidaka J. ; " die Terminalia chebula (hsritnk*-) und die 
Emblica officinalis (imaUk*-). Durch die heilkundliche Praxis wurde dicser 

Zusammenhang vcrmutlici gestittel, wenigsiens abei gefestigt I 1 bat. WOraul 
bercits Turner hinweist, ebeitige Beeinflussungen der Bczeichnungen 

hervorgerufen schon .nil tndiscbem Boden und vor Einsetzen der schrifdichen 

52 Arat 1932, S, -t > 

53 Zusu IW9.S >24, 

54 A'iam 2001 S 15? uden Stbihi IS! is^j. s 142, und Borovkov 4/wJ Zhu U , 
Im,| ( .lu n/oe 1 I. u/". 

55 In dtr Bcrlina I landachrifi M 568 vfr.N Sims-^S uu 1 u«s rerdankc tch die kenntnis 
der Hand. 1 1 1 Umachrift iron Gbmhbvitcm mil nun Teil auf Hbhning 
Luruckeehenden Deumngtveriuchen. Dm Original der Unuchrifi befindei itch beim 
Ancient India and [ran Truit, < .unbridge. 

56 Die Niisie diancen ib WBrW (1 Vtdlnd, II, S. 303) beim Spiel, dem di< alten Inder 
leidenschaftlich ergeben wawn. Bekanm ist dn. di>j»tr6se Rollc ^- W ilrfi Ispiela in der 

nnandenetzung cwiacben den lUoravas und Pand.. n (Mabibh , Z.Bucb), »uch 
Nalai and Danu) intii Abenceutrhaben ihren Ursprunu tneinem verlorenen SpieL 

57 'I, kmk l966.Ni 1 1817 und 13997. 

Dii ti k Maue 

aber auch in den Sprachen, in die die indischen Bezeichnun^n 
cntkhnt warden.'" ts ist fcrner schr wahrscheinlich, dalS die Drogen und die zu- 
gchorijicnNamenjUPnM-mblcMTlHi'itetwurdenunddieBezeu-hnungi-niml .illc 
dcr tnclchnung ms dcrselben Gcbenpracbe M.immcn I r nsemblc-Hypoihcsi).'- 
nden Tabelle stelle ich Swisher eher zufallig zusammengekonimcnc, 
nkbi systematise* gesunmehe Belegmaterial wr. M Hinzugefugt smd -I ormen, 
dercn Existenz als Grundlagc del tatsacblich OberUeferten vorausgesetzt wild, 

Tabcllc I: Dii Myrobalanen und ihrc Bezeichnungeii 


Terminals chebula 

Icrmuijlia hclcrica 

Emblica officinalis 


ikl-.V* 1 


amalaka-, "I 


hariuka-. ban.' 
'harirjj;.! . harilaga- 

vibhiiaka, bihebga-, 
bahed.u- usw 

v irul.ii;.] '"', "'virlraga-, amabva- 

( bincsiscb 

*J**»hclile, EMC 

\a l-i bk, 1 \l< \a 
liaj bak 

atttft piti'le, EMC 
bjilibk, 1 MC pfiji 

li bak 

>§/%■$/! anmole EMC 
am/ .im ma bk, 
LMC 'am mua bak 


\ inrak 



.inrak > arire* 4 

virirak > sirirc 6 * 

amfajfiak 6 *, 
*am6ak" 7 > *-e 


wnrc' '" 

imde, imide, imidi 70 

Mnngnlisdl 1 

imidi 71 

Mongolisch II 

•ran, inn 

arur 71 

barura, barur a* 



barura 77 

-.k\ urura 




*ballU e 


pmuchl halila 

balil ■ 


\< up^^^H karri* 


amub, amub*- 

58 Ei in itil»ci« umnogtich, du unprangfichtn Pormcn mit Sicherheii /u crmittcln. So 
wird sxrmutct.dall-,- und -ft* mktnuka lusvMidaL, ubenragen smd und J 
in d Jn dar betridlteten vibbiuk*. untcrdem EinfluU von hariuka- enlstan- 

den in. Fcrner in wahrschcitiikh, datida* msehiedendich scit dem Mm,! begegnende 
a mJcr mtefl Silbe dcr Tcrminilu belcr.o timer dem EinfluG dcr andean beideo 
MyrabaUiui ,us,andc gekommen in l,„ I .,11, m, jm .„'.,t.,- in icrmutluh prin 
«i*i*-nnrnochal«ipitTediscberEiniell ,..| / u i ; I s 96 

m vrrhallnitmatSig klaren Pal] s. Anm. 83. 

h " " nd N ' «« erkenncn. dali do Vorgang dcr Ensemble 

Emlehnung *,ch ,m Lanfc dcr 1 1 ,.„ nilhu . wjeil „ h „, t . n k .„ 

hi \ idlnchi luhh «ch icmand /u cur eingefeeaderoi Umernichung angeregt, die ncben 
lm 8Ul n, x hen aucb intercom, median- und banddageecbichtliche Ergebnifte zu 

Einige uigurische Worter indischen und iranischen Urtprung* 


N.kIi di-m Augenschein lassen sith folgcnde Uberlietcrun^sgruppcn /us.immen- 

- druppe A, bestchend .ius Tocharisirh, Sogdisth, Ui^urtscli und Mimj;oli\Lli 
1. aoagezeichnet durch guttunllosen Anlaut dei T. chebula und \ i-/ im An- 
but der T. belenca; 

- Gruppc B mn Ttbctisch und Mongoliscli II, ^ekennzeichnct besonders durch 
das mittlere •«-"'; 



62 Die m.iM und, soweil vorhanden, fcm. Formcn der M\ rolulincn he/eichncn tendenzi- 
cll die I', das Neutrum die Irucht. 

63 Mn ' n.ub der Tertninalia chebula. 

64 Beicfit<nBrihmiinderSchrcibung<.in r^ -.das ,iuth ariri-(d.inn ,uis .irirakld.irstcUcn 
kann, W bei M M i Si\k \\ u l i \vn 1991, S. 493. 
t >d« virirak > *virlrc. 

Ghajub 199S, Ni i'-: 

/ur Bcj;rundung s. wcitcr untcn im Text. 

1».n I emma«nrein UigWb,S. t^S. «s« mangelbaft. Es^ibinureinenbr.-sogd.Bflc^.nithi 
dercn ?wei. TothB <inrjk ware problcmlos nachzuweuen RWeien, / H in In i iozat 
1948, s 107 \\.irum wird i ri n -■,- in von Gabaih 1954, Text G, 36 utgezweifelt (»gl 
die Skt.-Vorlage, CPS, Vorgang 5.1)? Unklar blcibt die dem cochB tmrik zugewiesene 
./w ischennufe". Unveiwandlicn isi -skr. bariuki, b/w, htriuki (sic)". Im Qbrigen in es, 
.lush «wmn die Vahrheii »Ueo jehort, nocb ublich, die Quelle dcr nichi idbsi grwoone 
nen Krkenntnis^. ben, was in dicscm l.cmm.i und tuck 101111 bis /ur S I ig, del 

frifl Bc?:ugauldicals .unpubliziert" gckcnnzeichneten Brahnu Belegl tmwrbleibt, 
obwohl dem Verxatai i dea I igWh M u i l l 'M unddi, \,.i u-bnicnda/u bestens bekanm 
waren, wit er sdbsi m /1>MG 152 C2002), S- 202, zu erkenaen gibt. 
Statt bishcrigem 'VtiWU, I. Weiter unlcn. 
Belege und Begrundung del Transliteration s. weitcr unto- 
\s a teres Material bei Kara 2000, S. 94. 

ROVAJ ,\ski| ism 1S4-I. S. I49b. 

Hancin 1986, S. 32b, 

Kovahvsmi 1844 1S4'».S. 1108b. 

Hancin 1986, S. 56b, 

SarkoZi/S/i km 1995, Nr. 5799 (S. 394). Die Bedcutung ist „WeiHd„rn" und MJBUI W 

doloyan ein cmheimisches Subsiitut lur die Impcirtdrogc 1 niblica. 

K \v. S is; u.. ii-.nii! als S] ixmyni hdkdm, dai uckrc Wdrwrbfichei okta (exseicnaa. 

\U(Ki\/n 1971, S >9,inderSctoeibiing<hlylk < 
Erwartet, aber nicht bei Steincam I892angefuhn: W»i«;iu!benfc^fJgenannt in Yui I 

hi. 1903, S. 60K. 
Jungerc I -ntlebnung aus dem Neuindischen, vgl. 7.B. hindlfcurni. 
Jungere E ntlehnung aus dem Nenindiechen, *g), / B, hindi habera. 
Wahrscheinlicli jungera Endehnungen aus dem Neuindischen, vgl. hmdi amli 
Aus ikyurun .Emblica officinalie*, bei den«o Benennung uchJich ruhug ski. tmU- 
.saucr", tib. tkymrht UOOXiterl wurde, haben die bciden anderen Myrobalancn das min- 
lcrc-fr>- bezogen, srfhrend dieat umgekehrt m6glicberwei« dav finale ra /.utkyurnra 
beigencuen habea, falb tkymm die uraprunglicharc Form gewesen im. Dali die kurzere 
Form audi im Sinm von I mblica offieinalu verweadei erird, eeigt KbgfSchm.), Sir. 80. 
Im abrigen nlhren 11 D 27a und l< 9 148b gewiaw Zw«W an dn Aquivalena ma 
ikyuru und itv«'«M, TSD 147a und DIMM IS kennen rnir skyuntra. I>ie I rage, un- 
terwclcher Bc/eichnung Terminalia chebula und Terminalia W K n, l BUnichd in Tibet 




Dll n K Mall 

- Gruppe C mit Mittclperstsch und Ncupersisch I s " mit dcm vorherrschenden 

I).is Khotausakische stcht mil seiuei konservariven I autung von vihilaa- < 
fur sich, konservatn insofern als -(b)b- nicht wic in den anderen 
Obcrfieferungszweigra durch Liquid* (-'- bzw. -/-) verdrangt ist. 

Die genauere Zugehorigkeit der chinesischen Bezeichnungen isi nicht klar 
errichtUch. Dcr ersn i \okal in piffle spricht fur Gruppe A, die aoJautende 
Spirans in belile fur Gruppe C. Im weiteren wird nur noch die Gruppe A be- 

tystcmati5cfaai interlingualen Zusam men hang dcr Bezeichnungen der 
bciden Terminaliae hat schon iruh der ungemein belesene Lauiik erkannt 
und gewisscrrnalJen aus der Proportion tib. arura : ehin, helile : toch.B arirak 
= tib, barura : ehin. pilile : toch.B \ die Gleichung X = *virimk aufgestelll. 15 
Si HvthR hat naeh diesem Muster lur die Embiica officinalis toch.B *amalak 
vorauigt.- hnezu wissen,dafl exaktdicse Form langst belegt isi- s " Fur uig. 

<"ryry> - die beiden Brahml-Belege waren noch nicht bekannt - settle Ba 1 1 
eineentsprechende(spat-)sogdtsche Vorlagevoraus, die durch den BrahmT-Bclcg 
hlidi besi itigl worde, wahrend die von ihm angenommene und 
mit tochB ttrifik rarglichene Vorgangcrform auf -'k noch immer unbezeugt 
ist Dcrn rekonstruierten unrdk des Toch.B sollte im Sogd. *Bjrryr'k und 
tpataogdtsches *Syryrj cntsprechen, die beide lusher nicht nachweisbar sind. 
LUS entlehntcs uig. »vyryry ichien lusher auch zu fehlen. In Wirklichkcit 
haberhintervcrl. ;mnv in Arm 1932, Text 4, Z. 13 und 

■ 9 (S *30 I dli da I mblicaschliefllich ist sogd. <V)m8 , k>/am8ak/ ,0 da« 1 

was manerwartcn durhe. Autgrund des bisher Ausgefuhrten wiirde tur das Uig, 
die spatsogd. Form */am8c7 zu prognostizieretl vein. Das seit 1932 von Arat 

^^j rccht beantworten. Den Zielformen am nachneo 

kamen -jnrj a lur entercf finder iidh Vergkicbbarei im Neuindischcn (vgl 

I R 1966, no. 13997). tcdoch tur Ict/tercs. 

84 Ncu r P " vnivpnchcndcn ruGnotcn an K edcutet, Anschlufi an 

dichier iiu-hi . lindtichc Oberlicfenmg. 

*S Unm 1S|S s 


87 S ioiat 1948, S. 106. 

SK B \"<» ■»« l9$4b.S 7 Anm. 5. 

OT , " / , n,> ' lattiawjMfrobaUnen.Diwe&eSequaatu- 

pleieh mu nnztreih I . , M/ m 3 j Dic Kcnmtm fa 

Beleg* vcrd.nkr ich emer Unwhnli n| S««TBA*AS, die er nur in den 80er Jahren 
die /ur ^manvanun Veronendichung voimsdun war. InzwiidiM 
I""" "»« .i»nikribwnundk-a.lHi. t -i und ill Vortrag be.m 

l% , '^l-tf dcrMcdi7.nam20.Sepi. W6 K chalttn wordci.. k .l 

pffcntbcht (Swnu« 1999, S. I , mir mchl bekannt, ob und in trel 

cher I „ r m dint, ju, | behandcit » urde 

90 Gkaiii 1995. no. I« uaiwkribien imMSmk. 

i uigurischc Worter indischen und iranischen Ursprungs 


belegte imi/i"', spaur noch durch einen BrahmT-Bcleg untersiut/t,"-' ertullt die 
I rwartungen nur uovollkonunen, ist aber dock dem sogd. \X'ort /u nahe, als 
dafl nicht ein ZusamtnenJbsng zu vermuten ware. Dem Sogdischen ahnlicber 
sind zwei Brahml-Belege, dn cine in von Gabain 1954, Text 1, /. 13", WO /// 
mde statt bishcrigemY7'«^""' EU lesen ist, der andcre in \1 u i l^'»i>, 47 Al mil 
tmde statt imta. Sie prasentieren den erwarteten Auslaut c. Durch markieiie 
Schreibung<d!> an del erstgenannten Stelle w ird die auth im Sogd. vorlicgende 
Summh.ittigkeit des Dem.tU'' crwiL-sen, die m den Inkleii /ucrst bekannt ^l- 
wordenen Belegen unmarkiert ist. Weitcr wissen wir nun, dafidas muilere <-i-> 
in den dreisilbigen uil; I urmen sekundar ist, und vermuten daher, dal5 die BOgd, 
1 oi rn ebenfalls zweisilbig war. 

Drei Details sind noch /u klaren, /urn einen das Verhaltnis dei mi; I ormen 
/ueinander (a), zum anderen die Dirlercnz zwischen den .inl.niu nden Vokalen 
im Sogd. und Uig. (b). Schliefilich ist der Entlehnungsweg zu bestimmen 
Das letzte zuerst. 

Ad (c): \\ei;en Sogd. -6- (< -1-) vs. Toch. -I- scheidet eine Entlehnuog aus dem 
Sogd. ins Tocharische aus. Wenn beide nicht unabhangig aus einei gemeinsa- 
men Quelle geschopti haben, bleibt nui der umgekehrie Weg Und den solhen 
dann auch gemifi del 1 nsemble-Hypothesc die Bezeichnungen der anderen 
Myrobalancn genommen haben. 1 ' 5 

Ad (b): Angenommcn. die I mhlica officinalis sei unter der Bczeichnung toch.B 
amahik /u den Sogdern gekommen. Fur die Umsetzung des Anlauts gab es 
zwei Moglichkeiten: enrwedei Schreibung mit <'> mil 1 rhaltung dei Kurzvo- 
kaligkeit, aber Realisierung durch [i], also Verlusi del Vokalfarbe oder<">mit 
Aussprache |.il"". wodurch der ^-Vokal erhalten blicb, niclit aber die Quanri- 
i.n ' Die letztgenannte Schreibweise ist belegt. Aber mu die anderc Schreib- 
weise <'m6'k>, spater <mov> mit Aussprachc |nnoc| kann /u der br3hmi-uig. 
Transcodierung <imd,e>, • mule ■ tuhren. Demnach mussen im Sogd. beide 
Schreib- und Aussprachevveiseri nebeneinander bestanden haben. Da uig. <i> 
bzw. <'y> den sogd. l.aut [t] darstellen. sollte konscuucntcimalien im Uiguri 
ichen truth- (nicht imdc) transkribiert weed 

91 Akm 1932, Text I, '/.. 21 (S. 404); Text J , / n fS. 430). Dali <-t ■ auch l-l I Bepntoentteren 
konnU'. M.ind damalj i">Lh nn.hl mr Debalte. 

92 Mauk I9**i,. 1 \r 2. ebenfalU nut <t>. 

93 Oct t*n« Teal isi Baaammen mil ncucnidcektcn 1 ragmenten m-u edien in Waul \\m 

94 Obim Uij; . .luthSp.rantiaitit, in unwtruten, vgi, Maui 1983. 

95 Vgl. oben unter Nr. 1 aum Entlehaungr* ■'"»-• 

96 Si> iiiL li in ii r'k>. 

97 NachSnaa Viluaus IMt.S - 

4K 1 ur k.ium diikutabd bait* ich die alternative Annahme, dafi dai andautende i einer 
ianeruigurisdwfi Hybridirierung von *amde zu imdc unter den 1 influfi von virm- /u 
/uschteihen im 


Du i ik Make 

i El ksteht jus uig. Sicht kcinc arrikulatorische Erfordernis, die Kon- 
vmanienverbindung -md- aufzulbsen.""' Darum durlte der Ubergang von dcr 
zwei- zur drcisilbigcn Form im Uig. auf Anglctchung an die dreisilbigen Be- 
linungen der beiden anderen Mymbalanen beruhen. Der Ausgang <-i>, dcr 
durch die Brahmi Schrcibung <i mi i\> iX beglaubigt ist, ist wohl das Eigebnia 
da Bt sei tigun g des unturtuscfaca l.autmusters [i - i - e]. ,ffl Der erstc Schnti 
mag die verdumptu Aussprache des -e in hintervokahschem Milieu gewesen 
scin, die einc Annaherung 10 [i| mil sich brachte und sch I iclslich die Yerdran 
gung von <-c> durch <-i>. Einc entsprechende Erklarung kommt auch fiir <.i i i 
•' : - aring (Akk.) ncben alterem artre in Fragc. l0J 

6. ^guntik 

In Arm 1432 kommt im Totl 4. / 2h. 29 und 33, das Wort guntik 1 * in festci 
Wrbindung mn ktl- vor. Arat iibersetzt „Pillen machen** und bemerkt in der 
Anmerkung zu Z. 26: „Es [das Wort guntik, DM] ist wohl mit dem Skr. gudika 
oder gHiik.V-'' idenritch* Er rahn tort mit der bereehtigten, aber nicht beam 
wortbafen Frage: B Woher kommt aber -»-}" Iiesi man stattdessen gurtik, lost 
rich du Problem auf In einei skt.--.ogd. Bilingue in Brahmi, bs I r l,™ folgt dcr 
ikt Phrase guttkam prmkuryit „man soil einc Pille herstellcn" die Ubersct 

_ yuruk fknje. Im Sogd. wird - muglicherweise nur in gelehrten Entlehnun- 
gen -das indisdic retroflexc | naheningaweisc durch <rt> dargestcllt, wi* auch 
aus <kwrty> kur[i zu skt. koti/t .zebu Millionen*' usw. bekannt. Dieses Mcrk 
mal sowie g — ► y erwcisen das utg. Wort als Entlehnunj; aus dem Sogdiscl 
P. ZlhMt verdankc ich die tolgenden weitcren Belegstellen: Zikme/Kara 1978, 
Z.895 <qwrdyq> und dreimal <qwrt\k> in U 3088, r I und 3, wo <r> nova 

i.selbar 1st Die Vhreibung mit <q> im Auslaut tragt dem hintervokalisehen 

raktcr des Wortes Rcchnung. 

99 Zu schr on belagteni tamriiknudl vcrglachbarcm umit rerzeiehnet das Ur. 

5 l-sri , kcinen Fall mit Anapivxc. 

100 M*i i 1996,2 \r. I. 

101 Ccnuin lurkrsth.Mvordcr^.kih^ht^rindcrRegclaufiiietfrstcnSilbcnbesehranktjin 
"'■ I Siiben kommt c* nor aMimilatonsch vor. 

lbaim 1954, Ten G.Z. 36. 

103 Die Ph^c des Obcrgangi ipkgell -uh in den zahllosen rcgclliw wechselndcn •; und t- 
Schmbunpai dcr Brihmi-lmcrlincar K lo«en in dcr Dw/MftMHtifc-Haadschrifl % Rad- 

IM IM0, S. 12 M . Vaiu, 2004, S. 29ft, ihnlicb in der Hami- 
Mandwhrik dcr DaMpathikjim.iuJjwruli, w|. Laut I9S6 und Gfng/Laut/ 
Wii MN-.2005. 

1 04 yunttk in A * ats Si h re i b I 

105 Lies g»f xki. 

106 Dig.nle, 1 ,/c. lurUn-Anhw (DTA) dcr 
Akadcmic dct \X ctcntchailen. 

107 Die Hindschntt hat: pr kr i ■ 

Einigc uigurische Worter mdischen und iranischen Ursprungs 


7. marim 

Das uig. Won ist letztlicb indiscbei Herkunft, Hitte es cincs Beweises lu- 
durh, to win ei mil M km I mi Druek] Tort 3 r 5 geliefert, wo im Wula-T«n 
.in eniaprechender Stelte skt. mtrmtm- steht. Aber weniger die I tymologie als 

vielmehr die Semantik ist den Interpreten schwer gewordi mem BegrifT, 

der in dcr Lehre vom K6rper l0s zu Hause 1st, wird es nicht vcrkchi I H in. von 
dem medizinischen Sprachgebrauch ausZUgehen. Untei marman-S werden 
Korpcrbcreiche verstanden, deren Sehadigung zumindest ernste Folgen, untei 
Umstanden sofortigen oder dilatierteo Tod nach sich eieht. 10 * Ihre Zahl wird 
mit 107 angegeben, ihre variiert etWU bei den \erschiedenen Auto- 
ritaten." Trotz ihrer grofien Zahl bilden sic jedoch cine Einheit, insofern sic 
Sitz des Odcms (skt. 1 iiad. ,n Abgesehcn von dem anfangs erwabnten 
stammen all* anderen uig. Belege zwar aus nicht-medizinischen K\ten; die 
besterhaltcnen stehen aber in Schilderungen des drohenden 1 odes, die, auf ge- 
nauen Bcobachtungcn beruhend, sich mil den aus dcr aacdizinisihen 1 iteratur 
bekannten Vorzeiehcn des Todes bcruhren." : 

(I) dq asnu dt'oxmtaki indnlart kaciglari baitntin olnp kvn. kUn !(a)//ii yaroki 
koziffi kapkdm kozHtikr. karaki agtardm, yururj karaki bn< yakUyur, ySl yu 
zag&sintA m*r(t)mUrtnU bari* olUm yaddtp tmta-ok Sg tlginur ... ,u „/u aller- 
erst sierben allmahlich seine im Korper beftodlichen indriya-s, seine Sinncs- 
organe, mm Kopl her ab. Sonnenltcht erscheim scinen Augen defschwara. 
Seine AagSpfcl verdreben rich, das Wcilic seiner Augen drehi sich nach "tun. 

108 Aufdlem&gltcbe Herkunft uu der Kwnpf- und Krit^skunst anachi Roso IV8I aufmerk- 

109 Nahelicgend haben bcreiis die Inder cmc Verbindung /ur Wurael m r - .sterben bei 
gestellt,dicauchindcrmoderncneivniol.^^Jv t nr 1 irMliunt;ci«..i;'-i'«ird.M;l KeV Jl, 
II s. S9b. RoSU 1981, S. 417, mien Palhana mil rnjr.iy.inti - it: »,,i",i,i>n ucyantt .ds 
sictotcnfw-iM^nf^ msrmtn ~ to*. Ihnlicb Vasubandhu (AMiKBh, S. 156. 

24-1S '■ kccul up.>,j maninJ») .\njy.ftti. t« hyeuJ ncymtt 

,,:.,, = m .clliehe KfirperKgionai luhrcn. moo iwleot, deo Tod (maraita ) her- 
bei. Darum nennt man sic 

110 Einc hisJuuIhIk .t«pog«paieiyunridiciuede»m«r»i«i" luiRosu 1981, S. 4241. 

II! Das/1 uhbrici 1998, II *, J9c-d #>niBM»iijwi inyi 4 «Ajw?» vi mmrm*Q*ty 

'"•'' ... i ii 

112 Vel.JoiLY 1901, S21. - l>cr/us»mmcnhanRist nicht stringent. Die Svnipinm.uik dcsein- 

tmenden rodeaiii fird jrurredisch r\ret irttofero bedeumogtlos, alt ei io 

PhjuH uu In im In thei weuruch eingreifen kann. Fur ihn relevant sind \ ielmehr \ mbuu-n 
des lodes. die uidluiignreckIo»undd«Jjei m unterlaaien iit 

113 Laut 1984. Z. 49rT. - Nach dem Zusammcnh.ins; s..l) die Sthilderung lul d ■ Sterben 

,, lutreffen, der gegen das Verboi deaToteni vemofieo bai r«tichltch 
aber handclt cs lieh um eme allgemeuM B< v btetbuag, die nntdttrftig fui dd akruelkn 
k.NiK- 1 -n.uhiwurde. 


Dim i k M u i 

indcm ucfa dcr Tod vdllig uber KUI Aulurcs (und) seilU marman-s" aushreiie!, 
iclrwindei alsbald djv Bew ufitsein . *" v 

(II i fag irwc/- oA ro/^ m.inmLirt .tt'o//!,tr/""i karia 

■,/ini.i \k biitiin it'&zintin tar*gtp iinar, km t(i 

rokikapk nur .. tilt umgaki kurtyiir, ktrttfi tmr, kant kat$p 

bjrir"' .sclbst wean es (das mitdemTod ringende Lebcwesen ,|B ) kraftig wie ein 
kjpu.ik ri -i I lephant bt,wird alsbald die Gesamtheil seiner marman-s und sein 
Korpea vollig schwach, schlagi sein flu/ in seiner Brust unregelmifiig, kommi 
aus svmem gesamicn Kdrpei Schweifi heraus, ersclicmt (ihm) Scinncnlicht 
tjetschwarz ... Seine Zunge und tein Gaumcn werden trocken, seine Faroe w ird 

>, lein Blui wird altmiblich fen " 

■III i / atojtmz bolnr \p bartp yertd kamtltt. aim sahnritritp kopiik) 

Mgamtui izmkmz *kmt .irdi birit btrSt ttna, tolp martmlart bare* tigsilip 
ktiismtp i'.ir/ipjjv rnintin yummis kozin [mi*] vmadtn. iiig iizin-lt t/niijn-li imp 
iJ.iLip .indcm sic durch Wasscrmangcl allmalilich schwach winds, tic I sic zur 
Erde. Indcm tie dm Zuoge beraushangen licfi, llols ihr bcst.indig Schaum und 
Spcichd aus ihrcm Mund. Indcm sie (nur nuch) gelcgentlich atmece, und .ill ihre 
marman-s allmahlich soflsundii; Veranderang (ski uikrti-) ertittenund schwach 
wurden, und tie, ohnc Jals sic audi nur die geschlosscnen Augen ortnen konnte, 
ihr Leben und ihren < Mem verioj 

NX ,iv isi naturlicher als in diesen n die Telle des korpcrs crw.ilmt /u tin 

inderen [ntegritit das 1 ebenhangt? I sgibtkeinenGrund, dorr fur rrt4rtm 
cine mmi Jehenswichtigc K6rperteile;(kollektiv:)Sit2 des Lcbens" abweichende 
Bedeutung anzunehmen. Zwanglos reihen nch an: 

(IV) totp ai msrtmUn kogimp, tn,>., kiia kioitip ... oi knddi vlJt'-" .indem alle 

seine marman-s schwach wurden und seme Hcldenkralt nachlicS, gab a du I B- 
ben aul und siarb". 

IM Ubts Kommemaf /ur Sidle (1984, S. 130) Ictdct unto* dem Prajudix, daS mcnmUt 

-hctuch" ua y*i ytoifu Jinflcrc Organ** stehc und go dem iiiiigm .semantisch 

nahenebend* ici. /urn cinen ist cine gcmcinsamc turzabJende Ncnnung nichl p< • 

miatden B -wnw-dieBeachrankungaui .ianta* 

I ichda Kopf eu den itunn«n-t cbentogut wie daa Hera. 

115 D inderObenetzuai I - , 

(m " kninchi mh icincn Zahnen und blicki starr [?. mifiti rain h, 

DM] tuf Kinc Venrandttn Venn ere, nmernirami /u iprechen. so kann ei ea nicht I i 
»iru haftern scawaai und I mod." 

* VereehleBptracda PharaUnimaea aui rrunmUn, wo a berechrici iai 
'darauf,dd , chopfen die Rede in 

'• u-o-)und6t4(turSemam 

UN Mm i u 1908. S.J7,/ I ... u-13. 

kmti imltitgtn / rdesaeiben I 

120 Wortl.: heUknhaher Vieil f , rllll , w ejn „„„ 
•« mehw real I V 109* luUi .Heldenk 

\-\' (.Anm.)Z.4j wlkh: tkp. U. dcr Obcrwtanng ricntk. 

121 Gsn. ( 200S, 2 I:** 427. 

Einigi uigurische Wdrter indischen und iranischen Ursprungs 307 

(V)kop manm kogsayu imirki 
kali budi titr.iyu h.t/.t 

tolp .u'o/intj bmria km oylug Utrilirt utdntyn UnUp 
turmi\ ini"(J hilt'iai/ balup' 21 

„indem alle marman-i ichwach werden' : * und [ucken, indem Arme und Beine 
/iiu-rn,, indem am ganzen Ki>rper rollstandig blutfarbene Haut(flecken?) her- 

auskommen p indem er .nil der Stellc, wo cr jicS 1h Imdel, bewulklos u il 

|),in folgende Exzerpi aiu dem Buyan ivirmak des SuvarQapmbkasasiitrA im 
etwas weniger ^tatt: 

(VI) marmtmtm tin k&t/Ut&m iizA y&kBnUrm(i)n. w 

Auffallig ivt d« Singular martmtmttn ohne vor.uis^ehendcn Quantifik.noi kh 
nehmc kollekiiven Singular an und paraphrasierc: „aus dem, was meic 1 ehen 
konstituiert"; tnit anderen Wbrtcn, aber ahnlicb [m Inhall wurden wir sagen 
„aus tiefstei Seele, von ganzem Her/en" .'■'" Die gesamte Passage: ,.von meinem 
ganzeil 1 lerzen vemetge icVi micb mil meiner wabrhaltigeii (iesinnung (vor den 
zuvor genanntcn Bodhisattva-s}". 

Auf die Belege in zerstortem BLontexi kann verzicbtel nrerden. Erwihnens- 
wert ist noch die Junkiur 6z konuk manmlar n \ in dcr die Wiedergabe von 
manmlar „Sn/ dei Seele, des I 1 bens* dem I eh n won vorangestellt isi. 1 - 

Es ist plaustbel, wenn auch nicht ucher, ,w dal5 cur dei tocharischen Sprachen, 
TochAmii*m«rmoderTochBnut*ffl direkteQuelledesUigurischenist.Ist 

das SO, gib« el nun emeu Grund mehr, die Semantik dei 1.., Ii.m isJien Worter einer 
Ubcrpruluug/iiunierzichen. Dennwedcrwm dei gebendenScuc(lndisch)noeli von 
der nehmenden (Uigurisch) ist „Adcr, Nerv" /u rechtfertigen, schon gai nichl aus 
den Kontcxten, wo sich unter Zugrundclegung diese. Bedeutung ehei I nverstlnd- 
licliesodei Kuih.Hv etgiht. Doch das ware Siotl tin eiiu weiieie Untersochung 

I2J SHOCAiTO 2003, S 316, Z. 24-25. 

124 < ivWIk s >76b, ^kIi h.un. ,,.->■ un ein FVIiBgriff. 

125 SMt.lAg.67 1 >. 12. . 

126 I u 1 r's-t, s. I30f., reduzien mannnmiin aut idverbieUea „t;.tr>/ rail I ui ci», 

ich veraeige mkh mh ganz tafrkhtigei Gesinnung" her- 
„,m MitdcmblofienHinweis.dafl.iuiMi Won [nwrim, DM] in flber- 
(ragcnci Bedeutung' vorliegc, ist J..s nichl begriindbar. 

127 M 1 1 1 1 k I922.S. 83, Z i 2 [tofip & km(uk] m[*rt]m[Urt]mtn\ Znm i l >^. r«i 12, 
Anm. /u Z. 60 mil iwci Belegen: », konuk nummlsrtnu I /, d« Z«"i • 1l,u " ' 
Gliedern des Au(cn(h.d<s dei Seele (?)* « iedergibi und /.../*« Si komtk mmratOm 
\ermutlich isi /u/j//*w /ucr K an. _ 

128 tadera ala Zrani 1- rorausg Intn.) beaieh< ichdii postemven PronominaUuttuw aul 
di< 1 marman-i, und nichl mni 

12V Deno. wk- weher oben in einigen I igi wurde, bang) dei heilkundltche Wort- 

,1 ,.,,mnM.k 1 oii,S„« l |,sJ,ui ..b .1),, nun aber das \V,.rM.i. Sogdltchl 

bei nicht belegi in und du nig Wori keim formaie Beaoodetheil bat, die aul du 
130 In beiden Sprachen rind nu yemlndhcbea Griinden nur Muralfofmen belegt und die 
Zttierformen im Nora Sg eracnloMen. 



8. hiiirsne 

Unentdeckt hat sich in der Zetle s des astrononrachen Texts L in von Gabain 

1954 etni s,,nst ntcht bclegie SOgd. hntlehnung erhalten. Dort steht <h\ ui r 

sno, das nach den Usances der uig. Brahml .ds hiiirme zu transkribieren ist. In 

Schrifi umgesetzt ist das <xwyrsn)'>. Genau dicse Schreibung hndct sich 

bei GltARIB 1995, Nr. lOi I WO als I autung des „Sonnenaufgang, Osten" 

bedeutenden \\ ortes toy r-Zmti n tone angegeben ist. Pas deckt sich nicht gaaz 

mit demuig. Bet und. Nun verbirgt sich n.\ch einer ilteren Yermutung von Sims 

WlLLIAM5 IM hintcr der Schreibung <wy> .,m hea\ \ stems such as ... xwyr ,sun' 

diphthong [oi], but il is equally likely to be a long rounded front vowel such 

.is [6]". BrahmT-Schreibungen ww .h\ ue-[> „essen/trinken lassen" veranlaliten 

Mndihkation: „A diphthong such as [ue] or [ue] would perhaps best tit 

the Brahmi spelln , ist nun ein unabhangiges Bcweismittel fur 

dicse Annahme zur Hand. Aulierdem leg! die uig. Schreibung gegen Gharib 

zweisilbigc Aussprache nahe. 

Literatur und Abkiirzungen 

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Zli^m° mP J ^ U ° Td m4eXCi Gron,n ^ n ( Gr "" i »8W < 'cental 

Dl MM = Dictionary of Tibetan materia mtd tc* Compiled by Dr. Pasang Yonten 

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The Buddhist Sogdian P 7 and its Chinese Source 

Barbara Meisterernst and Desmond Durkin-Meisterkrnst 

It is v, ith great pleasure that we dedicate to Nu KOLAS SlMS Wii i IAMS the con- 
tinuation of our joint work on Buddhist Sogdian texts in relation to Chinese 
sources. 1 The Buddhist Sogdian text P 7 belongs, like the othci Sogdian texts in 
the Bihliothcque nanonalc, to the Pelliot collection and is from Cave 17 In Dun- 
buang. It was published tor the first and onl\ time In Bi mvi mm i in facsimile 
and edition in I 'MO.-' I' 7 isa roll of 3,64 m by 0,25m tontaining233 lines. The first 
201 lines contain a text that relates how the dharanl AmoghapdsabrdayasiiCra 
received the approval of the Buddha and details its efficacy. The supposed San 
skrit text of the dharanl (called Srzy'ur and riry'/ur = Skt. hrdaya- "heart" at 
various points « ithin the text) is given in the ms after the Sogdian text and con 
tinues for more than 30 lines until the scroll was torn off. 

On the relationship of the Sogdian text to the supposed Chinese source, Ben- 
\ i MsTi writes (I940h, p. 93): 

Le textc parait iraduit sur la version chinoisc de Bodhiruci, ridigee en 693 ap. 
J.-C. (Taisho 1095). C'est du moins avec cettc redaction qu'il montre 1« pins di i 
semblances; mais en maim endroit il s'en ecarteou l'ahrege lortemem I bri 
n'aide pas toujour! I lurmonter les difhculies de la presente recension. 

Benvenistb 1940b, pp. 210-215, makes detailed reference to the Chinese test 

in translation at various points. D.A. UTZ accordingl) lists the text under those 

I We have dealt with aspects of the "Sutra of the causes and effects" in Sogdian and Chinese 
in "Some remarks on ttn < ud Sogdian "Sutra of the Causes and 1 ffects in:D. 

\\ i I tngUAgli <4 Irjn t'.nt and Profit, ir.unari Studio I'l maun, lam David 

\4*cKi mk W iesbaden2005(IranicaS),pp- 109-1 27, and have been able to confirm 
that du Sogdian Vt ramMns/ittfa is independent of the known Chinese versions "On 
the literary fbrmol the Vessanura-jataka in Sogdian" to appeal intht volun 
sum ( otloquium "/ itrnrucht Staffe und Are Geiultung in nut 
I brtn dts 70.Gekurtst« ■:. ■' Di Wtrnet Imnderifuum, Bttim, 30.-31. MMn 

200f> Sum, ..i Mi. present ».»k was referred to in in overview "Buddhist Sogdian 
tnd theii < hints* originals" givi n b) D.Di rkin-Mi usi i ai rnsi on the i*' 1 ,.l May 
200? .ii thi gathering "10 Mnhuanj;* in I ondon, W« would like to express oui 

puituaV , suggested we look st P 7, to |i ss Wn m « fbradis- 

cussing man) poinu with us, to Nu hoi ts StMS-Wu i iams foi making Ins translitera- 
tion of the Sogdian text svailabli inTlTl Sand to < BI TA foi th< ' binesi new. 
I Bbnvenistk < odtcw Sogdism, < openhagut I94fl (Monuments I inguarum Asia* 
rations III) [* BaMvjNom 1940a] and J Bbnvbk gdxew idith, tmdmtt 

ttammt I 1 1940 (Mission Pelliot en Aate Centrale II) | BasrvxtiisTB 1940b]. 


Buddhist text-, with a know n Chinese original w he detailed reference 

lo t t * text -is T. 1095, vol. 20, 406a-407liei, but adds no Further in| 

malum. BeNVENI! n !n slunv trul ' whether the specific 

Chinese source has surv ived >>r not, it is undeniable thai there is a difficult rela- 
tionship between the Sogdian and the < hinese texts. 

The Sogdian text is identified in the imt two slightly damaged lines as: 


I this book (is): The Amoghapaia-hean ol Bodhisattva Mahasatrva A 
avalokitcJvara < '' ' w scroll)." 

roll onlj to write the text, the restoration is quite certain. 

getting is the traditional one of sutras, beginning with KZNH ZY my 
Thus have I heard" .ind describing how the Buddha resided on mount 
jHfftr kj > thei 9 nli 1 1 Arya-AJ5aroki6cs£Jar 

= Avalok I and .in enormous number of monks. Avalokitesvara ad- 

he Buddha, telling him that he has with him a text "m'kp'in'm Sry'zwr 
"a/the heart named amak(a)pas (= Amoghapas'a-)" which he received from the 
Buddha r-^k \>itr i t(') {- lokendraraja). Avalokitesvara gives details about the 
ie\ ot the text, identified as a ; my (= dharani-) and a mntr (= mantra-) but 
ak< m "charm", and obtains the Buddha's approval for it. At 

the Buddha's request, Avalokiu ites the dharani. 

The most obvious difference between the Sogdian and Chinese versions is 
that the various things listed in the text are numbered in the Chinese version 
but are not formalh structured in this way in the Sogdian version, though tiu 
Sogdian version states that 2C advantages accrue to the user of the text (and men- 
tions ten at about the hall was Stage) and subsequently adds 8 more. The first 
element in each Sogdian list is marked with prtmw and prtmL.- respectively but 
no lurthcr numbering is given and, in fact, the exact number of units is hard to 
determine in the Sogdian version which seems to be short in both sections. The 
..n numbers each item, Both versions maj therefore 1, go back to 
■ mmon one without the explicit numbering (i.e. the Chinese version added 
element subsequently) or 2. the Sogdian version has abandoned the formal 
«™CtUI '. 'he Sogdian version reproduces a Chinese version 

that had already abandoned the formal structure. Alternatives two and three 
DOR likely. There further possibility 4, that the Sogdian version is 

i translation of any Chinese version but a translation or loose adaptation of 

l« A L t^AtvvtyefBud&istSoffliMHStMdiu (bkyo I978,p 9(nr.7). 

4 u ith r lor /, Jr for k 1 Gindhar! UugbatU for Sanskrit uthagata (show- 

,n * r S '"J d foi u|,| ( , Uing. indicates a MiddU Indian oi 

■peoficaU) Gandbiri t..rm of the name, though i rather than d for r is unexpected. As 
B , f ^ fNlml fc in I. 127 (again* wpVh in L 71) also 

*■■ Ni " *piulu-). He comments thai h -indique une (urn,, 

piu» raceme on un C paanandaoon populai 

I hi Buddhist Sogdian P 7 and u> Chinese Source 


,i v ersion in .mother language. The Sogdian version seems to contain no Chinese 
word. The word s'm'r "meditation" which OCCUTS in the text I hue limes on 11. 30, 
31 and 124 - and of all the icxts in Bl w BNIST1 lv40b only in this one - and 
seems to have a Chinese final r, does not in itself prove the dependence of the 
text on i specific Chinese text (the Sogdian occurrences are without correspond- 
ences in the extant ( ] hinese text). The occurrence of an Indian loanword psm'r 
in I. 62 does not prove a direct Indian original tor the Sogdian version. I he form 
of the transcription of the dharani gives no indication w hcther an Indian script 
or a version in a Chinese S) ll.ih.m was its base because though the expected one- 
syllable units occur (those based on Indian aksaras should be more complex than 
those based on a < hinese svllaban ), many units ol two 01 m©« sv llables a re also 
found there. Neverthelt is '< hinese original remains vet) likely, despite the dil 

ft rencea between the Sogdian version .ind the closest Chinese one. 

The Paris collection ol Sogdian texts includes further dhar.uus besides the 
one partlv preserved in P7. I' IS and part ot P 8 contain Sogdian transcriptions 
..I S.insknt dharanis, and the Nilaka&fbadharani is also .1 transcription of a 
Sanskrit text (in addition, P 15 contains two half lines of Sanskrit in BrahmT 
and P 16 contains part of a Sanskrit text in Devanagarl). Characteristic ol these 

formulae are repeated syllables (e.g. P 7, I. 210: kY k Y kyry kyty ku TW kwrw) 
that do not contain recognizable Sanskrit or Sogdian text .uu\ which seem to 
merit the designation "magical formulae". BeNVBNISTI 1940a, p x". accord- 

ingl\ s.ns "une seric de mantras et invocations Sanskrits en transcription" but 
does not attempt to translate them in 1940b. pp. 103-104. Dharanis are well at 
tested in the Buddhist literature of Central Asia and elsewhere. 

Differences between the Sogdian and Chinese texts 

The Sogdian translation follows the Chinese in general and in many instances. 
On quite a numbei of occasions it departs from the attested Chinese version, 
possibl) to follow i different Chinese version to that available now or perhaps 
adapting freely from a number of versions including memorized 01 orallj trans- 
mitted variants Selected words and passages of the Sogdian vet sum are dis- 

v ussed below in the sequence ol the text, pointing out the point of interest and 
the correspondence or lack of it in the Chin. 

11.20 -2 I 

"ry'prwk6ysi3r Aiva AparokiSelpai (Avalokitesvara! gets up in the assemblj 

and prepares to address the Buddha: 

rr> ZKw >•» 

"And he straightened Ins mbe." 

5 h is .i line fiUei ai the end .•! line, indicated hen and below by #. 


The Buddhisi Sogdian I* 7 ,iud its Chinese Source 


The Chinese icxi has: 

K*^ftff£* (T406b03) 

ig tuo er (ft pi tdn m jiin 

cupoof-sid !'ip right shoulder 

"He got up from the seal and bared hi- right shoulder." 

I lenient of preparation is common to both texts but its expression differs. 

baring of the shoulder in the Chinese version is a mark of respect, and, one 
not restricted to Buddhist contests done, which also involved moving his robe 
into the correct position, the straightening referred to in the Sogdian, 


tr 'yn 

This is the name of the place where Av.ilokitesvara obtained the dharani 
from the Buddha roMeynzr r't(!) (lokendraraja-). At first glance, the Chinese 
#ft, (T4Q6b05) sheng guan does not coincide with the Sogdian, but the second 
character is used as p.ut of the Chinese version of the name Avalokitesvara 
A. Hirakaya gives vipasyana and vipasyin as the Sanskrit equivalents of the 
two characters together.* With the Sanskrit verbal root lok instead of the se- 
mantically similar /vis the Sogdian offers the prefix vi-, though avalokaya (oi 
a derivative) or avaiokita- would be the most attractive reading, suggesting a 
connection to the "hero" ol the story. Sanskrit vthkm "looking at" is in Fact 
attested. This does not entirely lit the final part t'yn which remains urn lear, as 
is the reason tor the intrusion of the term into w hat should be a place name, but 
there is a dear connection between the Sogdian and Chinese forms. 

II. 36-38: 

PZY ZK t yam'k mn' xyf > tkwtyrty 'kv' pw ptsm'r # pwt'yst PZY 


■ever has this my heart (- the dharani). to/for the numberless Buddhas and 
lor the Arhants this seed is planted." 

The use ot kn and few . j V in the Sogdian is incomprehensible, as it suggests 
a dative object. The Chinese is different: 

**«**# (bl4) 

F6 wo zkdrtg zhu than gen 

Buddha REL plant PI goodfOOt 

"... the Buddhas, whichi. I .1 runts tlu-\ plant," 

Here the Buddhas arc the subject. The generalised object is introduced bv Pff 
which can also be used to mark a passu e sentence. This multifunctional^ MJ 
have led the Sogdian translator astray. 

*> A. Hibajuva; BuJJhm QhtMM-Smtentl Dictionary Tokyo IW, P 209. 

II. 39-50: 

nyw'nt w'tS'r "zwnty ZK ywn'k t'my pi)"wi't # rty fiy'n fixtm / mnty 

nkYk mrtxm'k * ZK* krt'nyh tt ZKZY wyz\ 

thrym' prk's 't xu- n'mynly 'Itrth fiwi /K/) ZKn # ma | I Srm prw'c/tf 

KZNH PZY iy ZNH ";Jyc # tmyh-cyk 'krt 'nyh 'I PZ > ;. i tp 

# 'r/' PZYrx'nt h *xw prtyk-pw pn k PZYiynt'kn'mmtyrtykS' 

ptiricyw'ni (lyzktybHs'rpckwyrt/nm'n'kumty/rt) tt zin'mxwyxtrt) 
« ... ZYfy trywn'k fkyk krtyhL'wn'n rty lywn'kmrtxm'k w 

zp'rt ptimyrt) k npfy " v - 

"Ol the lh ing beings he (who) will hear this dharani; o Buddha, godliesi of the 
gods, for such an evildoing person - he is the evil-doer who (subjectsf?)) the true 
religionists to lic(s), imprisonment and lie is the slanderer who -landers the law 
(dharan)oftht greai vehide-so that for him this (applies): The sinner is of (= be- 
longs to) the Avici-hell. And he slanders and blackens the name ol ill the Bud 
dhas and Bodhisattva(s) and Arhantis) ami the pr.mcka-Buddha(s). And when 
subsequent!* he lears this sin, he does repentance, he request* mercv, and he says 
as follows: "I will not do this evil deed any more", (then) this person is reckoned 
(to be) very pure, chief • >t the world!" 

The Sogdian passage starts without a conjunction and in missing at least a rela- 
tive pronoun. It continues as a longer complex ol jentencea that seem mostly to 
contain parentheses. The first of these arc two parallel sentences ZKa 
ZKZY (41) and '/ x-u- ... p\vt ZKZY... pra \i (42-43) onl) the second ot which 
seems to have a verb pru'et, unless o'n is the verb of the first parenthesis." Since 
the second sentence begins with xw, thtvtoiZKv cannoi designate the accusa 
tive. App.nemlv a nominal sentence follows: KZNH IV) >v ZNH "so that to 
him this (applies)". This rather atomistic structure may have- been caused by the 
difficulties in translating a complex sentence which was therefore broken into 
manageable pieces despite the resulting lack ot mi UCtUrt words in the Sogdian. 
The Chinese uses a conditional sentence « ith a difficult temporal reference: 

*♦*«.* AJflJfcJE-« • 

Ski tin rub fit ynu rcn win " zhou KM, 
\W.rld honour it again have man hear this dharani heart, 

J>t nm xiin zao e ye tbtgy&fk fa. 
this man pio ious make bad deed act at wrong law 


Hiu ru xutn >kut fa bang zhittg t.t. 

Dcsiros si i.i me virtuous good slander slander correct law 

7 The// eaclote letters) added toon theliiu in the original 

8 ZKZYwytr) 5yitSrtprw*ih irould then mean "who holda the true religion 
in false impriai * ■ " » l1 " 1 " lu " "■ ihould be, w the end i 
senn i 

31 s Barbara Mumi u rnm tad Desmond Di rmn-Mhsi i kkrnst 

I »«*•*-*?«****«** 

J, yi bang yiqii fd 

u-n therewith slander slander together Buddha 

Bojhissatsa SVavaka Pratveka- Buddha 

Jh, ,, M //.in dd i/v V« zbong. 

tainlv ought tall NEG spate grot hell middle 

^XurlJ honour thai man it hear this holy dhir.inlhe.irt 

thing but km 

and grow repentance shame 


> « vi ri ye j/iom c/w ihat )ie du ci then zbou. 
At one day night accept hold fast rule read this holy dharani. 

«Pfc«;*,-fe)*t. f>15-bW) 

h neng tido rnie yiqie iui 

Then van diminish destroy all guilt deed 

OOUred Buddha, if there is j^-i 111 lomconi who hears this dh.uani. and he 
previous!) did had deeds and acted according to the wrong law, he desti> 
the sinuous and good and slandered the right law; and when he slandered all the 
buddhaa and H.idhisatvas, the Srivakil and the pratyeka-Buddhas like this, hi 
must (all into the limitless great Avici hell. Honoured Buddha, it that man In mi i 
this holy dharani heart and develops repentance, and hv das or night maintains 
the precepts and the purification (rite*) and reads tins holy dharani, then he will 
be able to dimmish all his guilts deeds." 


Tins Sanskrit loanword lor 'tfSSeptf* (identified by BenvenBTI r944, p. 136: 

Sk ' ""I! no « ».»vc been transmitted through the Chinese #ift (b24) 

dun xtin "epilepsy ", but this alone neither proses a direct Indian original for 
thcSogdun text nor precludes a < bincse intermediary. 

IK 78-81: 

m ZYmn'xypS&rixWwr bi'mj I 
rtymuknyb'krtk frtVYxa 

■AndtunlK,,n,,u that liTing being whkh tnj own heart has prepared, 
fed bin, obtains (him), srishea (for him)." 

<n indicates that the subject ol the first sentence is the objectd this 
one, i.e. that thu |,, ls , ntw sub|t . a J 1(lr . uu . n/cd „ „ ^ ••,„„,,„,.". 

The Buddhist Sogdian P 7 and its Chinese Sounc 


The Sogdian text departs from the details oj the Chinese 111 this and the follow- 
ing seiin in iv 


... rty L ZKw V\ ss s hi I /ksv wy8yw 

tnd does not sec(= experience) rebirth (audi not disappearance I nirvan 

Alter the verb wynt a further object is placed. There is no precise < him 
respondence (though the sera-sot negated phrases in cO2-c03 has a general simi 
larity) but thi Sogdian can be understood as an ellipse of the second wrb which 

will base been seniantK.ills similar to the first tun 

II. 84-86: 

,.s mi l/kn sn'k l/kii sssnnikT sssn l« "yi sm'i ksss'ks Pyrt rt) mi I 
vis wy"kyh#si kt'rtss AY/i. rrw'z nlkrt wn*) 
"And furthermore (he) does not obtain in(?) the place the thought ol the past, not 

d the present, not ol the not (yet) come And furthermore can be explain cither 
thcentrv to the placed non-existence or the ga theri ng (the 

These two sentences are difficult. If "place" is the object ol the verb ,lyrt "obtains" 
we would expect vj k instead of the oblique vj ky.Tht scribe maj base written 
the oblique because d the following / ' 'sty wj 'AyfesVtothepIace'isnot ". where 

j'f is dependent on tin -following 1 1 1 \mr\", v leldmg a strange WOfd order. 

I. 112: 

rty xwnx fiw6 « hn I JmYl 
"And this seem does not think as (olios* s 

The unusual, inanimate subject is similarly presented without comment in < hil 

ft<**** **S (c!5) 

tr bl xidng ding*)" >''< "'<"' 

And that fragrance PL finally not -have this thought 
"And these fragrances never base these thoughts.' 1 

I. 124: 

IV. i /kss sin', pyrtk m l'/i yrf»'ki ny 
"And he will obtain umidhi (uunir)wad wisdom." 

An additional object is placed alter the verb. There is no exaci correspondence 
in the < hinese. There (cl 9), "meditation on ss isdom" is mentioned in a different 

II. 131-132: 

... riy nyw'ni mrtxm'kpi wyn m > '** '*'.v 'tfiwtk'm 

cvcniMsihle existence there is and will be a twent) 
(old ids 

Barbara \Ii im i ki k-ssi and Di^iunbDurms-Mi ISTERBRNS1 

The Buddhist Sogdian P 7 and its Chinese Source 


I k Sogdian uses two verb* "is and will be" = "he has and will have", but the 
Chinese simply has: 


fli ren iiin then Je cr >hi zhong tl>n thing /i yi 

That man visible bod) gel two ten kind special surpass advantage advantage 

"That man in his present being will obtain twenty-fold extraordinary advantages." 1 

I 133: 

.. x f-\ mtk'm 
"he it will heal quickly." 

The l binesc provides no help in deciding whether the usually transitive Sos 
dtan verb being used here intransitively, because the Chinese text uses i 

different phrascologv 

Er zhe you xian zuo ye ydtt zhu 
NOM trom previous make deed have PI 
bing su dc xido mii 
illness sickness quick get diminish destro) 

id. whenever) previously did some deeds and had illness(es) will quickK 
obtain their disappearance." 

II 133-13-1 

riypra ( URH '»> yt_\ *t zp'rt fintk'm ayspny pry ptsynt'rmyk 

\nd he will be ready and pure in body; to all dear 

Here the Sogdian seems to add a phrase after the verb though the ambivalence 
oipry which often seems to be an adjective but sometimes to act as a verb, could 
also allow a translation "| l,c is) dear to all (and) agreeable" The Chinese has 

t**t*«tf MtJUHt* (c26) 

. ffi thin guangze pi In xt ruJn nan zhe hujttxi 

I bree V >M his bod) bright lustrous dun skin thin soft sec NOM like 
"Third, their bod | .s bright and lustrous, chcirtkin is thin and sofi and those who 
see [them] like [them/it]." 

Perhaps the latter part of the Sogdian means "all like him las] agreeable"? How- 
ever it nu) in fact be a version of the rirst part of the Chinese text quoted im 
mediately below. 

I. 135: 

rtj kZKm'mfimk'ml 

"And his mind will be collected. red, ..." 

The enclitic accusative fa seems to be a mistake f..r the enclitic genitive sy. This 
sentence has the apposmve adjective (pas participle) nu stk in a prominent 

place before the subject of the sentence and also has a second adjective (past par- 
ticiple) expressing the same idea negatively placed after the verb. The Chines* is 
phrased different I 

ra *$/.*&$ it it* 

Si the zhong ren ,n ;mg mi l>« E0J 
Four NOM all nun love respect closely guard IM ten 
"Four, all men are loving and respectful and closely guard the senses 

II. 136-137: 

... i # 7.NH "m't'k yr'm'k , 

"... And whatever amassed wealth he has, ..." 

I Ins is expressed differently m the Chinese: 

sMNWtfe. ******** 

/ m /In- di cat bio bit 

Six NOM get wealth treasure finish NEG PASS 
dao ze zhi mo //e lyuc. 
robber bandit /111 PASS rob plunder 

"Six, and after tluv have obtained wealth and riches, they will not be robbed by 
robbers and bandits." 

II. 139-140: 

rty htl pr Itflny # 'xu> 'rkh yrp* yr'm'k fiwt 
"And for little work he will have/get much wealth ." 

Ilie "« tide" 'xw occurs here between the adjective and tin noun. Is this a mis- 
take « the beginning of the line? There is no close ( hi nese correspondence, 

II. 141-142: 

In the list of things thit the dharanl is able to prevent the following point 



"Nor furthermore rain or from wind will n be destroyed lor: can it be 


+***** **&**»*tA*tfc*MII* (T407a01) 
Shi zhe sua zhong tmdo jti 

\^ iM HKL plant sprout gram. 
H„ - ilS i feng I hming bio cb6ng fining zhtsud tin ^ hai. 

cSSbad wind cruel rain frost bail insect locust /I II PASS diminish harm 
K,, ,i„ cora md row which one had planted, through bad wind, cruel rain, 
frost, hail, bisects and locusts the] will not be diminished or harmed." 

For want of s better term, the translation seems to show i certain hesitancy or 
delay in responding to the Chinese text. 1 fespite the lack of the initial number and 

Bskhxka Musiiriknsi and DESMOND DuHKIN-Ml 1ST! kiknm 

the initial noun phrase of the Chinese, the Sogdian version shows in the initially 
placed negation / dose conformit) to the Chinese with the initial negation f 
The Sogdian leaves the first noun u'r "rain" unmarked and docs not pros ide the 
necessar) preposition c'vm until the second element w't "wind" though all tin. 
nouns are subject to the vinu passive construction in the Chinese. In both texts 
the relevant marker occurs onl) once but whereas the passiviser $j is m its proper 
place to retcr to all the following nouns, the Sogdian i wn can only relet CO the 
noun following it and not the preceding one. Wc p. unted out that in the "Sutra of 
the ( auscs and Effects" the Sogdian version reacts to changes in the structure and 
wonting of repeated sentences oi the< hinese version with a slight delay Inn there 
the delayed reaction doe\ not affect the sense of the text whereas here it results in 
an irritation. There is the posstbilit) that the Sogdian translator simply did not 
understand the function of fa in the Chinese. Though the sentence as a whole is 
clcarb passu e and is marked as such by $> and ff, if the translator did not look 
that far ahead he could have construed A, as the semantical!} weak verb "to make" 
and therefore translate the first part ol the sentence as he did, intending to put the 
supposed verb in its proper place at the end of the Sogdian sentence. But in the 
following he realised the need to translate differently, perhaps because he then 
saw ffr and took that alone as the passh iser I towever, that docs not explain why 
the resulting irritation was nor removed In the translator or the scribe of a sub- 
sequent cop) b seems unlikelv that P 7 is the raw translation, the autograph that 
had vet to be corrected Some mistakes in this copy have been corrected by the 
sink (e g pru 'c/i in I. 43 quoted above with the letter t added above the line and 
Other examples in the same passage) but these may have been mistakes he noticed 
while writing. The text ma) have been vsiitten as an act of piety and nuv never 
have been read. Being of large size, it may have been intended tor display, in which 
case too many corrections would have destroyed the good impression. Neverth* 
test, this passage seems eo In a clear indicator that the Sogdian text was translated 
from the Chinese (cither from this Chinese version or a similar one) 

II. I42-I-H 

"> ; i rZYkt'r'Tkptsr'wYM "frtj 

• "XWIU) i ) -ax 'nit km 

"And if Ik- consecrates this unogtupaii bean or the ashes with water and 

. throwing/sprinkling, he will save the living beings of the earth in ten 
directions from all evil " 

The prepositional phrase M "p is placed after the verb. 
7t**+.'s-*r.tT.*ftttl r V (T407a03) 

hmg tkkngxii ti tan 

ind water eight direction above below sprinkle disti ibu« link world 
water will be sprinkled in the ei { 

I above and below and link the world." 

The Buddhist Sogdian V 7 and its Chinese Souice 


As Jens Uii m \s kindly pointed out to us, the "ten directions 1 of the Sogdian 
will comprise the "eight directions (and) above and below" of the Chinese. 

1. [46: 

r/v mi /K>i wyspn$ u MV "z«mpry/}a>i myz'k 

\nd further more lie will Ik deal to all I iv ing general ion(s)j MB J nuuli ." 

(altern.u iv elv: "and furthermore all living generations will have love, very much.' | 

+ JL*-to*t**#4Jl' (T407a04) 

Shi tin tbi yi'/n you qing hi li v.' jUn 

I en three NOM altogether have nature love luppv pleased Sppeai 

"Thirteen, everything has feelings, love of the good tnd the beautiful 


It is hard to decide how the translator understood the < hinesi hi nveniste 
l'MCb, p. -12, alreadv posed this question with regard to lines 80-90 of the Sog- 
dian. Two Features of the Sogdian are remarkable: the use of the genitive/dative 
in ZKnwyspny (bu\ not in wWr "ztM] and the placing of xwyz'k after the verb 
Combined with the word/>n this v ieldsa sentence « ith a range of possible- 
meanings This Sogdian rendering can be regarded as a development ol the al- 
ternative translation of the Chinese, but is in fad noi supported l>> the Chinese, 
because at the very least it lacks a d.uive preposition (such as wet m). 

II. 151-153: 

rty ZK Lit "tr L' c'wi i> I ' c'-wn zyn V 't rtmyrty 

"And be n. u inc. no i frora water, not from i weapon, not from poison docs he die." 

■r-^#^1a>IIH»*T-<t (T4Q7a08) 

Shi ba zhc bltSdao d& yio shanghai M ri 

len eight NOM fire knife poison medicine hurt harm NIC di< 

huen: fire, knife, poison and poisonous medicine, though the] ma; burl and 
barm ilum), be will noi di 

This is a tun her example of hesitancy, ^gain thi obltgatoi j preposition 
missing in front of the first noun "rr"fire" in the Sogdian. TJieoveraU structure 

differs in the two versions. The Chinese uses a lis. of tour harmful things but 
does not give them a specific grammatical function until the concessively used 
verbs "hurt harm" (marked bv the fallowing change ol subject) which allow the 
nouns to be construed .is subjects 1 her* ts onl) one negation in the Chmcse: 
T>*t "(he) does not die." I*he Sogdian introduces an explicil subtest earl) on 

ZK "he" .\m\ follows that with the first of tour / ' "not" thai mark each noun. 
( n these nouns the fust Lis no preposition, the second and third have I ,v»; and 

1 1,, fourth hasc'tw ■ <■ the most extensive form w"hil< the postpositional 

element |'r can be taken to appK not onl\ to the immediatelv preceding 
but also tO the two others, it still does not make up tor the lack ol .. pieposi 
in /." "fr. The contusion seems to stern from the change made to the structured 


Barbara Mnmikirvm and |)iwiimi Lh kms-Mhst hu k\si 

the text and is th e re fo re comparable to the previous example. I tow, ever, there is 
an alternate possibilitv : the words / n .ire separated hv the end of the line. 
It cannot he excluded that the scribe intended to write i 'wfl in the next line and 
Mrnplv forgo* to do so Hire too, the question arises why the mistake was not 
ected and this seems to confirm that no one ever read the text. 

II. 164-IM 

rty sy xu cimy ■ , / 
"... his eves an never averted." 

There is no correspondence in the Chinese and therefore no way of knowing 
whether the translator was dealing with a passive verb there. 

I. 165: 

TtfL'Zi ksyft 

"And (his) hands or his teet do not tremble." 

The spelling Z/\l h« ice), an apparent accusative instead of the nominative ZK, 
is remarkable and runs counter to the intransitive nature of the verb. The Chi- 
nese also has intransitive verbs: 

^*a**i#*r.*fr|l£7:ft* (T407il5) 

Sun zhe Un mmg thong sbi shou bit fen 

I hree NOM approach lite end time hand not confused 

lkd» zm bu ihin m 

■tic toot not expand COOB 
Three \\ hen he approacha the end d life, h,s hands will not be confused and 
mixed up and his feet will not expand and contract i> tremble)." 

"If they had lived ..." 

A Sogdian-Parthian Fragment of Mani's Book of Giants 
Enrico Morano, Tuim 

Mani's Book of Giants 1 is attested in quotations in several languages of the 
Manichaean mission, including Middle Persian, Sogdian and Uigur. In a let- 
ter addressed to Mar Ammo written in Parthian by an Archegos (Andreas/ 
Hknning 1934, p. 858, b 134-136 = M 58 1 5/1 1/R/i/23-25/), the Book of Giants 
is referred to as rtasMJK '-i/ fc'fl n n "rdkag nyrd bwrd x mn 'ny kw'n B d 
"rdbrtg 'ndr mrg kyrd "and he has taken with him (the Book of) Giants and the 
Ardabang. And I have made another (copy of the Book of) Giants and the \> 
dahang in Marw". Since this letter was written in Marw, and the addressee was 
Mar Ammo, the leader of the Parthian community, it is likely that the version 
referred to here was the Parthian. 

Onlv one HCCerpl from the Parthian version, though, has been published so 
far (Sundermann 1973, text 20), in spite of the fact that in 5, 2^ the 
Book of Giants is missing from the list of Mani's works given there, .mo there 
appears instead a "writing on account of the Parthians", 

The manuscript to be edited here, not included in Henntng'x article (Hen- 
NINr, 1443) and still unpublished', contains a Sogdian test ' with quotations from 
the Parthian version ot the Book of Giants: this will vmdic ate the existence, and 
the importance, d the Parthian version of Mam's Book <>f Giants, quoted even 
by the Sogdians, who already had a Sogdian translation 

For a general accouo il> k«ee& >■'" *mann 2001, with.. mpleMbliograph] 

new Ittlian translation of M the publiabed fragmeoti, arranged in order, with corainen- 

tary.iino* pobliahedin Gh Gwoufed.}:// M t Vol 111: //rata ekdbriniM 

Milano2008, pp I tod 367-37} 

The fragment wasaicribed to the Book ofGwitsb) Bona I960, p. 55. 

Thenature of the Sogdian text e^nn Wished certaintj It «, however, po« 

lifaJc it vaa, lib dn [yrkid ton oo du otha iheet, i sermon, Mnched win an- 

Hunt 1 1 . irn Main's Book aj (iunlt. 



'It thes had lived ..." A Sogdian-Parthian I 


M 813/1 

A tattered page of a double sheet from a book, we In ft I i I960, p. 55. The other 
leaf 4 , written bv a different hand, is in Turkish and contains a fragment.) i \ km 
00 the wandering ol the souls ol the ignorant It was published, as M 813, In 

Zimi 1^75, pp. 56-57 [Ni 25], who tentative]) ascribes the test to ■ sermon. 
Without giving am explanation, Clark 1997, p. 121, connects this fragment 
to Mainz 317, a piece in UigUI tcripi from the Rook of Giants, but J. Vii rj ss>, 
in his Catalogue*, ascribes the Turkish text to a sermon for the auditorcs, and 
considers Clark's connection of the test to the Hunk of Giants to be unjustified 
(*auv unertindlichen Cruiidcn"). 

The Middle Iranian sheet is 11.9cm high, 11.0cm wide and has vertical red 
lines risible on \ tin. inner margin is 1 7 mm and the outer margin is 27 mm; the 
lines" width is 66mm, and each line has an average ol 23-24 characters. Several 
Inns are missing in the upper part of the sheet and only one line is complete. 

i and translation 


(lines missingj 

<k)[ '/(in * ; i 1 2-1 J j 

ynkyruisxfwn fJ j 

R/3/ Sit 12 j 

R/4/ | , , ■ . ,■ U j 

R/w f/(i)yy'x(.-r*vn[ io-t2 J 

K 6 J pi 7-8 J 

R/7/ (.){..J(')ndxrtndinJ'm{i ■ 
R/ 8/ *» ph)f...]h 

kw gpd q'wyftu mrdyfi 
R/10/ [... Kj)[yw](*)d 'hyndyj h w why' 
R N ^shl(r)[']d nryvm'n nv [mw]rd 

R/12/ ['hyndvv p|d p d n f i s \(hsir) 
R/13/ [ I5 1(s)p(d)w(c/h)[..j ' 
lend ol p 

(lines misting] 
R/1/ //< wtilspetk without [...J 

R/2/ brave spfeech t,..J 
R/3/ should be plfaics? . . ./ 

R/4/ and somebody [...J 

< V, w „ h «»-»* I Mr. 144], where the Turkish pag, b called M 813/1, 

, ,' t*° YCel,60 -f "M 813/1 b the Middk Ir, a i, n one 

VltXCMS2000,p lsh w ,rhln \ 


CDcf' I UrWwwwehil 

l.rf Kuluirhriil.-,Ontnijhlcllur> t 

I M 813/I/R 

R/5/ and brawl... j with /.../ 

R/6/ (...JaUmade.i 

R/7/ f/»er /. . . / L-erjf /. . . / ihttr generation. 

R/8/ r/frw .(J i" the god's /.-•/ 

R/9/ says: "If they had lived with nobility 

R/10/ and manliness [...]. then Ohya 

R ii [and his] brother Narlman [would] not 

K 12/ [havedijedatthe feel of the dearest 

K IV [,..)in[...] 

lend of page) 


"II they had lived ..." A Sogdiaa Parthian I ragmeni 


\ I 
V ! 

\ 4 

\ s 


v i: 

\ ii 

\ 12 
\ 13 



\ 4 


\ i: 


\ 14 

(lines missingl 


[ 8-10 ]pd nvrwg bwzyi(n) u 

[8}(m \b 

( 8 jejnd n 'm :. 

(7(k/x)!\! I ! I . (6)wmCt) 

/ 6 jy mry'rt ^(rjyynd ($)[..) 
[J](y)r'myy»yfkr'n h[... hn/dlr) 
en /mrj(c)yyn)) /ryu Vd 'g pd 

hr\ It |\ w'd h\ nd\ v b'w 
iyy*wi s'h n\ m(wri[d hyndyy] 

>(p]dhwcvhrvf[t 11 ] 
[5] wd'gpd(p/ S )fl2] 
["Kb 18-20] 

(end of page) 

(lines missing 
{...]. [..J tbm 

[...) in strength, salvation and 

(...) town 's (?) name was /• . ./ 

/.. 79/... 

/. . . / they could bring pearls 

(../wealth out. [...} 

from /dea/ib not I >, J. And if 

thev had lived in beauty, then 

lungSyawai [would] not have died. 

in whose beauty [...] 

[...]■ And if thev had [...] in [...] 

lend of page | 


.- .mam. three Parthian quotations from the Book of Giants, one on the 

to (11.9-13) and two on the verso (II 2-3 and 9-14). All the quoted sentences 

begin with an anaphoric hypothetical clause, probably referred to tlu ( ., mti:"If 

they hid lived U, „■ I he apodosis, introduced 1- ends with the mention 

»l the unfortunate consequences „l the Gnus' evil lues. Regrettably, due to 

the fragmentary state of the text it is neither possible to state with am degri 

Hm BrnndenborgtKJtrB Akadcmtcd UolWh 

, u n,, k>i Kutturbcttis, Orinuabu 

Pig. 2: M 813/1/V 

certainty who was thought to have pronounced these sentences (1 ooch?), noi to 
link the citations to the Sogdian text m which thej are embedded 

/R/7/ (.)[...J(')nd trfnd fa dm / /" The asyndetic sentence (|\ I RB 

VERB GEN. ACC. [VEKB| "they [...], weni (and) [destroy d | then genera- 
tion") could justifj the unusual position oi the enclitic pronoun fa, conunonlj 
used alter i conjunction. 

/R/10-13/ In a fragment from the Parthian treatise entitled 'rdhng wyfi i 

"Commentary on the \rdttb*ng', it is said (HSNNING 1943, pp. 71-72, text N, 

30-32) that Ohya killed I eviathan, but was in turn killed bj Raphael, Our text 

here specifies that ( myadies, with his brother, ai the feel ofhisdearesl (father?). 



It is therefore reasonable U) think that these quotations come tn.m the part 
ol the Book of I eq. 10 in my reconstruction, cf. above, In. I). 

\ 1-9/ The fragmentary state ot the ten does not allow a coherent transla- 
tion. The meaning of this section might be that wealth and pearls do not nvt 
man from death. 

\ I0-1Z As P.O. Sl?aV*V0 (1995) has demonstrated, Mam incorporated 
elements of the Iranian epic narrative d the mythological and legendary | 
into his store ol the origin ot the world. K.n, ktngoi the Kavanid period, 
bet raved bv Ins stepmother, with whom he refused to have sex, had to go into 
exile in Tuna, where he was killed despite his innocence, see JuSTl 1895, p. 299 
1 ike his Greek and Jewish counterparts, Hippotytos and Joseph respectively, 
he was handsome. The text is unfortunately incomplete and fragmentary, but 
l cms to be the main topic 


Anokhs. i t \s h IIissim. 19M: "Mhteliranische Manicbaica aus Chinesisch- 

Turkcstan, III," In SPAM XXVII, pp. S4S-912 |l-67] [= Henning, Selected 

Papers, I, pp. 275-359}, 
Bout, M. 1960: A Catalogue of the Iranian Manuscripts in Msnu ipt in the 

German Turfan Collection. Berlin. 

U, I 1997 "The Turkic Manichaean I iteraturc." In: P. Minn ki j. I 

1: Emerging from Darkness, Studies in the Recovery of Manichaean Sources. 

1 eidempp. 89-141. 
HcMNtliC, W.B. 1943: "The Book ol the Giants." In: BSOAS 11/1. pp. 52-74 [= Hen- 

NlNt f'.if'frs, II, pp. 115-137], 

Herning, Selected Ptpen ^ \\ B. HiKNtNG, (M Boyci et al. eds,): Selected Papers. 

I-II. Teheran. I icgc 1977 (Aclr, 2, sex, u 15; Hommage* ei Open Minora, 
V-\ l 

1 !■** \amenbuih. Marburg [rcpr. Hildesheim 1963]. 

ShjtBco, P.O. 1995: "Iranian Epic and the Manichean Book of Giants. Irano- 
Mamchaicalll.- In AOII MVIlI.pp [%J 223 

VMM *sv w 1973 Hinelpersiscbt undpsrtbiscbe kosmogonische und Paralnl- 
lextc Jcr \l.tnuhaer. Berlin (BTT 4). 

= W Si KOBBM \nv "Cuius, the book of." In: EIr vol. X, pp. 592-594. 
Wujcms,] 2000: lUutrkwche Hmdsclmften TeU 8. Mamchiisch-tHrkischt 1 

der Bcrtmtr Tmrfmnumtrnlimg. Stuttgart {VOHD, Bd. XIII, 16. TeU B). 
/itMi. P 1975: Mamchaisih-turkisf Obersetztmg, Anmerkungen. 

Berlin (BTT 

The Bactrian Royal Title [3ay[rJ-^voyo/[5ayo-ir]Cvoyo 
and the Kusan Dynastic Cult 

Antonio Pan UNO, Ravenna 

h is well known that the Kusan royal ideology 1 followed some Hellenistic 

patterns, extending a kind of "divine" status of the king.' In fact, although 

in a standard sentence such as t [Joeyo pao xavsbxt "the lord king KaniskaV 

could simpK mean "lord" 4 and not necessarily "god", as III NNING 3 and 

1 1 desire to thank prof Gftuuaoo Gnou, Prof. Nicholas Sims-Williams, Dr. Amo- 
eba Piras.Di Pedexicomama Moccioh, Dr. Velizah Sadovski, Dr. Gian Pn rmo 
Bash i o, and Dr. Andrea Gariboi di for form peroneal discussions about problems 

di*! l|ss L d here. 

2 We muM aba recall that, in addition to the influence dern m^ from rJii I Eellenistic back- 
ground, which was undoubted!) wrj strong in the Bactrian area, th< Indian tradition 
played ns relevant pan (Makicq 1958, pp. 372-3K3). Also there, in fact, .is I have il 

larked (Panaino 20C I, pp. 273-274 [= 2007a, pp. 127 128] « ith bibliogi iph) I, 
the k i n^, can be ■ devt (Gonoa 1969. p. 24; see also Pussu ^ 1998, p s kni. t lem< tin 
ot Roman origin have also been identified and ihc> mu id I I I OOBRS 

1940, pp 2"*» 234). The Bactrian title p<xy£rtoot>r> "ton .it god" doubtless corresponds 
to devtpumt-, and perhaps reflect) -in c hiness connection, hut these epithets 
can be also connected witbGr. cities ol Seleucid and I (ellenistic origin such i- i 

' iitence of which in the Parthian formulary context was suggested bj 

Mark o 1958, p, 380, bui, .i present, it is not snll confirmed by thi soun ^ i) I he in- 
fluence ot Parthian baypuhr and Sogdian baypit (Hi nminc 1939, p 94, n 2 [= 1977, 1, 
p <>4 2 1: cf. Davaei ivsj, p. I' I) ihould he, of course, included in tins discussion. I he 
influence >'i Parthian ritlea on tla Kuian formulsr] and the relation between them, the 
Greek and the Indian ones, has been rightly underlined by Mark o (1958, pp. 378-383, 
in parncular 380-382). But the direct comparison with the Parthian ttiles. as proposed 
by MAKJCy, cannot be used in order to obliterate (he ntCI thai Arsactd rocil ideolop 
was strongly influenced by Hellenistic, in particular, Seleucid, naodeli, and thai h does 

not reflect Onl) Iranian patterns, although their presenci has been tui. used on recent!} 
in a correct maimer Ka ( rHi is J0Q7, pp. 4- II, 14-15, 21 1 

! See, for instance, Benvbhisti 1961, p 

4 We iiium also rune that .1 peculiar use ol the plural I. inn 111 order to address the km. 

SiMS-Wn 1 iams (1989] recalled, has been bund in (hi Saaanian in* riprions, e.g . Inst i 
Parth. LKM 'LIjYN (iimib b \ ' "> " >nd perhaps in ihe Sogdian "An- 

cient letters", 

5 Henninc. I960, p. S2,n. 5 (= 1977, ll,p. 550): 'The cuttoman translanonol 

MlVrs. bgy, etc as 'god* etntn when preci is growl) misleading Ism 

gentlemao vi.^ encnJed to n as a prefix, though hardly regarded a< a divinity". The aniwei 

1 1.-. Maricq 1 19*0, pp. 165 166) insists on (hi correspondence between the Parthian 

and Sasanian lilies and iheir original Seleucid models, hut does not take mio , onsidcration 



A\ ii i jvms ra we find in this context some additional titles show- 

m apparcntk remarkable presence ol "divine" marks, which deserve to be 

considered for their extraordinary importance. 

In the inscription ol Kahatak. Wt may note the relevance d a sentence (line 
14t 1 sueh m [...] p . "'>=|a]v? [...] "the king of kings, the scion 

he race of the gods".' 1 The presenct ol the compound pVyexoooa«[a]vf (ex 
plained by SiMS-WiLLiAUS as "the obi. case oi rative with the suffix -. 

< *-k<i-kjnii-, which is common in Bactrian patronymics and names i lamili 
and shows that the Kuvin king was considered a divine scion, and that 

in anv case, his link with the gods was strongly underlined. Furthermore, in the 
same source (lines 1-2), Kaimka not onlv declared to be "of the great salvation" 
(ptayo atoyyo), "right, just, autocrat" iojp-o 0), but he pre- 

sented himself as "worth) of divine worship* ((^r/y[r|]-£voYo).* While pVovooTOoyo, 
dearrj untcayo ndi n g to the Greek title "great saviour" (0 , w would 

he another piece ot evidence underlining the strong influence of the Hellenistic 
tradition (notwithstanding some doubts raised by FtJSSM \n I! about its real func- 
tion and interpretation in the framework oi this inscription for syntactic and epi- 
! nJ-JJvoyo (see also the equivalent compound {Jayo-ir^voyo, 
attested in the 1 ).m i \.i\\ ui I inscription) probably represents a derivation Irom 

permu "worthy of worship"). It is on this particu- 
lar epithet that I would like to focus in the main part of the present note. 

In various articles'* I have underlined the risks involved in a superficial ac- 
ceptance "I the idea that a process of complete divinization of the kings took 

the lymaetical rules Middle Persian (as well as in Parthian and Sogdian) in tin 

, later detected b) M. Bovce (1981, pp 64-65). Anywiy, the transli- 
tmn d Biarun (layo js "lord" doei nm exclude that .1 sanctuary was dedicated to a d\ 
W king, as, with dillerent arguments. Maricq suggested. 

■s * II 1 IAU] 19N4, ;■ 

WlLUAMJ 111 Sisis WILUAMJ ( KIHH 1995-1996, pp. 77-78. ( I SivisW missis 
1998, p. 81. 

8 *■*-* it I2.M Bad Muxmuqn 1995. pp. 5, 14. 15 and 17 

1995, pp 5, 13, 15 and lf>. 

WnxiAnsi L^iain<CBJUl995-1996,p.82.Weina7re«alltaaiMuitHn- 

|l t 1995. pp. 5, 16 igh] be better translated as delist rcr". 

11 1 I SSSIAN I, p. 264. 

12 fa these objections do not ., really ampdling; the fact that pwyo^ri 

( ,!ju ' Kan'lika, wink- all the other epithets follow it, 'could bedue". 

ws Williams kmdb informed me (letter of Octobei 25 2007), "to the fact thai 
Swyois nm anadjectm but a noun". The second argument, concerning the ibsencc ol 
the oblique ending., "would be equal U true of the other epithets- tntht 

is-WiiuASttstMss "Above alUPustman does it tltemativ* 

translation ,,i t hc passage, or ol the parallel passage in DNl. In fact, m 
itrucnon uner than the oai I luggestcd would be yen forced" 
" . rHwhercluhasKre.uhng.prevouslvadvanee.liS.Ms VttXIKUS 

JiHS-WlL. , uh/Cmm 1995-1996, p. B2), has been improved 
M 5ec no* P.vms,, 2007,, where manv -dies have been collected. 

The Bactrian Royal Title patylrjl-^voyo/payo-iT^voyo 


place in the Iranian area. mm^. contrariwise, to adduce as evidence the mi- 
metic charactei assumed by the royal person as image ol the Ciods on earth. I oi 
these reasons I can but concur with the words ot FuSSBSAN," when he writes 
about the contents oi the KuSan sources: 

rien ne laisse supposer |, ..] que K.imska .111 pictendu ctrcundieu ct qu'il se soil fail 
adorer COmme teL s 'd etail dieu, I I II pi UI clr< a la t.u,oi» des roitelets indiens .1 tin 1 
on s'adressait en lev appelant dew, et dom la premiere epoust s'appelail devi, ou 
1. 1 brahmanes indiens qui se pretendeni des dieux mii terre. ( !c si mi des pretention 
qui ne correspondent pas tout i fait a la conception occidentale de I'apotheose. 

On the other hand, the introduction o I such a spci ial title as pay[r)]-sVOyo/j; 1 1 1 
oyo "worths ol div mc worship" (if the elegant interpretation now suggested 
In SIMS-WILLIAMS is the correi I one),"' presents us with something new, which 
should be discussed in detail because of its intrinsic impoi tance w it h regard to 
the evolution oi ku-.m political ideology m\i\ Us comparative pertinence in the 
general disc ussioa about the development ol Iranian kingship in Late Antiqtntv 
lis attestation could give ground to some considerations alrc.ulv advanced b\ 
Mark Q about the divim/ation oi the kings, 1 " (all hough the) were part I v 
based on his translation of the word (Jayo as "god" in evei \ place), which need 

15 I 1 sssian 1998, p. 588. 

1 1. Sims Win iams {in Sims-Wii i i ms/CaiBB 1995-1996, p, 82 (finall) read rwodi 

em words, and interpreted the- between ryo ind 070 in DNl si in n^ turn inde- 
pendent, ium .is I issman (1974) and Davary/Hi hbai h (1976) did The luggested com 
parison with yesiMM "requires", as Sims -W u LLAMI DOtes (Aidem), "live assumption 
thai an initial 'y- could be lost by dissimilation before a palatal vowel <a> 111 Sogdian)*. 
Furthermore, Stui W tt 1 iams remarked thai 'Humbach's comparison with Sogd. "yjn 
(oldei ">'/« < *arjan*-, see Suiideiiii.irin 1992: 78-79, n. 53) is .11 least equally 
problematic phonological!) ". I would like to remark that th< ■ n DNl con- 

firms the derivation Irom I stem tike Av. yrsnu.i-, its ahsenee ill the Kabaiak inscription 

may be due to the fact that ii should I L-ngravedbeiweendweaulofthelitM I and 

1 lie beginning ol line 2 (but IsStMS-WtUJAMS writes, there is no room (or it either at the 

end of line 1 oral the beginning ot line 2). while in ONI n is more 01 less 111 1 be centre 

of line 5, where 11 is dealt) readable (sec also Si sis \\ 11 1 1 s sis' note in SlMS-Wll I iasis/ 
(kihb !995-199(,, p, 96, concerning this hue d the text with refcrenee also to the read 
lag, 1 1 ssmam(1974, pp. 16, L9)[payotn^'W9 |andDAVAai Husiaat m!976) 

01 t;C''(o) i[o] o]) It is possible that in Rabauk we have to do with an omission com 
mined bv thc&fpiricfa In this case the correct form would b« thai 1 ngreved in DNl. tin 
the other hand, tlu ne« interpreialioii of the Bactrian month nami attested in 

■ marrisge eontraci dated vn 142 (seeSuts-Wiu eami 1998, p 14, and Sims \\ 11 hams/ 

in Hi.. 1- 1996, pp IS.!. 1 1.1), as deiivm. arj iu/niiJ "(moiiih) ol 1 lie wor- 

ship nl the Ahur.iM ", ■ eognate of the Sogdian menonym and of the 

Tumshuqi I ich, perhaps, is a loanword) possibl) shows that Bactrian 

could continue forma like pemtta- simply with n^wo, ix. with an t| instead ol v. .Ins 
, pit] thai ihc Mi.irosih ii the inscription [DN IV] (Fussm >^ 1974, pp, 19-22; 

2001. pp - 'I -' '.' presents too man) naps and cannot be of substantial help tor this 
poshi oi nm investigation. 
17 Masucq 1958,p] h 1960, pp. 165-166. 

mo I'vs UNO 

to be re-discussed in the tight oi the R.iluuk inscription and w ith dost .uien- 
Tii.n to the rok >>l the dynastic cults in the Bactmn framework. 

Actually, this new title ispi i tt asjgnificant witness, because it seems in credit 
the king with in (at least apparent) full divim/ation. Here, are do find, in tact, a 
direct reference to a "divine sacrifice" to be offered to him, according to an idea 
probably developed in harmony with some Hellenistic patterns. The choice of 
xnpound containing I derivation from *ytan .1.1 ka- is a fitting adaptation 
i<t the Iranian doctrine ot a divine worship from the religious CO the "secular" 
sphere. It we consider the Avestan speculations regarding the importance of 
the worship <\.t>na-) to be offered toa iujmM- insisting that his very name was 
pronounced (e,g^ in the caM ol Mil'ra and Tiitrya)," the attestation of this rit- 
ual terminology is absolutely worthy oi consideration. Yasniia- oryeinu.i ul 
(vj- "to be worshipped") were, tor instance," Miora, Atar, Varadrayna, 
\t advl Sura Anahita. the Ya/atas in general, all the R.itus, the Fravasis, Tiitrya, 
It seems to prove that in the Kusan court, the dynastic cult, which was 
widespread among the Iranian ruling families from the Achaemenid period (sec 
the case of Cyrus the Great),- assumed the torm oi a worship to be offered 
10 the living King. :i This situation looks like thai attested in the case of An- 
ttocbus 1 "' * ommagene, where this form of veneration assumed an enormous 
relevance 21 with i mixture Oi Iranian and Greek rituals. 23 On the other hand, 
this evidence emphasizes an interesting parallel with respect to the Sasanian 
.1 ideology. 1 lere. m fact, I divine worship explicitly dedicated to the person 
of the living V is no ( attested, hut we know already from SKZ, 33- m that 

the Sasanian royal famiK established the foundation of a fire (atlin, ituoaiov) 

r'vsMso 1994, pp 172-173; KaiXENl IS98. p. 508. 
; I Sec Barthoi dm l>. 1273- I 

mention* the ritual sacrifices performed b) ■ 
" u P o1 Mai oosibk d the tare oi ( vrus's tomb (and ttynaitix colt) in 

n&ic, ice also drum I'm, pp. 106-108. 
l\ UtboiifhFussiiAM I998,pp.5 »1, pp. 254-256) assumes that in the Kalutak 

pi i..nKjmikjw4sn..tsp t jk 1 ni; in the first person, and conscqucntlv suggests that 
ii was«graved m honour d die kingbj oned his highest functionaries, in an) case ii 
must be placed in the curse d Ins l«u. u ithoui entering into the controversial problem 
d the new en mentioned in (nil sources and the related problems raised bv FUSSM \» 
himself (1988. PP .v ' 1 and avium) about u a ,1-Bivar 1*76 and more re- 

cently Boi'i skxi Hi hi 2007. 
22 Sec H si bis piss, p. 451. 

ihcmenlionof "undiv ,,mics, the , ascriptions ot the tomm.u 

mention, c. e pnc-sis respoaubk d the tacrificei and d the burning d offerings, who 
were ■dressed ,n Persian clothing. I imbcrmore, tlu- image d thedeximu in Antiochus' 
reliefs probabl) subsumes diffctenl cultural influences, not only Greek and 
"" wamum. See the note d G Pi i/i (2003), and the remarks made bv 

n«« ™U", V \ K <:C:V ,,p **-**' *'*"- •■ * u "mann 1991), Already M u 

inJcrl.ned. although with caution, the importanci ..( Nemrud Dagb ifl 
connection with SurkhKotal.S ■ ktis2007 p if, 

" 1999, Up +6; II. pp. 104-109 

The Baetrian Royal Title £?;[';! 'voyo/po;Y"-ni£voYO 


erected "lor out soul and future fame" {MV pad ama ruwan ud panndm; Parth. 

pad ami arwdn ud pasnam; differently Gr. els ^uifeoav uvsfctv xot't Av6ji*TOs 

i]OT]oiv "for our memory and the preservation of our name") ot the lh ing 

king Sibuhr, while other tire temples were built fol his relatives (see also SK7 

34, 36-38, where the nobles worthy of such a ritual are listed). It is not at all far- 
fetched to assume that animal immolations surelv accompanied these rituals, 
as we deduce from the presence of 1000 akbrid "Lambs" (in the (.reek version 
7ry6[3a[TOv),-"' an annual mentioned man] limes in the following paragraphs ol 
the inscription, i >ne lamb (with offerings ot bread and wine) was, in fact, tat I i 
ficed every day of the year foi the soul ol the living 2 * king, ami anothei one tor 
those ot the other persons mentioned in the long list ol the protocol. Among 
the highest ones of the kingdom to be honoured in this was we rind both living 
and departed nobles (as, tor instance, in §36, Sitin and Pabag. etc.) 1 * The verbs 
concerning the ritual operation to be performed-"' by means ol these animals 
(par, 39) in favour ol thesouUa«YDBHWNtn(MP)w&«i),YOBDytn (Parth 
wi/uian) and uaxyeuetv (text: |iayeuOUOtv), M and then technical meaning cannot 
signify .\u\ thing but "sacrifice"," as the contents of the whole passage she 
The existence of these foundations pad riruuvi is well documented during the 
whole Sasanian period and later on," and its origin derives ultimate!) from a 
long-aged tradition already documented in the Avestan sources" and recom- 
mended not only tor rov al persons but also for ordinary people. 

Mm si 1999, 1, p. 48; II, pp. 111-112. We may recall thai in the above mentioned passage 
,,i trrisnusl Ih«Jm«j of Altxandti VI 29, 7-8), it is stated that the Persian king used 

to give the Magians a sheep I ,...;;,.. ■ pav) a day, a fixed a it of meal and 

wine, and a horse each month to sacrifice to I is Some correspondence ire doubtless 

striking and cannot be i 

26 Ii is worthwhile mentioning the evidence that rituals in favoui ol the soul d .1 living 
person are still known to tbt Parsia(e,j the so-called zindci I d"), as 

oon 17, pp. 417-419) and m Msnasci (1964, p 60, and n. 30). 

: See Hi is, |999, EI, p. 124 
i Iuyb 1999, I, p. 49; II. p. 115. 

29 Ritual immolations were surelv ode red in Sasanian times, whereas laiei juridical Sources 
(in panic iil.ii the Midsyin i ii.t/.ar Dddesttn) insist on the celebration ..I ICI 
mostl] based on the recitation d thi Kamw and ol the Widewdidaa particular days 

and anniversaries (fol instance, the birthdav or the dav rf one's death), as noted by Dt 

Mi sssi i (1964, pp 4(,-47, 60). 
J0 Mi ssi 1W9, II, p. 124. 

31 See liiwi sisn 1954, pp. 51-53; cf, IVsmaino 2006, pp. 178-182. 
U Huysi 1999, I. p. 52. 

33 See, e.g., \n Mi nasi i 1964; Macw h 1981, Ssssnm; 1993, pp. 5. 12. p.t>um (I Huysi 
1999 II, pp 105-107 (with additional bibliography 

34 The Avestan passages concerning sacrificial worship on behalf "l the unuum- and ol 
thi h.i:i:i.i-i , bui auo al the tame time then s\ mbolit immolation, have been disi i 

|.\ Panajno (2004b, pp <>f> 7 *>i m the framework of the Indo-lranian doctrine of the 

icrifici M ious dislinelion proposed bv m Ml NASI I (19M, p. 60), who incJ to 

I mm ilu meaning .■( thi cspr, .viir; to thai "t "accompltr un office, lacn 

• ■u autre, d. lurci Ii bien poithume de rime" is weak, In fact, the offerings 


Antonio Pan 

Although, unfortunatels. our knowledge ol kusan religion is not so detailed, 
we can gain some useful inference* bom all the comparative data we have pi. 
out) collected. In fact, though h ^m Ui's warnings'" against the /onustrian- 
isin of kaniska are rery important, in particular when we consider thai in the 
R.ihatak inscription Ahura Mazda docs DOl teem prima facie to be the highest 
god or that, for instance, ELaniika'i lather. Wima fvadphises, declared himself 
M be I follower of Siva, we should be more cautious before concluding our in- 
\ estimation with such a radical option. We must consider that the Kusan royal 
ideolog\ was *ery much open cos] ncretisra, and that Iranian, Indian and Greek 
di\ mines wen associated with one another and invoked according to political 
and territorial reasons. II the ksgolstigo was dedicated to Nana, her objective 
prominence in that temple was not a definitive witness to the theological superi- 
ors of such a goddess in the Kusan pantheon, as some other scholars presume. 1 ' 
The importance ol Anahita already in the Aehaemenid ideologs as well 
as that of Anahid in Parthian and S.isjnian limes, is well documented, ,s but 
this ev tdence does not compel us to deduce that Persian kings did not recognize 
A h uramazda as their greatest god (». :iganam), or that, for instance, the 

Sasanians, whose close relations with the temple of Anahid in Staxr Vi are doubt 
ontidered Ohrmazd inferior to her. 

One serious problem derives from the tact that we do not know which kind 

worship" the newly attested title ffety£l>| \-~-->oya/$XYo-irfcvoyo "worthy of 

divine worship" implied.* 1 In his retrcshing interpretation of line U>! of the 

Rabatak inscription' SlliS-Wll i i wis has convincingly discharged his earlier 4 -' 

svere given not only tor dead persons, but also for living ones (as in \1i s ss< i himself 
remarked I, and the idea ol the ncrifke .is a performance increasing and strengthening 

■lu nut] receiving «<• benefits, makei thb differentiation iinoecei 
The sacrifice ork-rcd in order to promote tile condition of the soul lol .1 living person or 
m the afterlife) mi contensBoraril) .1 sacrifice to the soul, although this does not imply 
a dn im/anon of the person. 
13 PcKSMAMim,| saji 2001, pp. 256-2*4. 

H See. I..r instance, in Jowc W7, pp 273-J74; ( art 1 r 2006, p. >53; Ghose 2006. 

I 1974, pp. 32-35,/>jMim. About the association between Anahita and the 1 bin 
SANDCS 19-th.pp 74, 68, 91, and, with particular reference to the 
.t ween Nana (Rabarakf and Anahid s Ghqli (in this vdun 

See Bern i 1981 


*"**" ■ IP I«-1W. in particular $82. ? (pp. 192-19}). On the other 

hand a theoretical inters ■ , n Iranian compound such as *b***-y*Xniy* I-SW- as 

•nobas to do the worship of gods', in the scum of "who fulfils the worship a. 

gOdS , stilt rema.ns possible, the suffix -Av, ,n Fact, is used nOI Old) U I meann- li 
trweitcrunu . bur I, ts primary domains ,n the formation of adjectives of ap- semantics as well asol (aoccntric) compounds. Since the lirnplei in the se< 
*tcd wuhout suffix -*«., the latter might be in this ease .1 compoiirional 
surhntWA. M«s.«,n 1905, pp. 102-105 $45) 

41 s t f* II. ^ intact, as <c«ovCoxoisu>too|a[XYorNttkun 

The Bactrim Royal Tide payfnJ-CvOYO/ftotyo-ifi 


reading lapto "sacrifice" (cf. MP yait); thus, we cannot speculate on the im- 
portance of such a word (now deleted) in the Bactnan lexicon. On the othci 
hand, we must recall that later Kus.ino-Sas.inian coins with the image oJ 
Otto display legends such as JJoosaoavfio" taS^a variously translated as 
"exalted / supreme dcit\ " ,; or as "the god who possesses heights" (like MP 
burzduand yazaJv' Doubtless x'xdo is a derivation from Av, yazata-.* b In 
am case, we should take into consideration .1 fitting comparison with Kho- gJWf ta~ (jasta-) "worshipful",' 1 ' which was propcrh addressed to lin- 
king (thus corresponding to dcva- t as a honorific title of royal persons), to 
the Buddha, but also to queens (see, in fact, gyaJtii )." 1 lere, the Khotanese 
title also assumes a secular meaning fin the light ol the current use of deva 
and dev'i tor minor kinglets and their wives, as, in his turn, FUSSMAH aire ad) 
noted), with regard to the Kusan royal id. but its divine implications 

Wexe still present and it is difficult to assume that tiu\ were completely ob- 
literated, although we must observe a relative desacrahzation in the attested 
use, which made tins title valuable both for (prestigious) men and for gods. 
Coming back to the Bactrian sources, if the reference to ^tff{t\\-f^ttyo-, as it 
appears, means that this ritual was like that ol the gods 1 1 think that it would be- 
hard to translate ftotyo- here as "lord", i.e. supposing the presence ol .1 reference 
only to a human "king") or thai it was, in any case, of "di\ ine" relevance, such 
a statement invites us to assume that the king was necessarily honoured \s n h a 
kind of Y'litia-, and consequently we should wonder which kind ol theological 
and ritual implications such zyama- involved It we assume that, in the frame- 
work of the ceremonies performed in ihe bagolango ol K.ikuak (but, probably 
also in some other dynastic sanctuaries), 50 some rituals were dedicated to the 

42 See Sims-Williams in Sims Willi utsA ansa 1995-1996, pp. HO. S6 ; there, Sims \\ n 
1 1 ws considered tapra u ttoi original!) belonging to the Bactrian SpwcAgitf, but Like 
Ml' ,..-,■. it should hoc been a religious technical term borrowed it""' At yelti-. Al- 
though tins form has been preseatl) deleted, it might theoretical!) appeal in other fu 
tore sources. In ibis case, I doubt thai it could b< derived from Av. yelti , because we 
should probable expert • tptO or (better) *rr,po 1 uiih« I have noted. 

ftitt is »erj tare, and the suspicion that MP ymli derived from \.oM- should be 
.,,„. , Pamajno 1994), also in the light ol the foci thai 'ye- of 'yesnna- was 

continued with »)- in n£vOyo( ' >o. 

41 Sec DAVAR1 I982,p. 179. 

44 SeeEaaiM6TOH/CuaTH2007,p. 120 with bibliography;* kihh iw.pp. 29-J0,)5;2O07, 
p. JiftK. 

45 GaaNST 1994; the Bactrian stem derives from Olr. frrw ■■■'■ \^. !■<:.•. .., 

I i sv v k s 1982, p. 179 with addttional bibliography. 

46 Sec Davars. 1982, p. 202. 

47 Set Bail*! 1979, p 109; 1 «■■ mid tike to thank Dr. Avuk i \ Piaas, whn drest "^ .men 
nun to ibis fact, 

48 Baili iCW. 

49 Sec again I UWMAK iwn, p. SH8, already quoted in externa in this article 

50 SeeVi kakui 19 


image or to the statue ol the kmc us well as n> those of his departed ancestors 
and, of course, of the gods mentioned there), the religious meaning of these 
uld have been more or less comparable with those attested in 
the Roman context, 51 where royal sacrifices were strongly distinguished from 
those attributed to the real [I w< consider that an Iranian dynastic cult, 

in its turn, should have included various forms ol veneration of the souls (the 
. hut also Othei parts "i the eternal spirit, like the uruuan-) of the de 
parted kings, we would hnd a solution which prcsumabh also fitted a douhi 
less Mazdean framework, iusi as, for instance, the Sasanian one did, where the 
immortal THWan ol the living king and ol his relatives, past or still living, were 
honoured by means ol a "sacrifice" (i.e., as we may presume from the ritual ter- 
minology attested in $kZ, a kind of yasn Ol yast), although these sacrifices and 
ceremonies did not necessarily imply that the Sasanian Sdhdn sab had assumed 
the dome status of the v.jak/Jw. The Iranian doctrine of sacrifice also included 
the idea that worship was an act of strengthening, and not onlv ol simple ven- 
eration, and it is tor this reasons that Ahura Mazda himself might conduct a 
i m support ol ristryaand MioYa.* 1 The veneration of the souls (and not the 
divinizatton of a human person) entered into this conceptual scheme, and this 
explains win it was possible to make sa<. n rices not only on behalf of the souls ol 
thedead, M but also of living persons, particular!) in the case of the king, whost 

role was ment is] tor the benefit of the kingdom and of the religion. 

Presently the evtant Bactrian sources do not offer definitive and supportive 

arguments in favour ol any radical solution, and I do not wish to venture into 

further speculations, but the problem is certainly serious and should not be 

Often in future research. Anyway, I think that, after these considerations, 

it would bedifficuh to assume* priori chat the veneration implied bj the com- 
pound pntfnKvOYa/p' oyo was the crude witness of a complete dfvi 
mzation. although such a solution remains theoretically possible. Such a ink 
might implicitly endorse a remarkable recognition of ro'val dignity including a 
strong reference to a number of ceremonies and dynastic rituals performed in 

SI LottStSttOg if tl ht M,r//«m discovered at Miscnum, where the statues of the 

Roman emperor* and of th « lecased m a ijnu* ciedkawd W the royal cult 

Bofttll no t) %UmoUO 1979, pp. 137-139; Miniero 2000). 

m ol th,- Pnncrpt wen > on Ins behalf (pro sal*,?) or were di- 
fferent from these w the Gods, 
Although Oh r^rtstuapropacMda i be .„ r ,| lip(J | (he gods sod the van- 

* (particularly onth , rioeofthi Empire) thsi 

that especially the function oi 
the royd '™ K ef,™. ,„ &k distilictioo. u Pw« . ill O, p. 37). 

(otkesaerH f a tfmoseorf biiHs 

1 n. tkc/w.M,,., of the MAn v. about which sec < ,v 

llu Bactrian Royal Title (Jay[i'|]~CvOYo/p , aYa-ir|c;vo' r o 


the Klisiu sanctuaries and concerning the worship oi the souls, in particular 
those ol the king and (its ancestors. 

The increasing presence of Iranian religious elements m the Rabatak inscrip- 
tion (but also in the Dast-c Nawur one), from the names of the gods, which. 
with one (controversial) 5 * exception, are clear!) Iranian, to the (official) in- 
troduction of the Arvan language (line 3-31) and the possible banishment of 
Greek™ (or more simply, the emission of an edict in Bactrian aftei the issue 
of another one in Greeki, etc, cannot be separated from the choice of such 
U intriguing epithet taken from the earliest Indo Iranian religious technical 
language. Its relevance « ill appear more significant, it the religious care ol the 
Rabatak bagolango was given to I (local) Ma/deau clerg) 

We may additional!] remark that in the Sasanian milieu, too, the king was 
a bay, (a title that, however, I consider honorific, simpl) meaning "Majesty, 
I ord '">, while he was never addressed with the designation of yazad, noi i 
oar yaziinotrumd, although it wee possible to oftci immolations in favoui ol Ins 
.m. The personal name Ya/dgtrd (< *yaZ*U -krta-U" used bj some Sasanian 
kings, attests that the idh in common with other persons named that way had a 
name simply meaning "created by the Yazad(in) n . i[ 

furthermore, in Sasanian inscriptions (and not only there), the syntactic lot 
tionot/'.n (andofit:o-"jin k versions) beforethe king's name was strictlj 

preserved, while in postposition fory was attributed only to a god. I must remark 
that the standard ordei regarding the syntactic position ol fcwy, as described 

55 The Iranian background ol D h Nawur lias been ahead) underlined bj 1 1 ssuan 

■ op. \2 18); ili*. pn i trilingual inscription ami ol [ramen architectonic 

patterns in thai tanctuari van be compared with the Achaemenian traditions. In addi 

the choice of such a high !« ition (4.320 m. [Fussman 1974, p. 4]) probablj reflect* 

. . element because mountain peaks h I with the cult ol 

ilu , m mm*- (Gnoh )9Ki), and Greek sources (like Herodotus I, 131) also insist on 

eke preference given b) the Magi to highest pi* Mww™»6p4iiw)fortheM 

I lllljls 

56 UistheeaBeofOinana,onwhickseeFussiiAJiW mdWi I997,pp 142 343 

s.sis W'n i i.vsis 1997). The reason lor the presence ol two othw Indian gods 

vhoae names wen inserted over the list of the other divinities 

in l.nes 9-10 (Sims-WuxiaKS in Slits WmrAMs/CRiBH 1995 1996, p.79, n. 1; Sius 

\\ ii hams I99K, p. I I mattei cd discussion; see Pi ssmam 1998, pp. 587-588; 

2001. p :^s 

57 See Ft ssman 1998, pp, 590-594. 

SN FUSSMAN IVSlS.pp. 596-s ,. Mi mo i<!< i !■'•'-> IT '., 17. 

si i Stus-WnxiAMi 1998, yr bo Sims Wkj isms in Sims Wii i isms' ribs 

1995 i , »p (2 si. where the alternative potaibUirj thai the teat ikould be under 

. i iu discontinued (tki use of) the ( b« been proposed Set 

use the ' the comparison with the famous pas K in the inscription d 

[ i ,, ,„, I. Bisutun, col. I\ . lines ss-89. Cf. also Sims-Wii i IAMS 1996, p. 6 15, 

60 GlONOUX 1986 1.1 Wde.ird<IO-»7). 

61 t i ,iK.. >.i.- ., din gnreffGu soux2003.' 

>mo Panaino 

Tiie Bactrian Royal Title pay|v j-;voyn. jtayo-rnjCvoyo 


Mary B*> is noi consistently respected in the Bactrian documents, 63 

wh. .in stand before a persona! name ol .1 human "lord " (e.g., document 

Ylli a\ well as before a divine name (e.g., I 2, 1 >3, etc.). Other exceptions, ho 
ewer, have been already indicated h\ M. Boy< i . ' Tim means, perhaps, thai such 
itactk ratebecanu ffi ctivi in lata times and mostly in Western [ran 

(although n is attested also in Sogdian), according to a particular ideological 
need, which, in rm opinion, avoided an) confusion between a human king (or 
a distinguished person) and a tits mm ' Am way, the kusan examples and the 
B trian economic documents consistent!) attest in a different solution, 
This, perhaps, is explicable, it we consider that the Sasanian religious onenta 
tion was more strictly Zoroastrian, while (he Kusan dynasty developed (or was 
n compelled to develop-) ,1 religious poliq more open to s\ ncretism; in fact, the 
relevant number ot Mazdean elements documented in the Bactrian context does 
DOt indicate a consistent search tor an lapparcnt) theological orthodoxy like the 
one we find in the Sasanian kingdom in a later period. It the royal cull based 
■ rituals exalting the Gods win. granted the Kusan kingship and 
legitimized kamska's power," the presence of an evident Ma/dean background, 
which m the Rabatak temple was probabl) the most important, could offer U 
Uiation tor the attribution ot such a particular title to the king. It would be, 
in tact, connected with these rituals tor the souls without necessarily includi 
the occurrence ol a complete procexi ot denization or the king, although some 
elements present there (the mention ot Boyo as the first member ot the com 
pound] seem to be i derivation tio.n the HcllemstK royal ideology, which, no 
doubt, could have offered a very good pattern to be imitated,'" and tit better in 
a situation of religious s\ ncretism. 

Another important religious datum stemming from the Rabatak inscrip- 
tion concerns the presence of the images ot all the gods (above-)mcntioncd and> <<'-65. 

■s 2000, p. 1 ■ 


\i,,u. this pni I IMA.HO 200Sj 2004. (reprinted in 2007a). and tin 

nt.iled -About ,om. Controversial Aspect, ,.! the Sasanian Royal 
where 1 also respond to lome objection) raised bv Skj i ru. | '007) 
*" "-",'"-' aDNl.ifd txuctionprrjpo^bySiMsWuJASisfei 

lines 7-9 „ „.„„d. the Kuiin king ,wt„>cvcr he may have been) declared thai hi 

■ !,h ""« h *■»«"«". Revoke a Greek ride like , 

V ^""r illV, \ V ' »5-1996,p.96),itunderl 

7 u ; n,n: h '-> mallyiwolvedb the Hellenistic epithet 

« " T u k" v I ' ' '" d T Uh '" ^ "Wax framework whether the cult 
«.«i d ,n R.harA had a P ,„, iliar) characte, or ,l it wa, public. Both solu- 

™7 C ' a " tincrioniaim, ble.Onthi* 

'V'rr^'i F»I for the complexity of, he 

t ; T si lT " l i" '" W " K ' '- ,:05 »- S « *° R°«« ■%« with refer, 

strictK emphasized in the same text (lines 9-11) as well as the following B I 

ence to those ot tin King and his ancestors (lines 12 14). The construction ■ 

il) sanctuary (bagolango)^ consecrated to the royal cult, where thi 

ol Gods and kings were expressl) located, finds another in- 
teresting parallel in Commagene, at Nimrud Dagh, whew the sacred area,dedi- 

I to thl vuh d AntioJuis I, hosted various statues ot dhdne beings and pi 
the king himself The Greek inscriptions of Antiochus I, in addition, contain 
man) referent es 7 ' to the decision ol the king to put Ins enthroned image t lose to 

those ol the Gods who helped and supported him in his ascent 10 power, with 

a strong emphasis on his royal "<>,, and on Ins yttoaxTite. : This is 1 kind of 

Ihion emphasizing the complete possession ol royalty and confirming the 

e source ol its legitimacy. As Kaniika himsell declared, hi "obtained the 

kingship from Nana and from all the gods" (Rabatak, line 2): in doing so. he 
was following an earlio pattern alreadv known from the Achaemenid period, 
although, as W« hoe alreadv noted, transformed bv I relevant numbet of Hel- 
lenistic influences. ( 

The adaptations and the contradictions emerging from the Bactrian melting- 
pot, where Iranian, (.reck, Indian, but also Roman and Chinese traditions 
mixed and or em, ted in contrast with one another, were probabl) numerous, 

and. as I have alreadv suspected in the ( .is, ot the Sasanian inscriptions, the pus 
sibility that many t tpressions had a double or threefold meaning remains open 
to further investigations. The fitting example ol Bery[YtKvoYo/fl ■ joyo 
evokes a complex ritual background, where the Iranian technical ternunol 
offered .1 fitting adaptation of Greek (but also Indian)" ideas concerning 

s 1 1 ,sm vs (1988, p 620), who remarks that Tinstalluion 
d u.s le hgoUtgo n'est pas une maiuere dc remereiei lei dieus davoir Fan regner 1 haeun 
n ctrre«deK»nUka,cWunefaeond'a«mBrqueeelui-eieatrh«nnei legitime*! 

bH Scclinc II; ni6o Y t e pojhould be derived ir.»M. fMti v-," ;cJ \1 PpA)«*Jrr* -form, figure"; 

.1 Sims Williams in Sims-WiluausA a«at995 I996,p.93 

70 Moobmamh/Vbmujvs 2002. 

71 See, for instance, BEc 19 21; N. 60-61. CI Cxowthe*/Facella 2003. pp. 46. 47; D6x- 

Hll l*'"4 , ., „ 

I .., thi important of these references with regard to rhe Iranian world, see 1 anaino 

SeeFi sssmn l9"*S.p. 585. 
let nam Austin 2006. pp. 3S9-36Q and pa 
75 I would like 10 underline the imporiam. ed thi Khsrofthi inscription ot Scn.iv 
kins ol ( Mi (Baili 1 1980), when 1 trombei ol royal tnccston and relatavei (bui 
no bl« members ..1 d d. id 01 honoured I he Buddhist text (hows .. 

Mahiylr,. erien , as Fussman has captained (1982, pp 16 becau t attests 

the doctrine of the iranafa of merits (p*m*mtn* I to thi roulsofdesd person 
1I10 Pussmak 1974, p S6)i Furthermore, the king erected the mips in order to obtain 
,,„ himself, his parents and K rand parents 1 hii document shows 

en, predominance of Buddhist relij elements but slso contains 1 numb 

Brlhmaniea] poUtical coneepta, no. without Iranian and i 



the representation of (he royal person. But the Sasanian evidence shows that it 
would have ken possible to "tier sacrifices to the souls of the kings (dead and 
alive; and their relatives in particular shrines dedicated to a ritual, so to Sty, pad 
rwitH no source authorizes us to suspeit that such a tradition was criticized or 
combattcd In the Mazdean elergs in Persia or in other places. On the eontr.u v. 
it Buds its fitting location in the framework <>l the dynastic homage to be offered 
to 1 1 Yisanian hou-e without an\ stark contrast to the Mazdean theology. 

Thus, it is possible that the Kusan kings, mo, established proper rituals on be- 
half ot their own souls as a (private'- on\ to be performed in Some sanctu 
anes dedicated to their dynastic cult, is 1) S< in umblrglr"'' already explicitly 
suggested in the case of the temple of Surkh (total, 77 notwithstanding Mar icq's 
doubts about potential correspondences with theSasanian fire-temples. ' ["hesi 
comparisons cannot eliminate the character of kingship, where 
the worship of the king's person n„>k on some divine connotations, but the 
Iranian background ss.u not completely submerged by the Hellenistic culture 
also in Bactria, and particularly in the religious framework some cons ervati v e 
traditions, mixed and adapted, were able to a new elaboration. 

We can only hope that future research and in particular new discoveries will 

put more light on this and other controversial tacts. Along this extraordinary 

trip, the contribution of our friend and colleague Nicholas Sims-Williams 

will be surelv as fundamental as it has already been for so mam crucial issues 

inian philology 


AJftZWl, S 2005: "Etudes prelim. naires tut le cuke privt des souverains hellcniMi 
ques: problemo el methode." In oruon^, £„ eadres 'prizes' el 'pu- 

blic, won grecque antique. Actes du IX' coltoque du Centre Internatio- 

nal d Etudes dt U Rehgion G ret one Antique (CI ERG A} tenu a Frtbourg du 8 au 
ptembre2003 , V Dasi n el M. Pmrart. L.egc, p P . 219- 

M *s 1982, p. 45). In which meiSUK .hese religious concepts concerning the after 
Wand h t wttt. -I BodbuM, » some kingleu M to ha.c Keen long,,.. 
eacrcucd in influen tadean doctrines, uj difficuli to M y. But the weigh, ol 

intlun tradition cannot I u -d 

PP.447-452.inp«rticular451-452; I954.pp. 178-181. 
pp. J7-JS. vv 

Ht^Z Si, 11 ? Pr, ' blcm "-"'" *" l,f d ™«™^'"& that all the dynastic 

nua Thlh , ( \ UM " T "T *" hut ,h " " •* P^Wc to perform , 

k 1 ike rha. d Rabatak. At »onbi p Aould have followed a Mazdean pattern. I. 

s an h 7/Tr 1 T'^ ?*""> jnJ ,n •*« »«»«U*rieS to. 4 I ahuU, like. 

«t««.d ,hc KssUn king, adopted 41tk . f rilujk fof ,,„,,, ri , lvl|lv 

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Versification in Sogdian 

111 IO pROVASI, Pis.l 

I. The purpose <>l this paper is to test the possibility ol identifying a imm 
cal pattern in the extant lines of some fragments ol Sogdian poeti y. Although 
other fragments ol Sogdian hymns and poems are known, both published and 
unpublished, 1 in this studj I shall concentrate on some examples of complete 
lines from the Sogdian version ol the hymn-cycle Huyadagman. 

NearU the whole corpus of Parthian fragments of the Hymn cycles 
I Iitvadagmdn and Angad Roinin in Manichaean script \sas published in 
1954 by M. Boyce. Additions and corrections were published in a subsequent 
article/- and some ol the hymns were re-edited in 1975 m the same author's 
Keado ' A fragment of the Huyadagman m Parthian language and Sogdian 
icripi (TM406a K si was published in 1989 bv Sims Win ■ wis (SlMS- 
W ii 1 1 wis I9sv.ii. \\. Si \Di hmann, in his Photo I dition ol (he Hymn cycles 

(Si mh km ANN 1990), made a sencs ol corrections to Bom i 's readings 4 , besides 

publishing additional Parthian fragments in Manichaean script from the Turfan 

I ,.ur verse* (7-8 and 12-13) from the cycle Angad Roinin, CMIO la (M MS I I 2/ and 
/5-6/, /v/l-2/ and /5-6/), were published In lb NKTNC tpmd Bor< i 195*, p 122 Ifld 
n 1,7 \ n u more or leu complete verse* from the cyefc ' 
m,1c- .i i>» quotation* ol single word*, baw appeared in print; the la«i words ni tin 
hall verteoi the cycle (So 14570 [=111 k 178 l T II D l70]/r/l/inSi kobbuann 1985, 
p.640);foorfragmeMar) wr*e*(I f»7[=SIK.I\ sn| w*inIUGOBAl980 > p.46(wtierc 
the fragment in incorren >!•■ indk tied .«- B«ddbift)[> L 67 + < I Sol WO! 1- T II 1>| t 
( Ii So 13399a (■ TIID1A l-10j foi thejoiningol the fragments cf. Sunobrmanm i^RS, 

II] Uielasii.l v.1 II iliasheenrc --i-diteJ in Sims Will issis l'»Slh, P .MC, 

,„ R Soll401 r/4-« L 67 ♦ Ch/So 13401 »/12-14/|) in Stats-WauAM* 

l9S5,p. 156; am hall »em(< b/5o 13401 /v/H-12/) in HtNtuwc 1937, p S 1 506; one 

ii ri | i n ih mum 1945, p 4B6, a, I; oni 

I is i in Sisiv Wii i isms l'»/. |> u: 147901= TNT 

12 mm ll, sms, 1937, p^ Hon 579; one verae(Ch/So 14792 i J 5/)ujHhn 

NtHC 1945. p.485;oi hall em Ch/So 14791 (- T II T WJ hfW\ in Su» mann 

p ,.i; „ ,,.( \i,« line* from i Sogdian poem writtenin Manichaean script were 
publiahedb) Minms, M 137/Il/r/9-10/inH«NWWCl937,p.80on6B2,/v/2-5/«e*id 
C/WS, J807.A i 15 illissisi |946,p LSI. 


Bon i 1975. pp 163 168 (teats cw, ex, c] 
Si NoaauANN IV90, pp. h IB 



collection* and a further fragment in Parthian in Sogdian script from the Otani 
in! lection.'' 

Of the Sogdian version of the Huyadagman cycle, two rather complete frag- 
ment* (which include \5 verses from unto V and the first verse of i.into VI) 
uere published in 1985 b\ D.N. Mai Kin/ik. Lighteen more fragments were 
published h\ Si HD1 ksi.snn in his edition of the Ih ran cvcles in theCII;' th 
include more or less complete verses, U well as fragmentar\ ones, from cantos 

1, II, III. V and V I of Hityadagmitt,* besides a few other fragments possibly 
belonging to the hymn-cycles.'' 

2. The idea that the metrical structure of Middle Iranian poetry was based nei- 
ther on the number of syllables to .1 line nor on the quantity (long or short) 
ot each s\ liable (both d which were variable), but rather on the number of 
stressed syllables per line was put forward b\ Henning in his article "Geburt 
und Entsendung des manichaischen Urmenschen*",' 1 where he analyzed accord- 
ing n> this principle a Middle Persian abecedarian hymn to the Living Self (M 

10 /r/13/-/v/ 22/)." A few sears Liter, in his article on "The disintegration of 
Asestie studies" 1 ", he brietlv analysed, according to the principle of the number 
of st u-smv to a line, two Parthian poems,,! hymn to the Living Self (M 7/II/v/), u 
with a three-stresses rhythm, and another hymn (from M S3 + M 82 + M 235), H 
with two stresses to each half-line 

In another article' ' I ii nmm, presented, in a transcription accompanied by 
a metrtcai scansion, two more fragments of Parthian Manichaean poetry, .1 
hymn concerning the Father of Greatness" 1 and a Monday hymn 17 ; the last one 
is mbdh tded into strophes ol two lines, each of them in turn divided into two 
half-lines. Tl is not indicated, but both fragments had apparently two 

5 s ss 1990, pp, 19-21 


corrections to Si NOOUIAimt rudnm were published by YbSHUM 1992. 

'..8, 36-10 (Si mhkv •■... p p 23 28a) [wo Fragment! 

timing i Sogdun venioii of Hayrndsgrnin I series 17-3: (So 18102 [= I M 146] and 
* TM 362]) have tun Uishedbv Chr. Rt< k (2005). 

11 Rm published in Waj MCIMibt/Lemtz 1926, P . 126. and subsequently re-cd.ied in 
Boyci. 1975, pp. 104-105 (text at). 

12 1 1 

i J I ,rs, pubt.hcd b> MirM** III. pp. 29-3C, inti subsequently repubhabed in Bos. > 1975, 

pp. I06-I07|text i»i. v 

M He edited m Hon ( 1975. pp. 176-177 itexi dgb) 
15 Hissiv. W50, pp ms M6. 
ifc M W32 r hrv „, VI D1 „ l9u 291-202, , nA mbaeonenth re edited 

m » ika). M 

l«B 1973 ditediniu 

entirety in Rac* 2004, pp. 120 [22 

Versification in Sogdian 


stresses pei halt verse In the same paper he showed that the numlui ol syllables 
is not indifferent, having us limits fixed foi each particular poem, thus allowing 
for subtle variations in the structure of verses. 

M. Boyi i included in the introduction to her edition ol the Hymn-cycles 
.i section on versification," where halt-verses are classified according to the 
number of S] ll.ihles and the position of stress. 1 'his n .is done 1 '' mainly in order 
to compare the structure of the verses of the two cvcles. Further remarks on the 
metrical structure of the hymns were made by W. LeNTZ . 

Some detailed analyses of the versification ol Parthian hymns were published 
in a sei ies ol .uncles by Lazakd. :i In one ol them '-' he has shown, compai ing 
the lines of the h\ -mii-cycles to those of the hymn M 10 anal) Bed by HtNNlNC 
in 1933, the weight of any given sv liable is not indifferent: while the line in 
the cycles can havea maximum of three bean j syllables to each stress group, the 
lines ol M 10 can base onls two. 

Lastly, in her edition of the Sunday-, Monday and Hem.i -lis Bins, CHR.B BCK 
published a long chapter devoted to the metrical analysis ot the hymns. 21 Her 
results confirm I be previous analyses .is regards the number of syllables per line. 
She reached the conclusion that the most important factor in the metrical struc- 
ture of the line is the caesura, together with the immediate]) preceding ictus.'' 
albeit stressing the importance of the melods according to which the hymns 
were sung. :s The latter element escapes analysis, insofar as, notwithstanding 
the presence of cantilated hymn fragments'" and of captions which indicate the 
model melody for a given hymn, nothing C« taincSJJ be said aboul the .ictual 
tune and its rhythmic structure. 

18 Boy. I 1954, pp. A 

19 As she itaiei ibid , p 47 

20 Lent* 195*. ., , . 1Q „ 

21 1 UARD 1485; 2001. On the techniques of vcrsihciiu.n in I'ahlavi ,t, r .ils» "snaked HA), 

Lazahii200I and 2002. 

22 LAZAIOl985,p 

2J RMk2004,p|>M 

24 Reck 2004, pp. 84-85. tin the important! M dm i teaura a alto snsm D 19 0, p. 404. 
On pi dye! ..Is.. I'ufc H 1968. pp. 371 

25 Reck 2004, pp. 86-87. Cf alio Shakes 1970, p 404 ("the melodic dement [...) muai 

have been [...] the main determining influence in the shapin; 

26 i )n the interpretation ..( canbllaiion in Middle Iranun Manichaean fragment* d Mach- 
Ull , S M>7), BmssiB 1980 (eap 

27 Either in the form "t the inciph ol anotl ang on ^ "«« melodj (e.g. M II 

II,,. .. ■.inthcmd.i.b "I W .dim.m has given grace" ; W;. 1/jm II, 

p 129], and M 801i feV «w'A "tbie on the melody of "You are thi 

powerful god" JMi nnp *l ***>l « " ''" ""'" o( ' pemouai mi lod 

M80la/28/5/:/><V mtb metodj with five high note*" [Henning 1937, 

p, ii 428], ind M80I ■ 'thiaoniht Sogd nel *ninc 

melodiei <>\ Manicnaeao hymaj d Pi si H I ' K and 

Brunwi r I980,p.350ff. 


Elio Provasi 

V It would be interesting to investigate the possibility whether simil.ii pattenu 
ol versification could also be Found in Sogdian poetry. 

Vj M. Botci stated, 3 "One of the difficulties in studying Middle Iranian 
u uncertainty over the pronunciation of some words." This is all the more 
true tor Sogdian. We can reconstruct w ith a considerable degree of confidence 
the position and quality ol long vowels, I "* ti the other hand, some doubts remain 
concerning the timbre and - in .1 few cases - the presence vs. absence <>f short 

lb 1 certain extent, we can make reasonable assumptions about the position 
of stress. Any hypothesis aboul Stress must be based on the "rhythmic law", 
1 stated b\ Ii ix s< n- ' ,ind reformulated by Gl RSH1 vi u n' : , and subse- 
quently much refined b) SlMS-Wll 1 1 v\is i! . The latter author made the impor- 
tant discover] thai mn onl) syllables containing a short vowel followed by hi + 
sonant (as distinguished from the rhotacized vowels rV i' u'/), but also those 
containing a short vowel followed by the vocalic nasal /n/ + obstruent consa 
nant (i.e. a plosive, affricate or fricative) arc lu.n v, i.e. they have the same weight 
llables containing a long vowel; in other words, groups such as /ar/ and 
function as diphthongs. StMS-w 11 1 1 wis t , included that a heaw syllable is 
simply a syllable which contains a long vowel or diphthong. 1 -' 

lian, then, bad syllabification rules which were quite different from 
those of Western Middle Iranian. In Sogdian, inside a word, a group of I 
sonants between two syllabic peaks (i.e. vowels or diphthongs) is not divided 
bet w een the two sylJ ables, but belongs to the second one, constituting its onset. ' " 
In other words, a syllable houndan ($) must be inserted immediatcl) alter a 
•t or long] vocalic nucleus 14 whenever it is followed by any number of con- 
followed in their turn by another vocalic nucleus: > $ / V_C(C{C))V 
*«* ~ h -' n *' wijipya/ "terror (abl.)"). 

I rem the operation of the Rhythmic Law. it follows that in words of more 
than one syllable, the stress was on the stem, if it contained a long vocalic nu 
cleus. otherwise it shifted onto the ending. We Can thus establish the following 
rules governing the position of stress m the word: 

I) Monosyllabic heavy items (like fiim "splendour", tans "sorrow", noic "etcr 
naJ (1. ad,.), max "we"l or stems + non-syllabic ending {like dewt -demons", 

JjJ J : fromahktoricd comparative ,>.„„, „ts,e», by Gl « . m>i h I9«0. 

34 !£«he"5 Li " ! i "J°°« "" ■* ■«««-" bssidsi the long «OWI I 

fh< t,,m[,i " Bndo ( <V V , ,nd .An. (where W = anfvc* 

Versification in Sogdian 


dot "it becomes") wete always stressed and do not call tor particular comments 
(but see below tot possible instances ot loss of stress) 

1,il It to such sunis an ending consisting ol I short (01 shortened) vowel was 
added (such .is the oblique suffix .'or vocalic verbal endings), the hea\ j syllable 
stem retained the stress, as in nun "wind", vrratt "bodies" (pi. obi.), sxatsyt 
"thou removest", ynipu "i lamented". 

2a) 1 ikewise, disyllabic uninfected stems (or stems + Eton tyllabu ending) 
of the type heavy-light were stressed OB th< In si syllable (e.g. tivMT "power", 
aykun "eternil | " fidffpai I K .irnbaS] "world", ayamst "it endi 

ii to such stems a vocalic ending was added, the heat ) syllable stern retained 
the stress (as ih/l.j»(/'., I imbaoi] "world" (obi.), kirp*0i "path" (obi)). 

3) Disyllabic words consisting of > monosyllabic nominal or verbal stem + 

inflectional ending (like ■■!" (num.), (.>';■« "sh.up" I.iu I, iaitc "hand" 

m|, Uanyd "hell" (loo 1.1, kund "do" < Impcratn >l were stressed on the second 

4a) Disyllabic stems ol the type light-heavy without ending were stressed on 
the second syllable (e.g. yikin "destruction", 1 .t-.nit [fcasand] "drink", na,>yyak 
"nobilns "I. light verb stems with .1 heal j ending can be assigned to the same 
stress pattern, e.g. kunant [kunand] "they do". 

4b) I surmise that disyllabic stems of the type hia: too woe stressed 

on the second syllabic (as SeSdm "diadem"", iyoi "turmoil" 01 ptlSes "he 
showed"), and probably also words of the same structure consisting ol .1 mono 
syllabic heaw verbal stem *- a beat v ending (like fierdqii [perind] "the) obtain", 
..:.. [yopind] "they praise" or optin "I may fall down (Subj >").This is part 

35 The spell*. & (So 14445 rWH/ [MacKenub 1985, p. 425] and Si 1461 WWV 

IDERUANM I 1 * 1 *:, p. 27]) points i" J pronunciation is .i^jinM the more 

em/, spelled both in Sogd. script (So 10100g(l) | ["Io 

HkNNIW 1945, p. 478; Ch/U f.0K4 |= T III 2000] /r/4/, Thilo l*»8S. p. 42) and Ul Mad 

s,npi (M |7K /I/r/lV, IIinnim. 1948. p. JOT; ,i ilto [m Man, Kripi MIK 

. 4 . Sunoekmann 1992, p. m and ;. 'l 133 r**/ii/I5/, ikid., p. 130). As 

Yoshtdji (1992, 1- 140) notes the spelling with m) occure also in a Maniehaean 

rhetpeliifi wk, which occurs three times in the W 

Bsmvemisti 1946, pp : i '. U, "-■ ■. could indi S mdes 

mann (1990, p. 28, n 51) remark*, a pronunciation rithahort i inthesecond 

.1,1, rhe two occurrem - ol ibeword in< ' ' '''• ^ T " 

B30.3 = N9/I/r/l4/,HANSSNl941.p,12)andTIIBl5l N195 C22.4 */5/, MOlles 
i p SJ3)], being unpointed, do noi I ■ indication aboui the wwel si um 

, lul , y || ab ] Th ip Hing oi the word in Manichaean 

Persian and Parthian is always dydym with <) ■ (foi the oecurrencei cl Durkin- 
Meistekesinst 2004, p 149); d I nscriprional MPen dydymj (PaikJ and ZorM 
,, i iva 1913, i 


. Provasi 

.1! a general rule: when two or more hen \ s\ llahlcs followed one another, stress 
Jell on [he last one ol them " (cf. the examples in 6b, 6d below). 

4s. 4d > it to stems of the two preceding t\ pes .1 short-vowel ending was added, 
the second hesfl \ %\ liable retained the stress, .is [4e] in widasi "marvel (obi.)", 
•nanti (wimandi] "boundary (obi l" or [4d] ptiyoiu "I heard". 

S) In chm syllable words consisting ot .1 disyllabic light stem + vocalic end- 
ing, the stress w,is on the s\ liable (as laptlyttsttd "hidden (f.)" or sta liki 
Isia^diri] "more cruel it.)"). 

6b, 6c, 6d) Three-syllable words ot which the third s\ liable is he.n v had 
-tiess on the final syllable, independently ol the weight ol the two preceding 
syllables (as in (6a) unpjn.u "from e*erj ", [6b] Aaydnik "divine", [6c] Jantk . 
[JJandk.n on", [6d] tanparmeni [tambarmen)] "corporal", wenanitk 

[wenaniik] "visible", aftnunt [afrlnand] "they bless"). 

6e) With the addition ol a rocabx ending to words ot type6a-d, the siress was 
retained on the third syllable (as in uunkara [sirarjgara] "beneficent (voc.)"). 

bree sy liable words with a second heavy syllable and a light third syllable 
bad Stress on tbi se*Mad syllable, independently of the weight of the first one 1 J 
case 2 above) (e.g. raxus.tntar [rax'sandar] "brighter", afri-wan "blessing"). 

8) As tai .is -ski- stems in concerned, the final vowel, which derives from a 
contraction, was probably shortened, at least in final position". 

II the stem which preceded the -e tuffis contained a heavy syllable, the stress 
was retained on the base las , n [8a] n6ie "immortal", iwMfte [iwande] "living", 
[iblpn-tart "without darkness", hrikte "beneficent" [8c] dsame "swallowing", 
ftrnxwdtfte [farnx'ande] "fortunate", [8d| "greed", osuyte [dsuvde] 

Med"), otherwise the stress shitted, as usually in light stems, on the suffix 
las in [S* , "hidden*). 

It is possible that in the plural (ending -ft) ol -aka-siems derived from heavy 
bases, the ending was unstressed (i.e. the stress remained on the preceding fu 
syllabic) it 11 was not fallowed fcrj an unstressed suffix. Possible examples 

".ex. Ila, I' half-setsei. where tins stress pattern avouls stressed syllables) and afrUit (Huyadagmdn, ex. 13b, 2" 1 halt- 
verse, v >n the other hand, the stress probably moved onto the ending -el when it 
■wed by the unstressed oblique raffia ,. as in ^Stmfa (Huyadag^uu 
•■I\2" J half-verse). 

KhnHW sissfmnx. Fro* the hissoriesl point ev, when the first , m 

', ° ,J Ainaprewou die language, the first o« 

^received ,h< nesswfak ,l„ , „j .„„ „ M shoncncd (cf ^Sfe 1 , i« is>x*b. 

•ic rcmarkj in Sims « 11 1 ,ams 1990, pp. 286-287. fn. 39. 

Versification in Sogdian 


The Following list includes a lew examples of words occurring In the text ot 
Huytdagmin, listed according to then rhythmic structure: 

I) tv pe -: pVm "splendour", nt/ "secret", t.trh "sorrow", XSMrl "food", ndic 
"eternal (f.)", xip8 "own", 5ett*« "demons (pi.)", mix "we. us", fiot "is, be- 
comes", ,u! "let it belSubj.)" 
ta) type - -: witt "wind (obi.)", fiapti [pandi] "bond (obl.i", ytiwti "body (pi, 

obi.)", SXWdye "thou removest", ynd t iu "I was lamenting" 
2.0 type - -: zawar "power", aykun "eternity", iua "tiie"./ajn/Mrt[ (;,| fcamba61 

"world", watpxar "voice", ayamst "it ends" 
2b) typc-~~:fcarip,< St U unhaoi] "world H , obi.)". k.irpaM "path (obi.)" 
3) type - -: "d (nom.)". M'y* "sharp, fierce (ace.}". tmru "head (ace.)", 

;■.,</.! "wound it., nom.)", State "hand (gen.)", corny* "hell (loc)", witpya 
[wizbya] "terror (abl.)", kuna "do (Imperil )' 
4a) t\ pe - -: yik&H "destruction", l.i' "command", yipik "anger", taiaril 
[casand] "drink", mayon "entire", ntxvfnyik (ras"snyak) "light", *«»<iwl 
]kunand| "thev do" 
4b) type - -■ SiSim "diadem", iyoi "turmoil", .vttoxi [andoxe] "grief", 

"battle", J p(i.-ic>" he showed ", .unutf [^er.ind|"the\ obtain", yoJanl [yopand] 
"the\ praise", ;•><..,;."» [vnipand] "they lament", optin "I may fall down 
4c) type - - -: wiSdst "marvel (obi.)", wimantt [wimandi] "boundary (obi.)", 

mxwfayikt [rut 'snyiki] "light (obi.)" 
4d) type - - -: ptiyoiu "I heard" 
5) type - - -: patyustcd "hidden (f. nom.)". >u.. kttri [stapdars*] "mote cruel 

6a) type ,. ispanat "froraeverj *,fak*nii "from which, whence",/a'jpat«» 

"I may tumble (Subi 

6b) type : ,iayanik "divine" 

6c) type - - '< /■.oitkittii [pandkarfe] "prison" 

6d) type - - -: tanparmenc [tambarmenjl "corporal", tiw 

IssewnCnunj] "rosal". WtnitfSik [wenanjik] "visible"', afrinant [afrtnand] 
"they bless" 
6e) type-- - -: iininkar<i [sirarjgara] "beneficent (vo 
7a) type - - -: ntxwf«|itar [rax'sandar] "brighter" 
7b) type - - -: ifrixcan "bless 

8a) tvpe - -; nose "immortal", ittwafe [iwande] "living" 
8b) type «-«:/w-fJn m i about darkness", iirikte "beneficent" 
8c) type - - -: farnxwante [farnx'ande] "fortunate", iiimt "s« alio* ing" 
sdi type---:d, I", osMyte [osuyde] "purified" 

sdi t\ pe : pitiyusu "bidden 

All the preceding rules can be summarized by the fallowing simple itatement: 
if the word has no hea\ J SJ Babies, stress falls on the final syllable, otherwise it 
falls on the last betvy syllable. 



thcr important dirietviKc in the rhythmic structure of the word between 
Western Middle Iranian (Parthian and Middle Persian) tin the one hand and 
ban on the other hand should he mentioned. While m Western Middle Ira- 
nian words were alvsass stressed on the final syllable, in SogdUfl B word could 
have one or more unstressed syllables m post stress position (e.g. t\ pes I a. 2a, 
2b, 4c, 4d, 6c, 7a, 7b, 8a, 8b, 8c, Sd above). 

-i Some examples ot lines (and - when possible -of complete two-line stan/as) are 
transcribed on the following pagea according to the principles outlined above." 1 

I he transcription is - as lar as possible - a phonologic al itwi.- (e.g., t Ik vo 
allophones of stops are not indicated), with, one exception: in tvs u or three cases 
an anaptvetic vowel is indicated as a superscript schwa [*]. Fqj i\ pographical 
reasons the vocalic nasal, i.e. the second element of nasal diphthongs, is tran- 
scribed as >/ with a dot below, instead ot m with a dot above it. 1 " In the metrical 
scansion, v with an acute accent mark indicates a stressed syllable, the macron 
an unstressed hcav \ syllable, and the breve an unstressed light syllable. 
' verses: 

li | H.I lb] 

sirankara 'sart'ank 

- - X w - » _ x 

2*) [H.I3a| 

witpa rj/ pttYUSCI i.i.'U /;unte 
-_« - v A w M >i ». 
H.I 3b) 
ke-ti sti pat/usu 

x . « a „ x 


kuna /arcanukya *par 5 m.i\' 

„ x _ „ x w _ i 

payunte awu 6wa zawar 

_ . X „ X w 

pareme6*fcanpa6i 41 

- i x - li - _ 

I would hkc to point out thai my tnoieripooni ir bated on the readingi tad rettora- 
doos (marked with to ttterisfc in tin foUowing eaamplet) ol Mm Kaurai 1985,Sundi t- 

UANN IWO and Sims WlU.1 AHS i*pnJ S IN 199Q) 

Sjiis-ViituM* 1911c ut. tap. P m r , but. since the natal aw in 

all pn,r.jh.l.ts pronounced u bom itfa the following contonut, tfat use ..I 

the more neutral - With I diacritic seems prefer*] ,l,„ S.MS WILLIAMS l*>84, 

11-212 and Sim \Xn i isms 1989b, p. 181). 

40 Sc^o^tiik i >**&*, 9.2s* tfrVkYMiW MM 

W m jM " Benefee « Soverei . mere) [to at] ' - Panh 

L*r k,Tbukk*r / k*r *bar ama jxi.,^, { H UU , 1954. p. 66]). In ex. I, a different,ls|e: Ihmt/tfm I -wrflUBg // , rfttaV ' 

/wr ^Thudmaioo fin better the normal pan d subject pronoun 4 

"?**»* • ^t .. reatt on i double ataumptioa I) .hat the word 

u w "l W " ' aUN,V •"' tH ' Kt 2l *"" *■ hrs ' ekmen ' ■'» the compound, in ordi 
he able to beat attreet, u the long rowel rariant of the adjective fir- (cf. CMS. $1209 
r wnhoui ending, not to Ik confuted with the tdverb Jyr'verv"l 

m0, p .2i^ ysp hr; (pm ,. 

'. h h u i'i " , ST" ,hou rn wl"H 'thou unreilett thos, 

wh..h are haddn , n thu world " In the lecond lull „t ,/„,, ex 2b the word 'parimift/ 

Versification in Sogdian 


3) [H.I 4a] 

cw KO raxwsnayarftman pu-kdl 
x _ „ - x - - J 

4, [H.n36/62a] 

rati mas n6ie I) kun 

_ « _ x - li „ 

5a) [H.V36/7 2al 

ke-n in kunc our ccwesan 
i„ w — a — a «< 

5b) [H.V36/7 2b] 

at nc fa'patan op(a)tin at plej an 

„ w w w a - x „ v < 

6a) [H.V36/7 3a] 

par-ti ke optant waBeo cantar 

x„„-li »- X- 

6b) [H.V36/7M.| 

nc-ti-mas par /yam wi wesan 

x.„_ x »)i„ 

7) [H.V36/7 4a] 

mam x -" ) ihan ai partraok 

__ x_iiw-x 

pu-*kiran *par rarwinyih pu tin 

« X - 

•wu wesan xumarwapt n< si 

x_ ._x_W 

can-ti par w8J(a)n til m ;i itfsan 

v\ i til M xkva" 
_ x „ i - x 

fykun ni '.ost 

„ ( „ ) x . - . x . - i 


x _ „ - « - x 

kc-ti-m zrSnci tan wesan 4 " 

i „ _ X _ X - 



4 + 


probabl) hat two tu«te$(p«irelm«J|/ai«*w* "in i\u- world*). « oneukt the 

pottibilit] that ■ word ol more than two tyllablei could beat i u leati in poetry) two 

stresses, .1 muim Mid .1 set.nul.irv one, both counting as iituses. 

[»T11K]/1/V/13 14 (Si NOTRMANNlWO.p, 2h v. </<■■'■ '""''I 

r _ 1 kyr'npi >■ ■■ ' ■■ ■■ • I o"One«thel ighi Paraditi withoui 

,ind I limits, in) light without darluu 
So 14610(2) [«TU K |7X]/r/S-t./(StjNt>iRMANM I990,p.25):fr)tn ikwnhao/ 

a 00 "And in immortal etern • th ill »olo 

So 14445 [-MIK III 19] r/5 I/(Ma( It-a«utl985,p.424) | > ■. ,■»,.•* ........ 

j^fZ] .,•../)/ rpt'noo'wptnZYpi(y)"nno/ZKt "»y 

00 "Who will lake me far from them, wthat I maj 1101 hiepretteddown(?)on them 
may not tumble, tall don not tu can intoever) bhtet hell?" (Parth.*i m k*ti dm * 
kmp*db*rwin m nigfibjiii [or niyritpin (MacKbmui 1985, p 427)] ft mdni ambsdin tut 
b*rw tsxlJoi*» -Vs ho m ill tike me fai from lu, that] I mas not plunge (?) |nuo| 
ihcm; and that 1 nus noi tumble and I ever) bitter hell?"[«*» V 19, bos. . 1954. 

pp (8-89J) Inthefirtthalfof«u5b it f rom the ttem pij .pattivi ol M.m , < hr. 

drop"(M*cKjnan I985,p.*2«) Inet 5b the ttretted tyllable it preceded 
b; tour mistreated onea, but this diffit uti | < an bt obn itted by tttigniag the unttreated sv 1- 
|jblcji".itul".isem.hiK to the List word ol the preceding line (thut niyrufUn at). 
t445[«MIKIlI49 \l>,K,s/n 1985, p. 425): pVZ J 'kj wpt'ni 

.,.//) m pn y'm2A 

,-Forwho may fall therein, i thej will never find a way out, / not will ti 

« «ll /be a helper to them". The form »y ■ in the tecond half of e«. 6a it the 

■ j i z-itf rf tiu nntil* 

Present Infinitive ol CMS, JJ568,905fT.) 

4h So 14445 j Mlklll49]/r/l3-l4 (MacKehim I985,p.425):cym'ifti'ty* iiZyprtrn* 

•jty./) kMNwfim I '"in ill this destruction and opp.essum CI who 

.•ill Job n them ' i* 


Pkovasi ion in So^dtan 


8a) [H.V 36/7 7a] 

par-ti-war wispu kc warieo skwant 
■ -_ -■_-• — 

8b) ( M \ M ? 7b] 
rati jsewnemi 

— _ ■ - ■ 
H.V 36/7 8*] 
ran mayon P" ew min 

- « - X _ - X 

9b) [H.V 36/7 8b] 

wi pat piste run fan. iki MfSinJi 

- - . _ ■ 

1 1 \ M | 
rati can wiapanii kirin 

- - « . x 

lla) [H.V 36/8 3a] 

rati skwenet ke-ti-war skwant 

- - X 

I i \ 36/8 3bJ 
rati-san mayon karp.i'M 

- » » - - 

... \ p.u m.H n-H-ix w \.i 

w i w X X _ „ 

para xep't saru fiarain' 

X .X _ X 

iwu ptari yoJJam 

- X _ X - X 

i y)a fcanpa6i \sc\. a 

nryuste paro ts/yu \ ip.\k' 

- » x „ „ „ ■ „ x 

pu-zarcanukt Sen t xant 

- » » x X 

' Owl ccntar-pir* 

_ « X _ _ x 

MtKI[|^|,v/9-l2/(MA,K,N/„ !t985,p.425}:jV21 »r»y an, kyz 

oo oa For all who in therein rejoice ,|j« a! ,d have , royal diadem / on 

,hc " J jbitr "' > um *- « iUomorph ... [be - v -/r / -jidenom.nal tuffii 

""? "«■ metreieed <as .n r^ "weakneat", cf. Si til Wm 

™" .next-,,,,,!,, »wojda*rfrtoalAV»*"raerc) halOand 

In the two occurrences „| ,hc las, word ,n our text, a rhythm which 
conform, better to the normal RTttl patten ol alternating Unattested and mHtd xxl 
l^'V ' .Thctwoinx.atM-xare//:. 

f,S •■«« in eternal bliss") and ex I 

I»1J ? lT " thi ' ' mj% hm , " v "» Thl * «■ I* lulled on the 

r P ' |U ' r rdl0t * U *»««, >* *»rd, nmsttiuied In three ,«oi • huh 

a hew, .ad .wwd and the las. one ended man originally long rowel. 

(fie mam vires'. .>t the to 

">«* '■♦'•■•5 f= MIK ill 491/v/l3-l6/(M*ckt\/ii m« « a«; 

»*— s a*. ..ii 

50 J v, ™,„0, 

dent • i f J.S JET"? "? ,Hl ''"' *■• *« « men 

demons. / And on their whole path / there „ no glacfflei 


12a) |II.V 36/8 7a] 

rati wi tapnaki W&njtai 

v l( » - X _ X „ 

12b) [H.V 36/8 7b| 

at wi xsewni wanxar at ynaBu 

„„ X V A - » X ~ 

13a) 1 1 1 V 16 9 4a] 

rati say l ' ,| tman par c« min 

„ x „ _ x . - x 

13b) [H.V 36/9 4b] 

at par /w.inic .itriwl.un it i 
„ x „ — x 

Mi | H.V 36/9 5b] 

Ein ii mi ke : 36ce 

„ „ x - i 

— - X 



at ytSya *wi lil r(u)\x.inu 

__X -Xw. x_ 

ke i na[iant vi 

ew wu ftiptyu yoji.iiH 

X „ _ x _ X 

iykun ifrltei wap u i 

X _ — X . 

can vu w i/p\.i at pack 

So 14577 4- So 14594 • So 14594a + So 14604[«1 II K l7«J/v/7-10/(Stmnra»iAMM 1W0. 
p.26):rtyZJlf« mxrZYyi) /h.. \[n}(t)y ZY ZKwy I C)xi} 

,. oo "And with »bttrning voice and tn 

wouadi[iit{?)]aliaoula,/airfwithcc4nplainmgTOieeandlameni <'■ *)who 

are lamenting about thai." 

So I4M5|=T1I K l78]/r/!3-l6/(MM B.SH2I1 1985,0 42 

us /) p> 't-v 'nt fen ryn'ni '\kt ■ 

oo "And all with one mind / praise one another ■' and bleu « it h In ing bleiaingsi I they 

ii eternally blesai >l 
So 14615 |=T II K 178) a/3-4/ (Ma« Kin/m I9B5, p 422) Y(KZ)[Y](mykyH i 

/Z(Y)(fei "Who will (then) [aaw] nu fromeverj tcrrorand 

| U . a ,l KxMus'an oo] followi Henniug's reconstnu 

,, M |.. dontheSogdiaB)in//a(y.V( Jb/M # 'c*< 

imini a/wdBOYa 1954, p.92; ct Ma< Kin?m l^ns p. 424, n-20). MacKbmzie 
compares Chr.soc.i '■ tfo}»»r{T II B 52 /f.J/v/6-7/, MOllm I934,p. 527. 

II 66-67); the lama phnua .hum- ... C2.23 r/15 .;■' » P W /'^'^' |S,MS 

msis IS85, p. 44). This reconstruction hi luppofted bj anothet occurrence d the 
phrase in H, I 04a> /rr/' I and terror" (Bon t 1954, p. 70) [HlNNIKO'l 

.tation), and d ahwH IVi 4b/tffajr»Ail frx"fcar»nd trembling" (Bqyci 1954, 
P 82) It is not excluded thai the lacking word could be reconati 
■trouble, torment" (for th rf. Sma-WtttJAm 1985, p 85 on 40 - 12 I, thus 

reconatructing the tecond half-verae ai can sat wiipra at iySl rhephrati wiipi 

•1//1/J probably occurs, according to the reconatruction 
Iundxrmamn and Si ms w*u uvsis. .iKn ,„ So 14577 /r/13/ lH*y*d*gmin, \ canto 

[SUNDEKKAMH IWO, p. 2>- It ' I . « th* I'.inhi.iti Lng«d A',-.,o.' mk the 

phr ,, . Wror and wreck" (A.Jt I /30a/, Berrci 1954, p 118X tn 

■ .ndycxation-ul Ii VI M,|.,Hm.i 1954. p 150), h 

: deatruction* | I R VIII /13b/, Bowa I954,p. 170). In any caae, the poaition of thi 
. u and the tn*trkal rtxucrureol the twowordi a rhnilar (light hemrj n. 

hcj. - -.type 4 , npe 4b). 


I I u. I'K.n \s| 

15) [H.V W "■ 

v X 

If.) [H.VI(36/9) lb] 

ran nukar ptiyosu ?U wans.ii 

17) |M.VI 36 I02.i] 
rati /u cm [16 

18a) [H.VI 36/10 3a] 

rati tayu c§ patrndk 

_ X - « _ „ X 

1Kb) [HYI 36 1 3. lb] 

rati zu taw ircm 

- , X w X 

fian mayon sayWtman skweneti* 

_ » _ - X - )(,, 

awin sirakic \sewne- 

„ X w X v X w 

t win tawa rwani wea at paor""' 

w-_ x _ x „ _ ■ 

aw i mana firwi /ma 

- w X *. ^ X 

.it vt in taw(a) anfiameti /awar s7 

.- X „ X _ X _ 

An alternative anahsis to the one presented above is possible. One could ob- 
serve that in a majorit} oi cases two main stressed words (i.e. nouns and verbs) 
arc placed towards the end oi a halt-verse, while the first part of a half-verSC 
the first foot in this analysis) contains particles, adverbs and demonstra- 
tives. Two ictuses could be assigned to each halt verse, if one admits 1 1 thai the 
introductorv particle nth was always unstressed; 2) that groups of attributive 
adjective + noun (sometimes in the reverse order) often (but not always) formed 
I tingle stress -roup, with stress ,.n the second element w fhese assumptions. 



•M5[=TII K 178] *% i (MacRmoii l»B5,p. 422): [YKZYmyJ/ ft i'[t\ 

(*»*)*»■ - -h.vtlut 1] n, ... together with all 

those dwelling (I here)". 

I II K rs| „/u i4 (MAcKaMzn ms,p.42iy.nynvkrftyywiw/ 

■ -N«w I heard the voice neficent king." I take 

ZKK RratMd because h probabfj represent a lorm ot the demonstrative rather 

than the article. 

56 fa H«e [.Tn i p :7!:/r; 

' /A,J , '* " "And I am the rcdeemm R god. / and the root 

and | thv soul,. 

H K '-s ,., ,: ,s, ,„ lksl ^ N ,.,. lr,y ,J(y)v ys p lm 

vm " '/ 00 Z) ZAn r.. r'/'/W 

And [th.,ii| art thv ( fm, own body, / and I am tin h 

■ smithes- fthy ,mbi rding/iini M>ody-(M.,V,B.«i'M 

/*■**) d GaasMEvr 
motirte«couJdbeiaflu« » quasi -homophone. 

' ,K • mn " nu " in tht •*■«•«> «PP««fltly forms .. single stress group 

, " ,h ,7,",r M M Wi»g.tW0 .v.hmperhal.v^l, 


rnemofwh«edam«l n the hands t |,rce thousand 

isa.Kiawmka-g.rm. golden pen in the hand." [ |*46. p 151]) 

It* lev, or, bs analv ted as loll,,, , .pfc, par , ok , m o6n .- , 


Versification in Sogdian 


however, do not account for a number ot exceptional eases which cannot be ex- 
plained away in this manner. Moreover, from these premises, the consequence 
follows that one should posit feet of nor ? syllables, all ot them occurring in the 
htst part ot the halt-verse. For these reasons, the three-stress pattern outlined 
above seems preferable. 

5. We can add a lew remarks, 

5.1 Non phonemic anaptyctk vowels which where inserted on the phonetu 
level were probabb counted as syllabi* centres in the metrical structure ol the 
line. Thus, e.g., saytman/ is ph< ■ ill? disvllahic, with a metrical structure 
ol the type Ugbt-he*vy. Phonetically, a central vowel (represented in writing 
by .wt aleph) could be inserted between the first and the second syllable, view- 
ing the phonetic realization [say ad man],*"* with a metrical structure ot the type 
light light >'-< 

5.2 I assume a final stress for the 3 ,J sg. Subjunctive ending t (read ai by 
Gershivju h, CMS, $713), even when it is added to a heav \ base. E.g. in 
Huyac{agmdn,c\. 14(1" hall verse), if the stress is placed on the final syllable ot 

• would save" two eon sec utivestresse* are avoided. B) analogy, also zrinh 
[trtojl] ■would deliver" (HuyatUgmin, eat. 7, 2 ml half verse) should be stressed 
on the ending 

5.3 Proclitics and enclitics. Prepositions, ltkc/>.i> "on" (including the form p.iro, 
compounded with the article), Sin "from", Sin "with", were unstressed. Arti- 
cles an general!) created as unstressed proclitics, apart from a few cases where 
the) appeal to be stressed; in such cases they probably have the function ol 
demonstratives rathet than articles: 

I s. J.i (2 nd hall | •' zstWt m tho rwers (which arc bidden}*. 

- Ex. 9a (2*" 1 half) awu ptari yd t Jant "the\ praise that lather t, (who is) the 
leader ot the hidden light}"; here the first hall verK (wtf| mayun \pdf ftJ BS*a 

6 WI , , «.,tte kurfllk || pa) wf oka HI aerneqi Jflk | at oastyi || (when 

marki thi caesura, || the end of the half-verse, and ||| the end »i the verse) I hi binary 
rhythm is conl rher lines from the same fragments M13/VII/r/J II 

mz(y)i imwrrj 

g i;,,i II,.. p. 80 on 662, the rest unpublished apart from a few 

tii quoted .'mnyy J892, 

rrtnybim ■ *])"Kwi,onthi 

i ship and the boat, the very brave helmsman who ferries to the othei 
side, your mouth has been flowing with amb '' whichsaves 

w people /is softer than sugar, /it is sv wrthanhonej .whiehcanb inal] 
hallows s .m | pai m i*ea s.nutri || niw es | at p6tfk-i ||| s.,r | pai wrirtene || iiryixe | 
naw Av.t^.uielgayallcan 

iakkaril namarui || can iflkopini I m Itai i |||. 
U remarked bj MacKknzii IW5p «4. 


i Provasi 

\ ei sification in Sogdian 


"and ill with one mind") is analogous to the first hall verse oi est, 1 3a [mt£\ 
•nan \pari-u. maim), hence the following demonstrative must constitute a 
stress group bv itself- 

- Ex. 16 (2 n,J hah Hrikte xiiwane "( I heard the voice) of thai beneficent 

- l.x. 18a (2' ,J halti.iu'j mama Old ".thou art the garment) .») this very 
bod) ol mine (lit. ot this niv own bod) 

The conjunction it is always unstressed. The introductory particle rati "and 
then", as the first word ot a sentence, seems to be regularly stressed when it is 
followed In an enclitic pronoun or particle* 8 (ex. 4 and 1 1 b) or by an unstressed 
syllable (ex. 8b, 9a, IQa, 12a, 13a. 18a, 18b); it is unstressed when immediate!) 
followed by a stressed syllable (ex. 6a (2 nd half), Ma, 16, 17, 18b). 

3.4 Personal pronouns. The Nominative of the personal pronouns (z« "I", tayii 
"thou") is unstressed when u immediately precedes or follows a verb as subject 
(examples 2a [1" half] -.u- "thou revealest" and 16 [1* UiU]ptiyasu in "1 

heard"), but it is stressed if followed by enclitic forms of the Present of "to be" 
implex 17 [V half] zii em "I am" and 18a |1" half] tayu ei "thou art"). Ii is 
probabl) stressed lor emphasis also in ex. 18b rati zu tau-a Siyawar em "and / 
am thy heart". The Genitive (mans, ttfttttj is unstressed, as in examples 17 (2 nJ 
na|t th) soul" 18a (2 nJ half) man* ;'WW, "of my self", I8h(2 ml 

half) t«BM ixyawar "thv heart". 

5.5The numeral eu "one" is usually unstressed when it precedes a stressed noun. 
as in Hi, and 13a (first half) (par en man), but otherwise it ,an consti- 

tute a stress-group by itself, as in Huy. ex. 13a (second half) {ew \ WM SifityH \ 
;>u "they praise one another"). 

5.6 The interrogative -relative pronoun ke is stressed when it functions as an 
interrogative, whether it is accompanied by the enclitic particle -ti t as in Huy. 
ex. 5a ( 1' half) (ke-u-m \ kune f>ur \ cewSian "who will take me far from then 
ex. 7 (2 [ halt) (ke-u-m | trence | Lt» weim "who will deliver me from then, 
Ji particle, .is in ex. 14 (1- half) (*tin-ti-nd | ke | po& "while wfrowill 
me*). When it functions as a relative (with the particle -*i) it constitutes a 
■up b) itself, as m Huy. ex. 12b (2" J half) (kf-ti \ CrW*| vna.lant "those 
who are lamenting about that" | and 1 1 a , . 1 half) (leC-tt- WOT \ tkwdnt "those who 
here ); when used without particle it is enclitic to a preceding stressed word. 
I ' half) (pAr-n ke | nptdm "for whoever ma) fall") and 8a (I" half I 
carl "all who are therein"). 

60 ^ nd - d J ,l c°'. ,, ' r * ,r 7 4fl1 M " W ' ,f ' c " ll " llV *■ ■*"■«■»■ «» ^>' "md. Sir" (with 
Sir « enclitic). which occun very trequenth in the Mtogh I 

l [ JS " AH [9 ewunpH. «j ft [U .samples],, and also 

Anci.mLcttcr IV /If). 

5.7 Forms of the verb "to be" from the root . are stressed, as in ex. 
6b (2 ml halt) (aSe I Smstinite \ jl6t), 13b (2"* 1 half) (l^bm I ifrltti \ mtfiint) and 
15 (1" half) (*i*n-H-mi \ (lit \ iataruya). Likewise , ! person Forms from the 
root *ah- are probably stressed, as the 3" 1 (ex. 2b, 1 ' half) and the V' 1 plural 
xant{tx, I la). On the other hand, the 1' and 2"' 1 suigulai \n>i and iM seem to be 
enclitic, as in ex. 17 (p l half) {rati /» em |/?ocne \(t*yi '*nd I am the redeeming 
god") and ISa (P' half) (mtf| t*y*i «|p«tmoA "and you are the garment"), w uh 
the possible exception ol ex 18b (P 1 half). The negative form nest is stressed, as 
in ex. 4 (2 mi half) (*x6 B*eV«n I tHmirwifie | mji "the) have no consoler") and 
iibij' 1 lull' i.. ^sY|neVt|cenMrpi 

5.8 The negative particle ne is probably unstressed (as in examples 5 i [2 ' ' half] 
ne niyrufsan, 5b [1" half] ne fa'ptfttfn and 6a [2" J hall | ne /Jemnt), except when 
joined to the enclitic -n with the meaning "nor" (ex. 6b 1 1 ' half ] m ti-mas). 

5.9 Loss ot stress in a normally stressed word. In ex. 5a (P' half-verse), the rerb 
i,. i m kune "do"{l' ' sg C >pt.) apparentl) loses its stress in fcame 5*1r"he will take 
far, remove". The phrast w kvm "to take far" (Germ entfernen, Fr. 4loi[ 
apparentl) functions as NPers. compound verbs with kardan (cf. NPers. dur 
kardan), when- the verb "to do" has a slight semantic weight A ir«r) similai 
expression occurs in So 10102(2) ^/3/(r»»j ■ aws't.intheSubjuncti 

the compound verb *W- OWI- occurs also in Chr. Sogdian.' Ain't!-. 
pie ol a compound verb with km-fwan- is pu n»- - B- "to till" (cf. NPers. por 
kardan) a ted in Christian and Buddhist texts.- Other probable instances 
of loss ol stress -ne. c?0MsJ tat (Huy, ex. 7, I" half) "from all this" and pun, 
patspdrtt (/7«y- <-'>,■ 10b, 1" half) "full> installed" 

h. Let us now have a look at the waj verses were written in the manuscripts. In 
the extant Sogdian fragments ol the Huyadagmdn, stanzas are written lour to 
a page, each om separated from the following one bv a blank line. I acb verse is 
written as tour lines ol writing, which do not always correspond to the la 
division into halt lines A better due as totht position in which this d*n ision (m 
caesura) falls is provided by punctuation dots, which, however, are employed 
rather sparingly. Two dots (and sometimes two groups of two dots each, 
rated bv , space) are rather regularl] written at the end of verses. Moreover, a 
group of two Juts is often « nucn in the middle of a line of « riting. I Ins USUall) 

61 In tlu- last instance uw n aoM be aw 

"then- is no glldn.M OH il lHon - fol I JoilbU tt«U «"1 ■/>.!( 

62 Quoted by SuNoa»MA«N 1985, p. 642, 

c , s , , ■ 'and make yourself tar ( omscelung 

ecu i WitUAMS lM5,p.M) { ( Z.57/r/l i W 

iSidt .mil cnniitv " (Si sis Wl I iiaSIS W8S,p 113) 

M C2.40/r/13 Suas-WttUAMslf».t>80);P2/22/:pw«i3 

ihi ■ m 1940,1 

I'Kov ISJ 

esponds to a syntactical division between phrases We can be reasonablj 

sure that punctuation dots, even when thev fall within a written line, indicate a 
ara between lines or lull lines, and hence that the following wordis) belong 
to the beginning of the following halt line. The division between each of the 
tour parts of each \erse are thus usually marked in the same way. although the 
divisions within a verse ire not consistent!) marked. 

One could assume that a Stanza was formed b) tour short tines. However, a 
division made according to sv ntactical units shows that stanzas where probably 
constituted bv two lines, each one ol them in turn subdivided into two halt 
lines. I'he overall (trophic pattern is thus similar to the one which is employed 
in the Parthian version ol Huyaddgmin. 

Length of lines and half lines 




m | 

1" halt-line 


B 37 



2^ half-line 


















The length ot the first half-lint varies between a minimum of 6 and a maximum 
of 10 syllables, with an average of 8.07. The variation (i.e. the distance betu 
the minimum and the average and the maximum and the average) is about equal; 
this confirms the observation that among I" half-lines there are 12 instances 
of 8 S) Uables, S of 9 syllables, 5 of 7 syllables and 3 of 10 syllables and 2 of 6 
syllabh - 

I he length of the second half-line varies between a minimum of 6 and a max- 
imum ot 9 syllables, « ith in average of 7.48. There are 8 instances of 7 syllables, 
syllables, and 6 each of 6 and 9 syllables. 

The length of a halt line vanes between a minimum of 6 and a maximum ot 
I : sv llables, with an ax There are 19 instances of 8 syllables. 1 J 

syllables, 1 1 ot 9 svllabl s^ llables, and 3 of 10 syllables. 

I he length of whole lines varies between a minimum of 13 and a maximum 
S syllables, with an average of 15.56. There are 7 instances ol 16 syllabi 

I 7 syllables, 5 of 15 syllables, 4 of 14 syllables, 3 of 13 syllables and 2 of 18 
sv llables. The variation confirms the aver 

There is thus a significant difference between the length of the first half-lines 

and the second half-lines. The second half-lines appear to be on the average 

shorter than the first ones. These figures can be compared to those which were 

dated In M. Boy, i tor the Parthian version ot Huyadagmin," where the 

average length of a half-line is 6.41 syllables and that of a whole line is 12.82. 


Versification in Sogdian 


Thus, the average length ot both lines and half-lines in the Sogdita translation 
is significant!) higher than in the Parthian version 

However, while the Parthian lines ot the Hny*d*gmin have two stress- 
groups per half-line (as was shown bv M Bent i andC.l \/\ri>)," in the S 
dian version the hall line usually has three stressed WOlds. This can be veil 
Bed in i In cast when the half-line contains onlj thret words capable of bearing 
the main stress (not counting prepositions and enclitics) The eleareai cases an 

those where a div ision between hall seises is ma iked bv punctuation dots c\. 4 

1 1 half): rvti-nuu \ nose \ aykun; ex.4 (2 nd halt > .. n m fan | xumirvtafie \ not; 
ex 5b: <2 ' half I B i tit | tfxkya \ tamya; ex. Ba <2'"' half) n ytiini \ par noic \ 

|M. In the absence of puns Illation dots, the division uin be interred In a 
Split into lines of writing: CS f.b(2 n4 half):irte | butituue |,/or;cx. I0a(2 hall): 
nijwai I pmro I fyi \ yipak\ ex. 14 (2 nd half): (an tat | wilpyd I at pa&v 
In still other cases, the division is unmarked, but clear from the context: ex. I 
(2 nd half): JtMlM | zarlanukya \ *pm i I 12a (2'" 1 half): at yaHyd | *W Mi I 

ratfnfef); «■ '3b (2 nd half) aykun \ afritet \ wafidnt. 
The small size of the sample does not lead to definitive results, but a few 

considerations On the structure ol stress groups are possible Foi the purpose ot 
counting unstressed syllables in a foot, the post -tress syllables ol a word have 
been assigned to the following foot,excepl when these post stress syllables are 
m the thud loot of a half-verse 

66 Sine* ilu Sogdian versioni ol the hymn cycles were in all probabilit) translated from 
Parthian, the length ol the Sogdian lines ihould naturail) reflect thai ol the Parthian 
onei rhis observation u dbj theonlj kiumn fragment of the Sogdian version 

..t the Kngdd Roinin, pretcrving unfortunatel) onlj four statues. (M BIS, published bj 
HaNNiNG apud Bom i 1954, cf.n. I above). In thia fragment, which, by the way, can be 
malyzcd as having itwo stress rhj thm per half-line, as against the three stress ilivthm 
I ,, ( ments, the number of> pet line and half-line ii iignin 

t jnilv shone, than in ilu' HuytxUgmin Bj a .<. ol comparison with the figure) 
abovt foi tht HuyatUgmin, the length ot verse units in the SokJi.hi \ngad. R 
fragment i» at followi:!" half line: min. 4. mw 6.1 3; 2" hall Inu-: mm. 4. mas 

7- .,, ,. half-lmc: mm 4. max B, iverage 5 88; line: min. 10. max. i I 

11.75 rim tacts are in agreement with we eAservations of M p.47)aboui 

the differencei in length between (he Lines and hall lines ol <he two hymn cyi I 
Parthian She noted that the vi of Hsy*dsgmin»n on lb ongei than 

thoaeol \ng*d Rdittin, albeit onl) by a relative!) imallaraouni In the Sogdian versions, 
,I K ,i in the number of syllables are even more stgnifii i 

rnjj ij ,,Ko the caw ol many other published Parthian hymm In 101 

ever, hall lines with i thrw itreii rhythm eithet predominat* [ef., e.g., M 2N4h(Ku k 
2004. pp. 68- 7 0| »nd M 785 [ibid., pp. «-»]) or alternate with half-lines wiih .mK two 
,rxes* ■ .M 5860[»»id.,pp. 7 l nj) 

msiiui uon *packue r (or *iyof)c\. n. S3 above. 



llables preceding the stressed syllable in « foot: 


1 1 1 



13 -s 








1 1 11 




In 122 cases out of 162 (i.e. in more than 75 percent of the cases) there arc I or 
2 syllables in pre stress position, Thus, the most frequent form of the loot is 
formed by 2 or 3 syllables 

Number ol syllables in pre-stress position divided 
according to the position in the half-line 






pos. ! 


:i 12.31 -.. 


24.56 % 




IS ]• 

: • y- 


35.09 % 



pos. 3 




38.46 % 


40.35 % 


11.11 % 







ICC -.. 



I bus, the majoritj of I -syllable feet are found in position I, two-syllable feel are 
mow evenly distributed, three-syllable feel .ire more frequent in the second part 
..It line (2 and 3 !d position), and 4-syllable feel occur mon frequently 
■mon 2, followed In position 1. 

Patterns of unstressed s, llables before the stress 

1 »\ liable before the stress 


he.u v 


heav y-light 

he.iw -heiv\ 

56 out of a total of 65 

9 out of a total of 65 

38 out of a total ol 5" 

14 out of a total ot 3" 

2 out of a total of 57 

3 out of a total of 57 


J syllables before the stress Irght-lighl 


12 out of a total of IK 

5 out of .s total of IS 

1 out of .i total of 18 



66.67 % 

24.56 % 

3.51 % 


66.7 % 

27.K % 


The analym could he further refined by observing that there are some eon 

usus as far as the number and weight of the syllables preceding the stress 

Vei situation in Sogdian 


are concerned I) when one syllable precedes the stress, it is generally light (in 
more than 6/7 ol tin cases); 2) when two s\ llables precede the stress, the most 
frequent pattern is light-light, followed b\ light-heavy; M when three s\ llables 
precede the stress, the first and second ones are light (except in one case), and the 
third is also preferably light. 

It appears then that I stress group (01 fool 9 a normallj formed by one 
stressed syllable (sometimes followed b) an unstressed coda al the end ol .1 hall 
line), rarely alone, more often preceded by 1 to 3 unstressed syllables (but more 
often one or two). If one ur two unstressed syllables preceded the Stress, they 
were indifferent as to weight (but light in the majority ol cases). It the number 
of pre stress s\ llables, the fust two were light. 

To sum up, we can say that, notwithstanding some uiKettainiv due to the 
small si/e ol the sample, specific trends can be observed. No definitive conclu- 
sions j an as yet be reached, bui I hope to base shown that u is possible to outline 
a tew b«K characteristics ol the system of Sogdian versification, which S6 
10 follow definite rules, although if many of the details still escape us. 


Benveniste, E. 1940: Textes togdiem (ditis, tmduhi a commenth. Pans (Mission 
Pel Hot en Asie Centrale 3). 

- 1946: VestantantJStaka, Texte togdien idtti, traduit et comments. Paris (Mission 

Pelliot en Ask ( enlr.ilc4). 

Boii 1 , M. 1954: The Manicbaean Hymn- Cycles m Pgrtbtan. London (London Ori 
ental Series i). 

- L9S6: "Some remarks on the present State ol the Iranian Mamch.ican MSS. Irom 

Turtan, togethei with additions ,nul corrections to Manichaean Hymn-< ycles m 
Parthian.* In: MIO 4, pp. 314-322. 

- 1975: 1 Ri ,uh-r m Manickaean Middle Persian and Parthian. Teniran/Liege (Aclr 

IUm sm r. Ch.J. 1980: "Liturgical chant and hymnod) among the Manichaeans ol 

Central Asia." In: ZDMG 130, pp. 342- » 
DurkinMi imikikvsi. D. 2004 Dictionary of Manicbaean Viddlc Persian and 

Partbum. Turnhoui (Part 1 d Dictionary of Mamcbaean T